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Day Ibikunle Amosun met Sango at Koso

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7 years ago

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Amosun
By Festus Adedayo
Shortly before the 2003 governorship election, then Governor Olusegun Osoba had come on television to address the common grouse of Ogun State people against his four-year reign. He had apparently gleaned security report which predicted his waterloo at the polls. It was a grouse that was ostensibly the river that would shortly drown his ambition to do a second term. “I am not proud,” he had begun pleadingly. “People say I am proud… I am not proud.”
This apologia was coming rather too late to save the second journalist to rule Ogun after immortal Editor of First Republic influential newspaper, Daily Express and columnist, Bisi Onabanjo. Osoba was voted out. After eight years of being in the saddle, Gbenga Daniel, whom the electorate gleefully thumb-printed to replace Osoba, had become a lord unto himself too, enmeshed in allegations of rituals, arrogance of power and tragic attempts to play God. This piece will try to illustrate Ibikunle Amosun as the tragic power hero who – barring a last minute reversal – his twilight in power will herald even as his departs Oke-Mosan in a few months’ time.
In explaining the common thread that runs through the persona of these governors, the story of the mystic grandeur of Alaafin Sango and his elder brother, Alaafin Ajaka will clearly illustrate their glide from the zenith of power to the abyss of powerlessness. Like each of the governors too, Sango was a character whose political misfortune arises from the bitter tapestry of politics of his time in the Oyo Empire, which he personally wove, with his moral lapses and character flaws becoming indelible imprints for the rest of modern society. For would-be rulers who abhor the tragic outcome of power-drunk rulers, the Sango power model advertises doom, in and post-office.
Pardon me as I digress. There is a sustained intellectual crossfire among African historians on the correct reading of the interface and cross-cultural exchanges between the Yoruba of South West Nigeria and the people of Borgu, Nupe in present day Niger State. While historians like Idris Jimada in his The Nupe and the Origins and Evolution of the Yoruba, in seeking to reconstruct the centrality of the Nupe pre-the British conquest of the area now known as Nigeria, claimed that virtually all that the Yoruba hold as their cultural artifact, tradition and culture were imported wholesale from Nupe, some other historians have challenged this as barefaced historical revanchism. One line of oral history which may not allow Jimadu’s work to be totally consigned to the realm of historical conjecture is the relationship between the Old Oyo Empire and the Borgu and Nupe kingdoms. It demonstrates that there were inseparable interactions between both kingdoms before the British conquest that birthed modern Nigeria. It is on record, for instance, that the early Alaafins married from Borgu as confirmed by the story of the legendary hero-god, Alaafin Sango whose mother was a Tapa from Nupe.
Oral history tells us that Alaafin Ajaka was the second monarch of Old Oyo. Unfortunately however, his reign was pockmarked by wars. He was perceived as a weakling for his inability to contain the rampaging enemies who surrounded his kingdom, especially the war always initiated by the Owu. It was so bad that Alaafin Ajaka was captured by the Owu and imprisoned in the courtyard of the Olowu. Incensed by this impudence, the Oyomesi sent emissaries to Sango who then resided in the land of his mother in Nupe to come rescue them from the rampaging Owu. A valiant with a renowned magical power of emitting fire from his mouth like a dragon, Sango invaded Owu, vanquished the kingdom and set his brother, Ajaka free. The Oyo however declined to continue with the effeminate Ajaka as their king but installed Sango as the Alaafin instead. Like Osoba, Daniel and Amosun, Alaafin Sango was ushered into the ancient palace of Oyo-Ile with pomp and ceremony, carried in a traditional cart and the people celebrating that, thenceforth, their adversaries would dread Oyo under its new valiant and magical king. It didn’t take long for them to exhibit their crude grovel by the cult of power.
