Politics
Bayo Onanuga’s Garbage Not Good For Tinubu By:Olakunle Adelaja
Bayo Onanuga’s Garbage Not Good For Tinubu
By:Olakunle Adelaja
Before he was appointed the Special Adviser to the President on Information and Strategy, Bayo Onanuga had already proven he would be a liability to President Bola Tinubu’s administration. As one of the spokespersons of his presidential campaign, Onanuga was unhinged. He had no restrain, and lacked the speech finesse of an image maker that his assignment demanded.
Onanuga effectively alienated Nigerians who did not support Tinubu during the electioneering campaign with his pugnacious and hateful statements, many thought were unbefitting of a man in his position. And because of that, supporters of President Tinubu secretly wished he would not appoint Onanuga as his presidential spokesman.
This was why the appointment of Ajuri Ngelale as the special adviser to the president on media was welcomed by many Nigerians, including Tinubu supporters. Ngelale did not have the type of moral and political baggage that Onanuga carried on his head. He looks more sober and more circumspect than the combative Onanuga.
President Tinubu also appeared to have been aware of Onanuga’s shortcoming when he eventually gave him appointment as the special adviser on Information and strategy, which many believed was an afterthought. The statement announcing his appointment gave his job description “as part of efforts to prioritise effective and efficient working synergy between the Presidency and Federal Ministries.”
In essence, he was appointed a presidential liaison officer that should be shuttling between the presidency and MDAs, and away from the media. But Onanuga likes the limelight and he found a way to insert himself into the presidential media structure. He issues statements once in a while, much to the consternation of Ngelale who understandably loathed him. He deliberately set himself in competition with Ngelale and did everything to undermine the man who eventually had to quit last week.
After scheming Ngelale’s exit from the villa, Onanuga has now found the latitude to run riot again like a dog that broke from a leash. He is now breathing fresh air in the villa now that the man who held him in check had left.
On Tuesday he issued one of his incendiary statements that must have caused even ardent supporters of the administration to shake their heads in obvious discomfort. The statement, entitled “Nigeria, a country governed by law, categorically denies any human rights abuse,” was simply meant to correct any wrong impression the Trade Union Congress of the United Kingdom may have had about the Tinubu administration due to the arrest of NLC president, Joe Ajaero, by the DSS last Monday.
But in his characteristic manner, he went beyond his brief to attack the NLC and the TUC for opposing government policies. But he found no particular policy to mention except labour’s opposition to the sale of Nigeria’s refineries to Aliko Dangote in 2007!
Onanuga wrote: “Seventeen years after the labour movement forced the successor government of Umar Yar’ Adua to cancel the sale of the two refineries, none of the four government-owned refineries worked. In the obverse, Mr. Aliko Dangote, one of the promoters of Bluestar, has built the largest single-train refinery in the world. In a twist of fate, the same Labour Movement that fiercely opposed Dangote from taking over the two refineries in 2007 hailed him on completing his 650,000-bpd refinery in Lagos.”
What was the need to bring up the opposition to the sale of NNPC refineries to Dangote in a statement meant to set the records straight on Tinubu administration’s human rights record? Or was he trying to vindicate Dangote?
Well, everyone knows his paper, PM News, has supported Dangote in his battle with the NNPCL over supply of crude to his refinery and over pricing of his products, especially petrol. It’s even believed that he’s among the media owners on the payroll of Dangote in his battle with the Tinubu administration.
Tinubu is the minister of petroleum resources and it is surprising that a man who claims to work as information and strategy adviser to the president acts without any strategic thinking! Dangote has single-handedly embarrassed the Tinubu administration by spewing half-truths and obvious lies against Nigeria’s oil and gas sector operations to gain undue public empathy.
In July, when Dangote appeared before the House of Representatives Joint Committee on Petroleum Resources (downstream and midstream), he lied to make a case for the products of his refinery. It was his response to regulatory authorities who had questioned the quality of products coming from his refinery located at the Lekki Free Trade Zone.
