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Shetimma Can’t Dictate To Buhari On Tenure Of Service Chiefs –Odeyemi

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BUHARI CONGRATULATES FBN ON 40 YEARS OF CROSS-BORDER BANKING IN UK

Shetimma Can’t Dictate To Buhari On Tenure Of Service Chiefs –Odeyemi- Comrade Oladimeji Odeyemi, a security analyst and a counter-terrorism expert is the Convener of the Coalition of Civil Society Groups Against Terrorism in Nigeria. In this interview with TEMIDAYO AKINSUYI, he speaks on the recent editorial of UK-based Financial Times on Nigeria, the efforts of the Nigerian Army in the north to curtail insurgency, banditry, among others. Excerpts:

 

The Financial Times of London in a recent editorial described Nigeria as a country going plagued with terrorism, banditry, and kidnapping and risks becoming a failed state. The UK-based newspaper also said contrary to the government’s claim, Boko Haram remained an ever-present threat. Did you see the report and what is your reaction?

 

First, I saw and read the editorial from Financial Times on what they inferred to be the state of Nigeria, and they touched on almost every sector but I will talk about the security aspect.

With all due respect, I think there is a script being acted and some international media agencies have already been conscripted to play it out. Amazingly, they push out the scripts without any recourse to rules of engagement in the media which includes verification of all indices to be addressed to ensure credence of the report. From my little knowledge, I am aware that the editorial of any news medium is the heart of that media organization because that is the position of that newspaper on the topic of consideration. If FT could churn out such editorial as their position on this same Nigeria that we are currently living in, then there is much to be desired.

Beyond that, I think the editorial veered off some of the key happenings in Nigeria and that has been the bane of many foreign medium on the country, lately. The truth is that you can’t rely on resources from the internet to form either a news or editorial reportage. Yes, we still have pockets of security challenges, but the reality on ground is that the level of security in Nigeria has over time, improved especially in the north east and this is due to the pragmatic approach of President Muhammadu Buhari and his service chiefs.

Except we want to lie and deceive ourselves, is the north not better, especially north east than it was before 2015 when Boko Haram had over 14 local governments in its custody? I think Nigerians should ignore the poorly thought-out editorial as well as the groups who are gleefully hailing it. It was a wasted effort.

How are the civil society groups monitoring the progress of the army in the exercise sahel sanity aimed at stabilising the Northwest zone?

Our coalition has been monitoring the exercise and we can see from field reports that the Nigerian Army had been able to stabilise the security situation in the North West since the commencement of Ex Sahel Sanity in July. I think there is need to explain what it entails to Nigerians. The Exercise Sahel Sanity is a realtime military operation inaugurated by the Chief of Army Staff, Lt Gen. Tukur Buratai in July to decisively deal with the menace of banditry, kidnapping, cattle rustling and other criminal activities in Katsina, Zamfara and Sokoto States.

The exercise was initially planned to terminate by the end of 2020 but because of likelihood of resurgence an extension has been done to March 2021 to completely knock out bandits from the North West.

I think troops had displayed high level of professionalism, loyalty and commitment in the exercise. The bottom line is that everybody has a responsibility to ensure that the activities of the criminals are checkmated because there must be timely information sharing from the community, the police and the last point is the military.

How can you describe the progress of the war against Boko Haram/ ISWAP in the Northeast?

I think we must first cast a glance at the back and look at where we are coming from as regards the timeline of insurgency in Nigeria; that way we can appreciate the enormous work, which is still in progress, that the Chief of Army Staff and his troops are doing on field

I think a major boost to the war was the relocation of Gen. Buratai to the North-East early April to oversee and coordinate troops of the Nigerian Army in the counter-insurgency war against the Boko Haram and the ISWAP, and it has led to the decimation of the terrorists, their hideouts and collaborators. I want to urge the Federal Government to raise a strong intelligence force within the army, other security agencies and the citizens to finally nail the activities of the insurgents. More than ever, intelligence gathering is crucial at this stage and I know that such collaboration will return peace to those parts of the country.

But if there is any time for Nigerians to be on the same page with regards to the prosecution of the war against terrorism, it is now. If we don’t support our troops, who do you think will support them? With the benefit of hindsight, I think some political tendencies and interests are actually the masquerades behind some of the concocted lies against the military and ongoing military operations in the North-East. I believe they are spinning all those falsehoods to discredit the government of the day and all its achievements including the war against terrorists.

What is your take on the persistent attacks on the nation’s gallant troops and service chiefs by Senator Shettima and Governor Zulum ?