There were different accounts of Sango’s reign. Some of them were steeped in myth and legend, especially the mythical exploits of his three wives – Oba, Osun and Oya, the last said to be his concubine. Oya was also held to have been a spirit with the mythical power to transform to any animal of her choice. While some accounts held that Sango brought prosperity the way of Oyo, others claimed that he was a king consumed by raw power and naked display and use of his awesome talismanic powers. He was highly mercurial and in a feat of anger, conjured his fire power which manifests in hurling of bolts of lightning which consumed his traducers. This exercise left on the earth’s crust stone axe blades called edun ara. Sango’s tragic end came in the war between his two Generals Timi Agbale and Gbonka and in the bid to destroy Gbonka, as usual, Sango hurled his Edun Ara fire but which had unbeknown to him soaked and in the bid to re-assert its potency, climbed a high rock and, facing the palace, began to hurl his traditional fire which consumed his palace, belongings and children. Disconsolate, Sango journeyed out of Oyo and allegedly committed suicide beside the Koso tree.
While the two governors before him were alleged to have fallen due to their tragic flaws, three objectionable character traits – hyper-choleric disposition, disdain for the other person and excessive flaunt and reliance on presidential power were Amosun’s main Achilles heels. Added to these is his quest to play the role of a conquistador without preparing for the pitfalls associated with it. I will explain presently.
Amosun fiercely snatched the front burner of news reportage recently. Akin to the tantrums of a child in diapers whose cake was relieved him, he grumpily accused Tinubu and Osoba of being the architects of his drowning political empire. Like all governors who ostensibly, in the quest to keep their governmental cupboard skeletons safe from prying eyes, magisterially choose quislings who can safely put the lid on their stewardships, Amosun didn’t hide his decision to handpick a successor. For him, with those massive infrastructure which some have described as needless and incongruent, if a lackey didn’t stay behind to hide the books, he may be done for. He peremptorily listed names of all standard-bearers even before the contest began. He at first told the people that a woman resident in Canada was his pick but as the clock ticked, he zeroed in on Abdulkabir Adekunle Akinlade, a member of the House of Representatives of Egbado South and Ipokia Federal Constituency in Ogun West senatorial district as his candidate. He also imposed himself and seven others as candidates for the Senate and House of Representatives in the forthcoming elections.
In his almost eight years of being in power, Amosun never realized that he was dreaded than loved, apparently due to his irascible nature. His famed Sango-like temper silenced his adversaries and though hurt his cult of followers, but all decided to give him the bull-in-a-China-shop treatment. He rode magisterially on all as if the power he holds has no expiry, buoyed by his highly-burnished closeness to the presidential seat of power.
Immediately after the 2015 elections and Muhammadu Buhari ascended office, Amosun became the new poster-boy of power in the South West. While the Man Friday of that presidential feat – Bola Tinubu – sulked in his imperial Bourdillon home at his clear denigration and deconstruction by the lanky Fulani President, Amosun relished his advertisement as the new locus of power in the region. Paradoxically, Tinubu had fought Osoba to queue behind Amosun for the 2011 governorship race. At a time when Buhari rudely disclaimed an earlier advertised presidential visit to Lagos, Amosun was pictured in Buhari’s office sharing a school boy-like scintillating laughter with the president in the latter’s office. On many occasions when he sits at Ogun Executive Council meetings and he receives calls, rumour has it that he would loudly proclaim that “it’s the President; I will call him back,” which accentuated his majesty and power. He had untrammeled access to the Fulani General in his Aso Rock sacristy and woe betides whoever crossed the path of his influence. Indeed, while Tinubu could not boast of a ministerial nominee in 2015, Amosun was invested with the power to pick Buhari’s all-powerful Chancellor of Exchequer and he peremptorily converted his Commissioner of Finance into this huge task. Rumour has it that at the thick of his Sango anger, piqued by her alleged refusal to do his dirty biddings, Amosun threw Kemi Adeosun to the sharks by ordering his goons to parrot to the world her NYSC certificate infractions which had origin in Ogun.