He had said, “Some of the terminals, some of the NNPC people and some traders have opened blending plants somewhere off Malta. We all know these areas. We know what they are doing, “adding that the NNPCL had been importing substandard fuel.
Of course, the claim rattled the Tinubu administration since the president is also the petroleum minister, and the smooth operation of the sector rests squarely on his shoulders. He is also responsible for what the NNPCL does and doesn’t do.
But it was the Group Chief Executive Officer, Mele Kyari, who appeared to understand Dangote’s game, that broke the ice for the administration. Kyari challenged Dangote to publicly declare the names of NNPC personnel who operate a blending plant in Malta.
Kyari, in a post on X, asked Dangote “To clarify the allegations regarding blending plant, I do not own or operate any business directly or by proxy anywhere in the world with the exception of a local mini Agric venture. Neither am I aware of any employee of the NNPC, that owns or operates a blending plant in Malta or anywhere else in the world…”
Kyari also made it clear that a blending plant in Malta or any part of the world has no influence over NNPC’s business operations and strategic actions. He challenged Dangote to declare in public and report to relevant security agencies if he knew anyone in NNPCL who was involved in what he alleged.
Of course, Dangote never did any of that. He simply moved on from one blackmail to the other. But it was President Tinubu that was wounded more by Dangote’s false narratives, which suggested that the president had personal stakes in refineries outside the country because his nephew, Wale Tinubu, operates in the oil and gas industry. It was an angle to which the opposition latched on to further undermine the Tinubu administration.
This is the man that Onanuga has elevated in a presidential statement! How strategic was that?
On August 22, presidential candidate of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in the 2023 election, Atiku Abubakar, latched on to Dangote’s lies to accuse Tinubu of integrating his business interests into Nigeria’s interests. A statement released by Atiku alleged that “Just as Alpha Beta, Primero, and others act as Tinubu’s proxies in Lagos, managing critical sectors and generating revenue for him and his family, he has begun to replicate this at the federal level.”
Attacking the NLC and the TUC for opposing privatisation of the refineries is also tactless, considering the role Tinubu played while in the opposition. Tinubu was one of the opposition leaders who kicked against privatising the refineries at the time. So, Onanuga was effectively condemning the role his principal played at the time which is what NLC and others are now doing.
This lack of strategic thinking had sunk Onanuga in his first public assignment as the Managing Director of the News Agency of Nigeria (NAN) in 2016 under ex-president Muhammadu Buhari. But his appointment was not renewed in 2019 following dispute between him and staff of the organisation over his management style. No one heard anything about him again until 2023 when was appointed one of the spokespersons for Tinubu campaign.
But if anyone thought Onanuga would have become more cultivated and refined, that expectation has been dashed with the way he has carried on his assignment so far. There’s every reason to believe that Onanuga has become a burden that Tinubu is unwilling to shed because of past friendship. But the president would have to quickly make a decision on a suitable role for Onanuga in his administration.
It’s obvious he’s not cut for the current job that has been given to him. He is a poor researcher and had goofed several times in the past on data and facts. He regularly deleted his tweets after realising he made careless errors. Like when he claimed that Tinubu secured an $600 million investment commitment from Maersk, a global shipping firm during the World Economic Forum in Saudi Arabia in April. He later deleted the post after it generated controversy.
As a supporter of President Tinubu, I hope he doesn’t allow him to replace Ngelale as his spokesman. That would be a disaster. Onanuga should be tucked away from public view because he’s a public irritant. Tinubu needs people who can promote his administration, not those who would undermine it.
The president will not lose anything if Onanuga if fired today. Enough of his garbage.