First of all, Senator Shettima dived into treasonable territory with his latest utterances on national security and acted in an unconstitutional and self-serving manner by trying to dictate to the President the tenure of service chiefs whose briefs start and stop at the table of the President and Commander-in-Chief.

In fact, as Nigerians, we have to seriously interrogate the motive of Senator Shettima in his apparent attacks on our Service Chiefs, I’m equally using this medium to call on our security agencies, the Department of State Service, the Directorate of Military Intelligence and others to begin to ask the former governor some questions such as, what is his interest in the national security architecture? Can he appoint new Service Chiefs for the Present? Is he the one that appointed the Service Chiefs? What is his interest in the Service Chiefs? Is he aiming at overthrowing the democratic government, if the Service Chiefs are not removed? I found it appalling that this same Shettima who was shedding tears like a baby when Boko Haram overran his state pre-2015 before this same President Buhari and the current Service Chiefs he is now vilifying came to his rescue by reclaiming the local governments taken by the insurgents and restoring peace in the state.

He has also forgotten too soon or refused to remember the current set of service chiefs ensured that his second term as governor was relatively secured and elections were peacefully conducted to bring in his successor and he also won his election to go the Senate under this current military leadership.

I believe that Shettima was only playing to the gallery to shove up his personality in the North ahead of the 2023 race, though that’s left for our security agencies to determine, otherwise, how and why would he be dictating to President Buhari who he should appoint or work with? I think the basic question to ask is why is Shettima raising his voice at a point like this, soliciting for media appearances when there is a sitting governor in the state? Does this not indicate clear politicking? Can’t he seek an audience with the President or is he trying to be more democratic and more representative than the President who got the highest votes of over 15 million across the Country compared to his votes of just a Senatorial zone of less than 300,000?

On Zulum, I think he should know that a house divided against itself cannot stand. If there is anytime that intense synergy is needed, it is now. He shouldn’t forget where the state is coming from. It will be a big oversight on his part to allow those who are apparently envious of him to misguide him in what they themselves couldn’t do.

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Lagos APC in Turmoil as Chairmanship Aspirants Reject ‘Imposition Plot’ Ahead of Council Polls

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Lagos APC in Turmoil as Chairmanship Aspirants Reject ‘Imposition Plot’ Ahead of Council Polls

Lagos APC in Turmoil as Chairmanship Aspirants Reject ‘Imposition Plot’ Ahead of Council Polls

LAGOS — With barely two months to the July 12 local government elections in Lagos State, crisis is rocking the state chapter of the All Progressives Congress (APC) amid growing outrage over alleged attempts by party powerbrokers to impose chairmanship candidates across several councils.

What began as routine preparations for the party’s primary elections has exploded into factional disputes, protests, and petitions—threatening to fracture the APC’s long-standing grip on Lagos politics.

Aspirants and stakeholders across multiple Local Government Areas (LGAs) and Local Council Development Areas (LCDAs) have accused influential party figures of hijacking the screening and selection process under the guise of “consensus,” which many claim is being used as a smokescreen for imposition.

In Ojokoro LCDA, tension escalated after a group known as the Ojokoro Apex Council declared Mobolaji Sanusi as the consensus candidate in a letter endorsed by former House of Reps members, Ipoola Omisore and Adisa Owolabi. However, controversy erupted when a rival group presented Rosiji Yemisi as their preferred aspirant, sparking accusations of “importing a candidate backed by Speaker Mudashiru Obasa.”

“You can’t force a stranger with no political roots here on us,” said a local party member who requested anonymity. “This is not democracy; it’s dictatorship in disguise.”

Similar unrest flared up in Yaba LCDA, where a coalition of landlords, electorates, and political stakeholders cried foul over an alleged attempt to replace top-ranked aspirant William Babatunde—who scored 85% in the screening exercise—with Babatunde Ojo, who reportedly came 11th.

In a passionate petition addressed to First Lady Oluremi Tinubu, the group warned that repeating the politics of imposition could destabilize the APC’s base and impede development.

“We urge President Tinubu and Her Excellency to intervene and halt this travesty,” said Amoo Ismail, the coalition leader. “We must protect the democratic voice of our communities.”

The discontent isn’t isolated. In Agboyi-Ketu LCDA, Opeyemi Ahmed, media aide to outgoing chairman Dele Osinowo, slammed party leaders in a now-deleted Facebook post. He warned that ignoring internal democracy could backfire in 2027.