Amosun’s presidential link lionized him to take a step forward in constructing a mansion of power which, unknown to him, was made of straws and pack of cards. In one breath, he apparently wondered what height Tinubu climbed in the political equation of the South West that he couldn’t, with the wealth and presidential buttons at his beck and call. So he midwifed a dalliance of allied forces with similar angsts against the Lion of Bourdillon, forces who had at one time or the other been clobbered by the crude political tackles of Tinubu. Amosun found willing allies in two other governors of the South West and they began the job of dissembling the Tinubu political architecture. Oyo proved an immediately fecund ground for their Machiavelli and Amosun engineered the suborning of disgruntled elements to give Abiola Ajimobi sleepless political nights. At a time they had effectively put spanners in the political works in Oyo and when political pundits had predicted doom for Ajimobi, the Oyo Constituted Authority, for whom an inexplicable dues ex machina always creeps in at a moment when he is politically down, suddenly emerged from his purloined state and began a race which landed him at a border end where he peacefully produced a party candidate successor. Ajimobi today seems to have had a last laugh over Amosun and his gang but what the Amosuns failed to learn off him is his internalization of that core Oyo wise-saying to wit, in knowing the moment to throw jabs and the juncture to retreat lies the inner strength within the valiant: mon’ja, mon’sa laa mon akikanju loju ogun .
Ondo had earlier been the political trophy of the disgruntled assembly headed by Amosun. With Tinubu’s apparent underground attempt to tackle the candidature of bearded Rotimi Akeredolu by funding another candidate, Akeredolu received massive comradeship from the Amosun gang whose major plan was to wrest Tinubu’s hold of the South West from him. They soon added Ekiti as their trophy when a leading apostle of the dissembling plot was enthroned. The gang was coasting home to victory in Osun until Tinubu, realizing the deadly plot of the triumvirate dissemblers, cried to Buhari to intervene.
With this string of political successes in his kitty, Amosun’s swagger went a notch higher. While he was busy fighting wars of conquest outside his jurisdiction, he forgot that in the laws of power, the conquistador needs first to totally conquer his own territory so that when he is being pursued by those whom he daggered outside, there would be a place of shelter to shield him from the scorching sun. He should have known that not for nothing did Tinubu hold on tight to his Lagos territory like leech entangled to the skin. Meanwhile, Amosun’s list of traducers at home had quadrupled. His character flaws naturally assembled those who disdain him on a single file. By the time Amosun returned from his territorial expansionist battles, his territory had suffered serious mortal artillery bombardments. Without firing a single shot, his traducers had strategized effectively and clinically removed the rug from his feet while he was busy exploding in his fury. Dapo Abiodun, billionaire, had become the anchor of the attempt to dissemble his Oke Mosan empire. The rest, as they say, is history. The truth is that, if Amosun had expended at home half the energy he marshaled fighting territorial expansionist battles, he would have found out the massing huge rank of enmity ganged up against him and probably found a way to tackle them. By the time he realized, it was too late.
All Progressives Congress (APC’s) new publicist, Lanre Issa-Onilu’s press release during the week defoliated a hitherto lush garden where Amosun sat in his power, glory and majesty. Amosun was never interested in a transparent process to pick the party’s standard-bearer, Issa-Onilu had said, alleging that the governor resorted to self-help. When it was obvious to him that the crew sent from Abuja by the National Working Committee was impenetrable, he organized his own parallel congress, still believing that the President – his man – would come to his rescue, for old time sake. Unfortunately for him, Amosun totally forgot that Osinbajo’s loyalty to Buhari would play a serious role in the whole equation. In assembling his team that would vie for the 2019 elections, his arrogance of power was so blinding that he never for once remembered that the No 2 man in the country deserved a single slot in his home state. Rumour had it that a combination of Yemi Osinbajo’s request to his boss to give him the governorship slot, gang-up by the business world of which Abiodun is a strong icon, Amosun’s palpable running afoul of the internal rules of APC and his bafflingly swarming list of enemies could not allow Buhari take a single step in his favour, in spite of his infantile marching of traditional rulers to the Villa. The whole equation of Amosun’s fall, Issa-Onilu described vividly: “no matter how close you are to him (the president), he will listen to you but he will ask for the rules to be followed.”
The moral of Amosun’s power fall is that leaders with his kind of awesome powers should rely on them sparingly but on the people. Second is that, a leader, upon assuming political leadership, should first make a list of his personal foibles and monitor them, lest they drag him to the crucifix. Amosun didn’t tame nor monitor his Sango temper, his arrogance of power and disdain for the other person, a triad of foibles that dragged him to a metaphorical Sango’s Koso – the place of political death.
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Politics