Kogi’s Quiet Shift: Reviewing Governor Ododo’s First 24 Months in Office
By Rowland Olonishuwa
On Tuesday, Kogi State paused to mark two years since Alhaji Ahmed Usman Ododo took the oath as Executive Governor. Across government circles, community halls, and everyday conversations, the anniversary was more than a date on the calendar; it was a milestone that invites both reflection and renewed optimism. A moment to look back at how far the state has travelled in just twenty-four months, and where it is heading next.
Since assuming office in January 2024, Ododo has steered the state through a period of measured consolidation, delivering strategic interventions across security, infrastructure, human capital, and economic revitalisation that are beginning to translate into real improvements for residents.
Governor Ododo stepped into office at a time when expectations were high, and confidence in public institutions needed rebuilding.
His response to these was not loud declarations, but steady consolidation, strengthening structures, restoring order in governance, and setting a clear direction. Over time, that calm approach has become his signature: leadership that listens first, plans carefully, and moves with purpose.
Security has remained the most urgent concern for Nigerians, and Kogi residents are no exceptions; the Ododo-led administration has treated it as such. From deploying surveillance drones to support intelligence operations to recruiting and integrating local hunters and vigilante personnel into formal security frameworks, the government has built a layered safety net.
For farmers returning to their fields, travellers moving along highways, and families in rural communities, the impact is simple and deeply personal: fewer fears, quicker response, and growing confidence that the government is present and concerned about the ordinary people.
Infrastructural development has followed the same practical logic. Roads have been rehabilitated, easing movement for traders and commuters. Budget priorities have shifted toward capital projects and human development, while revived facilities like the Confluence Rice Mill now provide farmers with real economic opportunity. For many households, this means better income prospects, stronger local trade, and renewed belief that development is no longer a distant promise.
Health and education are not left out; the Ododo-led administration has expanded free healthcare services and supported students through examination funding and institutional improvements.
Parents who once struggled with medical bills and school fees have felt relief. Young people preparing for their futures now see government investment not as abstract policy but as something that touches their daily lives.
Governance reforms, from civil service strengthening to new legislative frameworks, have quietly improved how government functions. Salaries are more predictable, public offices are more responsive, and local government structures are more coordinated. These may not always make headlines, but they shape how citizens experience leadership every day.
As the second year anniversary celebrations fade into routine today and Governor Ododo enters his third year in office, the true meaning of the anniversary will continue to linger on.
Two years may not have solved every challenge in the Confluence State -no government ever does, by the way- but they have set a tone of stability, responsiveness, and direction. The next phase will demand deeper impact, broader reach, and sustained security gains.
But for many in Kogi State, the story of the past twenty-four months is already clear: steady hands on the wheel, and a journey that is firmly underway.
Olonishuwa is the Editor-in-Chief of Newshubmag.com. He writes from Ilorin
Lagos Assembly Debunks Abuja House Rumour, Warns Against Election Season Propaganda
The Lagos State House of Assembly has described as misleading and mischievous the widespread misinformation that it budgeted for the purchase of houses in Abuja for its members in the 2026 Appropriation Law.
This rebuttal is contained in a statement jointly signed by Hon. Stephen Ogundipe, Chairman, House Committee on Information, Strategy, and Security, and Hon. Sa’ad Olumoh, Chairman, House Committee on Economic Planning and Budget.
Describing the report as a deliberate and disturbing falsehood being peddled by patently ignorant people, the statement reads, “There is no provision whatsoever in the 2026 Budget for the purchase of houses in Abuja or anywhere else for members of the Lagos State House of Assembly. The report is a complete fabrication and a product of political mischief intended to misinform the public.
“The Lagos State House of Assembly does not operate in Abuja. Our constitutional responsibilities, constituencies, and legislative duties are entirely within Lagos State. It is, therefore, illogical, irrational, and irresponsible for anyone to suggest that legislators would appropriate public funds for personal housing outside their jurisdiction.”
The statement emphasised that the budget is already in the public domain and accessible for scrutiny by discerning Lagosians and Nigerians alike. It reiterated that the Lagos State Government operates a transparent budget that speaks to the needs of the people and the demands of a megalopolis.