“If a few are writing names at the top and using fake strategy to call for consensus at the bottom, then Tinubu should be ready to lose Lagos come 2027,” Ahmed cautioned.

Veteran APC chieftain Fouad Oki added weight to the warnings in a scathing open letter titled “Lagos APC’s Crisis of Democracy”. Oki described the brewing conflict as a “crisis of confidence” and warned of an electoral backlash that could reverberate beyond local elections.

“Unity forged under injustice is brittle. Lasting strength requires inclusivity,” Oki wrote. “Let this be a rallying cry: abandon the politics of imposition or risk losing Lagos to our own internal discord.”

Reacting to the mounting accusations, APC Lagos Publicity Secretary Seye Oladejo denied any wrongdoing, insisting that the primary process had not been concluded. He defended the use of consensus as a valid and constitutionally backed method that had helped reduce post-primary tensions in the past.

“Where consensus fails, delegates will vote. Nobody is being sidelined,” Oladejo stated.

Despite assurances from the party’s leadership, the storm within the Lagos APC appears far from over. With primaries slated for today, the credibility of the process—and the party’s unity—hangs in the balance.

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PDP in Crisis: The Political Exodus That May End Africa’s Largest Party

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PDP in Crisis: The Political Exodus That May End Africa’s Largest Party

By George Omagbemi Sylvester

Never did we imagine that the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), once hailed as Africa’s largest political coalition, would witness such dramatic erosion from within. But in today’s Nigeria, where political loyalty is as volatile as the economy, the PDP is now hanging by a thread. What was once a formidable machinery that ruled Nigeria for 16 unbroken years has become a political shadow, limping from one internal crisis to another, gasping under the weight of ambition, betrayal and irrelevance.

This is no longer mere speculation. This is a full-blown political exodus.

The warning signs have long been in the air, but the silence of the party’s leadership only emboldened the defections. More PDP governors, senators and influential political actors are preparing to “throw in the dirty towel” to use a common Nigerian parlance and “get a change of toiletries” from a more promising political vehicle. The All Progressives Congress (APC), despite its governance failures, has remained the dominant force. Meanwhile, Labour Party (LP) and its ideological frontmen have seized the imagination of Nigeria’s politically conscious youth. Where is the PDP in all this? Nowhere near the pulse of the nation.

The Collapse of a Giant

Once upon a time, PDP stood like a colossus, commanding national attention and holding sway across all six geopolitical zones. In 2007, it controlled 28 out of 36 state governorships. By 2015, that number had dropped to 21. Today in 2025, the PDP controls just 9 states, an embarrassing decline that reveals the party’s waning appeal and fractured internal unity. Analysts have blamed this on the party’s failure to manage its primaries democratically, an outdated power-sharing formula and the overbearing influence of godfathers.

“Power is not something you hold forever. You must constantly renew your legitimacy through the people,” said late President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua, a former PDP leader known for his integrity. The party has clearly forgotten this principle.

The Atiku Albatross

The PDP’s 2023 presidential campaign was marred by one fatal error: the insistence of fielding Atiku Abubakar, a serial contestant whose political capital has been dwindling with each election cycle. The PDP’s inability to learn from its past mistakes and reinvent itself through younger, credible candidates shows how deeply the party has lost touch with contemporary realities.

Even within the party, Atiku is increasingly seen not as a unifier but a divider. His constant grip on the presidential ticket has frustrated younger aspirants and caused internal blockades that push members away.

“One man cannot hold a whole party to ransom,” said former Senate President Bukola Saraki in a private meeting leaked last year. That message reflects what many insiders are saying in hushed tones.

The Shockwaves of 2027

As the 2027 election cycle begins to take shape, permutations are in full gear. And while Atiku may be warming up for a record-breaking sixth attempt at the presidency, his influence is anything but stable. The PDP is already seeing rebellion from within, particularly from southern blocs who believe it is time the North stopped dominating the party’s presidential ambition.

Key political actors are already exploring alternative alliances. Rumours abound of secret talks between PDP governors and Tinubu’s men. Some are also aligning quietly with Peter Obi’s Labour Party, hoping to hedge their bets.

A recent poll by SBM Intelligence showed that 61% of PDP voters in the South-East and South-South are “open to switching allegiance” if the party fails to restructure before 2026. That’s a political red flag.

Why Governors Are Jumping Ship

What exactly is triggering this mass departure? The reasons are numerous, but four stand out:

Self-Preservation: Most Nigerian governors operate in a transactional political environment. Their loyalty lies not with ideology but with continuity of power. With the PDP unlikely to win the presidency in 2027, many are seeking new alliances to protect their political future.