Political Earthquake in Kano: How, Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, Nasiru Gawuna’s Move to ADC Reshapes North-West Politics

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9 hours ago

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April 3, 2026

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Political Earthquake in Kano: How, Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, Nasiru Gawuna’s Move to ADC Reshapes North-West Politics

 

 

The political atmosphere of Nigeria’s North-West was fundamentally altered on a sweltering afternoon in 2026 after Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso former Governor of Kano State and Former Minister for Defence who is also the “Grand Commander” of the Red-Cap revolution, finalized a move that many viewed as the ultimate masterstroke of his political career. By transitioning from the NNPP to the African Democratic Congress (ADC), Kwankwaso did more than change platforms; he effectively reset the coordinates of the nation’s largest voting bloc.

 

Senator Kwankwaso’s pedigree is defined by a singular devotion to human capital development and an almost mythical grassroots loyalty preceded him. He turned a local movement, the Kwankwasiyya, into a disciplined, ideological army that transcends traditional party structures. His entry into the ADC instantly transformed a secondary party into a formidable fortress, signaling to the ruling elite that the North-West is no longer a monolith under their control.

 

The gravity of this shift is most profound in Kano, the heartbeat of Northern commerce. For years, the state was a polarized battlefield between the Kwankwasiyya and established conservative wings. However, the entry of Nasiru Yusuf Gawuna into the same ADC orbit has created a “Kano Super-Alliance” that was previously unthinkable. Kwankwaso, the visionary architect who sent thousands of Kano’s children to global universities, now finds his populist ideology merging with Gawuna’s administrative steadiness and deep-rooted institutional connections.

 

This synergy is a seismic departure from the politics of “zero-sum” rivalry; it is a calculated fusion of mass appeal and the strategic machinery required to protect and deliver votes.

This move reshuffles the entire North-West deck. As Kwankwaso plants the ADC flag across the region, he is attracting a wave of heavyweights from Kaduna to Sokoto who feel marginalized by the status quo. His political pedigree allows him to speak with a regional authority that others lack, positioning himself as a protector during a time of economic uncertainty. By bringing Gawuna into this fold, the dynamics of Kano politics have shifted from a war of attrition to a coalition of necessity. This alliance creates a “Third Way” that bypasses the failures of the old guard, promising a return to the rapid growth that defined the Kwankwaso years, but with a broader, more inclusive base that could dictate the occupant of Aso Rock in 2027.

 

Kwankwaso’s career has always been defined by a uniquely personal brand of power. From 1999 to 2015, he served two terms as Governor of Kano State, in addition to roles as Minister of Defence and Senator. While many were surprised by his recent maneuvers; especially following closed-door meetings with President Bola Tinubu, he chose the emerging ADC over the ruling APC.