“We view this rumour as part of a wider attempt at election-season propaganda, designed to erode public trust, sow discord, and malign democratic institutions.”
The chairmen further clarified that the 2026 capital expenditure of the House of Assembly is less than 0.04% of the total CAPEX of the state, which clearly demonstrates the culture of prudence, accountability, and fiscal responsibility that guides the legislature. However, they noted, “Historically, the House does not even access up to its approved budget in many fiscal years.”
They stressed that the Assembly remains fully committed to excellence, transparency, good governance, and the collective welfare of the people of Lagos State, in line with the objectives of the 2026 Budget of Shared Prosperity.
“We therefore challenge those behind this harebrained allegation to produce credible evidence or retract their statements forthwith. Failure to do so may attract appropriate legal actions.
“We urge Lagosians and the general public to disregard this baseless rumour and always verify information from official and credible sources.”
Politics
Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent
Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent.
By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by saharaweeklyng.com
“Tinubu’s Government, the EFCC and the Strategic Undermining of Opposition Governors”.
In a striking indictment of Nigeria’s current political reality, Governor Seyi Makinde of Oyo State declared that “you cannot speak truth to power in this dispensation”, directly accusing the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu of intolerance for dissent and an erosion of democratic norms.
Makinde’s remarks (made during a public event in Ibadan on January 25, 2026) were more than a local governor’s lament. They crystallised a mounting national frustration: that Nigeria’s political landscape has tilted dangerously toward executive overreach, institutional capture and political engineering.
This narrative is not isolated. Across Nigeria, governors from opposition parties have defected to the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) in numbers unprecedented in the nation’s democratic history. Critics argue that these defections are not merely voluntary political choices, but part of a strategic pressure campaign leveraging federal power and institutions to fracture opposition influence.
At its centre lies Nigeria’s principal anti-graft agency – the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC).
The EFCC: Anti-Graft Agency or Political Instrument? Founded to combat corruption, the EFCC’s constitutional mandate is to investigate and prosecute financial and economic crimes across public and private sectors. Its legal independence is enshrined in statute and it has historically pursued high-profile cases, including recovery of nearly $500 million in illicit assets in a single year, demonstrating its capacity for tackling corruption.
However, critics now claim that under the Tinubu administration, the EFCC’s prosecutorial power is being perceived (if not deployed) as a political instrument.
Opposition leaders, including former Vice President Atiku Abubakar and coalition parties such as the African Democratic Congress (ADC), have publicly accused the federal government of using anti-corruption agencies to intimidate opposition figures and governors, effectively pressuring them into aligning with the APC.
In a statement released in December 2025, opposition figures alleged that institutions such as the EFCC, the Nigerian Police and the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission were being selectively wielded to weaken political competitors rather than combat financial crime impartially.
This is not merely rhetorical noise. The opposition’s grievances centre on several observable patterns:
Reopened or New Investigations Against Opposition Figures: The ADC pointed to recent abnormal reactivation of long-dormant cases or new inquiries into financial activities involving senior opposition politicians. These, they argue, often arise shortly before critical elections or political realignments.
Alleged Differential Treatment: According to opponents of the current administration, individuals who have defected to the APC appear less likely to face sustained legal scrutiny or prosecution in EFCC proceedings, even in cases of credible allegations of mismanagement.
Timing of Actions: The timing of certain high-profile investigations, emerging ahead of the 2027 general elections, reinforces perceptions that anti-graft measures are tailored to political cycles rather than legal merit.
The EFCC and Presidency have publicly denied these allegations, insisting that the commission operates independently and pursues corruption irrespective of political affiliation and that Nigeria’s democratic freedoms (including party choice and mobility) remain intact.
Yet the perception of bias, once systemic, is hard to erase, especially when political actors deploy powerful state machinery with strategic timing and selective intensity.