 

In the high-stakes theater of Nigerian politics, few events have jolted the region quite like the defection of Nasiru Yusuf Gawuna from the APC to the ADC on March 31, 2026. Coming just twenty-four hours after Kwankwaso’s move, Gawuna’s transition fundamentally has also altered the political calculus in Kano. What makes this moment remarkable is the sheer drama of the reversal. Gawuna’s political journey has been a steady, calculated ascent through Kano’s establishment. He first shot to prominence as Commissioner of Agriculture under Governor Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, earning a reputation for hands-on management in a state where farming is the economic backbone. He eventually rose to Deputy Governor, serving for nearly six years and gaining invaluable executive experience. Beyond partisan politics, Gawuna distinguished himself as Chairman of the Governing Council of Bayero University and, most recently, as Chairman of the Federal Mortgage Bank of Nigeria (FMBN). He resigned from the FMBN on March 27, 2026, citing compliance with presidential directives regarding political appointees.

 

A look back at the 2023 gubernatorial election reveals just how significant Gawuna is. Running under the APC, he polled over 890,000 votes against the formidable Kwankwasiyya machine. This proved that he is one of the few politicians in Kano who can genuinely compete with Kwankwaso’s electoral machinery. His strength is threefold: he appeals to the youth, the religious establishment (Ulama), and the business community; he has the capacity to split the APC vote; and he has demonstrated he can deliver votes independently of a larger party wave. To understand the magnitude of this defection, one must appreciate the complete inversion of alliances since 2023. Back then, Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf ran on the NNPP ticket with Kwankwaso’s backing, while Gawuna carried the APC banner with Ganduje’s support. By 2027, the roles will likely reverse: Governor Yusuf is positioned to run under the APC with Ganduje’s blessing, while Gawuna is poised to run under the ADC with Kwankwaso’s endorsement.

 

From the perspective of the Kwankwasiyya movement, Gawuna’s arrival is a “return” rather than a “recruitment,” as he was part of the movement’s pioneer cohort. This narrative neutralizes accusations of opportunism. For his part, Gawuna framed his move in terms of service and divine guidance, with sources indicating he felt marginalized within the APC after his 2023 defeat.

 

The reaction from within the APC has been one of worry and regret. President Tinubu, recognizing the stakes, reportedly directed party leaders to prevent Gawuna’s move, even offering him an automatic Senatorial ticket for 2027. The failure of this pressure campaign, Gawuna reportedly placed his phone on “Do Not Disturb” and traveled abroad to avoid lobbyists represents a significant defeat for the presidency’s political management. This crisis prompted emergency meetings between President Tinubu, Dr. Ganduje, and Badaru Abubakar at the Presidential Villa to reorganize their strategy.

 

The long-term implication is the potential break of the APC-PDP duopoly. The ADC is now positioning itself as a genuine “third force” in the North-West. The defection of high-profile figures like Senator Ahmed Babba-Kaita, Senator Aishatu “Binani” Ahmed, and former Justice Minister Abubakar Malami suggests a coordinated realignment. This competition could force more substantive policy debates and reduce the “zero-sum” intensity of regional elections.

 

The projected 2027 gubernatorial rematch between Gawuna (ADC) and Governor Yusuf (APC) will be a battle between two men with established records. Voters will have a genuine choice between performance and platform rather than just shifting loyalties. As Gawuna put it: “Allah gives power to whom He wants and when He wants.” While the 2027 elections will reveal where that power flows, it is already clear that the political landscape of the North-West will never look the same again.

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Politics

Governor Dauda Lawal Approves Gratuity Payment

Published

13 hours ago

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April 3, 2026

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Governor Dauda Lawal Approves Gratuity Payment

The Zamfara State Government, under the visionary leadership of Governor Dauda Lawal, has approved the release of funds for the payment of Gratuity Batch 3 for the 2024/25 period. This decisive action underscores the administration’s unwavering commitment to the welfare of retired civil servants who dedicated years of service to the state’s development.

The Accountant General of the State is already working diligently to ensure that all eligible retirees receive their payments promptly and efficiently, reflecting the government’s resolve to uphold transparency and accountability in the disbursement process.

This timely gratuity payment is a testament to Governor Dauda Lawal’s people-centered leadership, which recognizes the sacrifices and contributions of retirees to the progress and stability of Zamfara State. It also reaffirms the government’s pledge to honor its financial obligations without unnecessary delays.

The Zamfara State Government calls on all retirees in the affected batch to exercise patience as the necessary administrative and financial processes are finalized. Every effort is being made to ensure smooth and uninterrupted payments.

This initiative is part of Governor Dauda Lawal’s broader vision to empower citizens and retirees, strengthen confidence in public service, and sustain the morale of those who have committed their lives to the growth of Zamfara State.

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Politics

APC Group Endorses Fubara for 2027, Calls on Tinubu and APC to Prioritise Performance Over Politics in Backing Governor’s Second Term Ambition

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2 days ago

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April 2, 2026

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*APC Group Endorses Fubara for 2027, Calls on Tinubu and APC to Prioritise Performance Over Politics in Backing Governor’s Second Term Ambition*

 

The APC National Vanguard has appealed to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and the leadership of the All Progressives Congress (APC) to support a second term in office for Siminalayi Fubara, citing what it described as “impressive and verifiable developmental strides” across Rivers State.

In a statement issued on Thursday by its National President, Dr Gbenga Salam (JP), the group said its position followed an extensive assessment tour of key infrastructure and public service projects executed under the Fubara administration.

The APC National Vanguard said the appeal was based strictly on performance, arguing that governance outcomes should outweigh partisan considerations, particularly in a state as economically significant as Rivers.

“We respectfully urge President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and the leadership of the All Progressives Congress to support the continuity of Governor Siminalayi Fubara beyond his current tenure, in recognition of his commitment to development, prudent resource management, and people-focused governance,” the statement read.

According to the group, its delegation visited multiple project sites across the state, observing ongoing and completed works spanning road construction, urban renewal, and public infrastructure upgrades.

It noted that the scale and distribution of these projects reflect a deliberate effort by the state government to extend development beyond traditional urban centres and into underserved communities.

“Our findings from the tour reveal a government that is not only active but intentional in its development agenda. The execution of capital projects across various parts of Rivers State demonstrates a clear understanding of the needs of the people and a commitment to addressing them,” Dr Salam said.

The group particularly commended what it described as prudent financial management by the administration, noting that the projects reviewed showed evidence of careful planning and efficient allocation of resources.

“At a time when economic pressures are evident across the country, it is commendable that the Rivers State government has managed its resources in a way that delivers visible and impactful development without signs of fiscal recklessness,” the statement added.

The APC National Vanguard further observed that despite political tensions in the state, the Fubara administration has maintained focus on governance, ensuring continuity in project execution and service delivery.

The group argued that such stability is critical for sustained development and should be encouraged rather than disrupted.

“Leadership must ultimately be judged by results. In Rivers State, there is clear evidence of progress—projects that are not only announced but executed, and policies that translate into real benefits for citizens,” Dr Salam noted.

The group warned that discontinuity in leadership could stall ongoing projects and reverse gains already recorded, stressing the importance of allowing a performing administration to consolidate its achievements.

“Rivers State is at a pivotal stage where continuity will allow for the completion of ongoing initiatives and the deepening of development gains. Supporting Governor Fubara for a second term is, therefore, a decision in the best interest of the people,” the statement said.

In addition to its call on the APC leadership, the group reaffirmed its support for President Tinubu, expressing confidence in his administration’s broader economic and governance reforms.

The APC group urged Nigerians to remain supportive of efforts aimed at stabilising the economy and strengthening public institutions.

“We reiterate our endorsement of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu for a second term in office, in recognition of his leadership and commitment to national development. With sustained support, the administration can consolidate its reform agenda for the benefit of all Nigerians,” Dr Salam added.

The APC National Vanguard concluded by calling on political actors to prioritise development and public interest over partisan divides, insisting that governance should always be guided by performance and accountability.

“Where leadership demonstrates prudence, delivers development, and remains focused on the welfare of the people, it deserves continuity. This is the position we have reached after a careful and independent assessment of Rivers State,” the statement added.

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