Defections and Power Realignment: A Democracy at Risk? Since 2023 and particularly through 2025, a remarkable number of state governors and senior political leaders have crossed over from opposition parties (notably the Peoples Democratic Party – PDP) to the APC. Though defections are normal in Nigeria’s fluid political system, the scale and speed in recent years are historically noteworthy, raising critical questions about underlying incentives.
The SaharaWeeklyNG reported Makinde’s comments within the broader context of a political climate where dissenting voices face greater obstacles than at any time in recent democratic memory.
Governors who remain in opposition find themselves squeezed between growing federal assertiveness and dwindling political capital. Some analysts argue that the combination of federal resource control, political appointments and influence over public agencies exerts tangible pressure on subnational leaders to align with the ruling party for political survival. This dynamic, they contend, undermines competitive party politics and weakens Nigeria’s multiparty democracy.
Speaking Truth to Power: What Makinde’s Critique Exposes. Governor Makinde’s core grievance (that it is increasingly difficult, perhaps perilous, to speak truth to power) resonates widely among civil society actors, political analysts and democratic advocates:
“YOU CANNOT SPEAK TRUTH TO POWER IN THIS DISPENSATION,” Makinde declared, specifically citing the government’s handling of contentious tax reform bills as an example where dissent was neither welcomed nor transparently debated.
Makinde’s critique reflects deeper structural concerns:
Exclusion of Key Stakeholders: Opposition leaders and state executives report being marginalised from meaningful consultation on national policies affecting federal-state relations, revenue sharing and fiscal reforms.
Institutional Intimidation: The perception that state politicians become targets of federal legal scrutiny after taking firm oppositional stances (real or perceived) discourages robust democratic debate.
Erosion of Opposition Space: A symbiotic effect of party defections and institutional pressure is a shrinking viable space for genuine political opposition, weakening checks and balances essential to democratic governance.
A respected political scientist, Dr. Aisha Bello of the University of Lagos, recently argued that “when opposition becomes fraught with state leverage instead of ideological competition, the very foundation of democratic contestation collapses,” adding that “a government that shies away from criticism risks inversion into autocracy.”
Another expert, Prof. Chinedu Eze, former dean of political studies at Ahmadu Bello University, warned that “selective use of anti-corruption agencies as political tools corrodes public trust and ultimately delegates justice into the hands of incumbents rather than independent courts.” These observations echo growing public skepticism.
The Way Forward: Strengthening Democracy and Institutions. Nigeria’s path forward depends on restoring confidence in democratic norms and institutional independence.
Transparent EFCC Processes: Civil society groups and legal scholars are advocating for enhanced transparency in anti-graft investigations, including clear prosecutorial thresholds and independent audits of case initiation and closures.
Judicial Oversight: Strengthening the judiciary’s capacity and independence is critical to ensuring that allegations of political weaponisation do not go unchecked. Courts must remain the ultimate arbiters of evidence and guilt.
Political Reforms: Advocates demand reforms to party financing, federal-state fiscal relations, and consultation mechanisms to reduce incentives for defections driven by federal resource leverage.
Public Engagement: A more informed and engaged civil society, anchored by independent media and civic education, must hold both government and opposition accountable for adherence to democratic principles.
Beyond The Present Moment.
Governor Makinde’s assertion that it is no longer tenable to “speak truth to power” under the current administration reflects unsettling trends in Nigeria’s evolving democratic landscape. While the EFCC and the Presidency maintain that anti-corruption efforts are independent and constitutionally grounded, opposition leaders (backed by political data and patterns of defections) argue that state power is being used to consolidate one-party dominance and undermine political pluralism.
At this critical juncture, Nigeria must choose between entrenching competitive democracy or sliding toward a political monopoly where dissent is subdued, institutions compromised, and power concentrated.
For Nigeria’s democratic ideals to survive (and thrive) its leaders and citizens must ensure that speaking truth to power remains not a perilous act of defiance but an honoured pillar of national life.
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