Lack of Internal Democracy: The PDP has failed repeatedly to conduct transparent and fair primaries. Recent gubernatorial primaries in states like Delta, Rivers and Abia were marred by allegations of imposition and backdoor deals.

Atiku’s Grip: The feeling that Atiku is determined to contest in 2027, regardless of public sentiment, is unsettling. Many believe that as long as he remains a central force in the party, others have no space to thrive.

Tinubu’s Strategic Poaching: The current APC-led administration is systematically targeting opposition strongholds. Governors are being enticed with promises of federal appointments, project funding and legal shields from EFCC investigations.

Can the PDP Survive?

This is the pressing question. The answer lies in whether the party is willing to undergo painful introspection and renewal. It must adopt a bottom-up approach, re-engage with the grassroots, purge itself of godfatherism and allow credible young candidates to emerge.

It also needs to redefine its ideology. The APC may have failed economically, but it succeeded politically by branding itself as a party of change, regardless of how false that branding turned out to be. The PDP has no distinct narrative today.

What the Experts Say

Prof. Ayo Olukotun, a leading political scientist at Obafemi Awolowo University, recently argued: “The PDP is a classic case of political entropy. Without internal reform, it will disintegrate not by collapse, but by irrelevance.”

Similarly, Dr. Remi Adekoya, political analyst and author of “Politics of Identity in Nigeria”, notes: “The PDP has become a party for political pensioners. It is not inspiring to young voters nor innovative in its messaging.”

A Last Chance

If Atiku and the old guard truly care about the future of PDP, they must step back and allow a new leadership to emerge. Nigeria is moving on. The PDP must do the same. The 2027 ticket cannot be an inheritance. It must be earned. And it must reflect the shifting demographics of Nigerian voters, 65% of whom are under the age of 35.

This is not just about Atiku. It is about the soul of the PDP and whether it can reclaim its place in Nigerian political history or fade into obscurity like the National Republican Convention (NRC) and the Social Democratic Party (SDP) of the 1990s.

Furthermore

History is not kind to political parties that fail to evolve. The PDP has been served many warnings. The defections we see today are not just acts of betrayal; they are symptoms of decay. If the party does not reinvent itself quickly and decisively, it will not survive the coming storm.

The words of Chinua Achebe ring truer than ever: “A man who brings home ant-infested firewood should not be surprised when lizards come to feast.” The PDP brought this upon itself. The only question now is: will it learn, or will it perish?

PDP in Crisis: The Political Exodus That May End Africa’s Largest Party
By George Omagbemi Sylvester

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Lagos Assembly Charges Security Agencies To Redouble Efforts In Combating Extortion By Miscreants

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Lagos Assembly Charges Security Agencies To Redouble Efforts In Combating Extortion By Miscreants

Lagos Assembly Charges Security Agencies To Redouble Efforts In Combating Extortion By Miscreants

 

Acknowledging that the scourge of brazen extortion by miscreants on Lagos streets was on the increase, the Lagos State House of Assembly has called on the Commissioner of Police, CP Olohunda Moshood Jimoh, and heads of other security agencies to intensify intelligence gathering with the latest security apparatuses, increase surveillance on black spots across the metropolis, and, where necessary, arrest such miscreants, and have the state rehabilitate them.

Lagos Assembly Charges Security Agencies To Redouble Efforts In Combating Extortion By Miscreants

Hon. Sanni Okanlawon (representing Kosofe Constituency 1) raised the alarm at plenary Tuesday, May 6, under ‘Matter of Urgent Public Importance’ stating; “The unlawful extortion of stranded and innocent motorists by miscreants remains a growing concern that demands urgent attention. Nobody on the streets of Lagos is immune to their activities. If left unchecked, they could render the state unsafe.” He painted different unsavoury scenarios of how the street urchins operate brazenly, which he described as unacceptable, and called for urgent intervention to protect road users.

Supporting the motion, Hon. Kehinde Joseph (Alimosho Constituency II) noted that this particular trend threatens the safety and sanity of road transportation in the state. Hon. Desmond Elliot (Surulere Constituency 1) corroborated this and emphasised the need for active surveillance by security agencies. He also suggested the involvement of the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA), noting that many of the offenders act under the influence of illegal substances.

Similarly, Hon. Aro Moshood (Ikorodu Constituency II) urged the Commissioner of Police to set up a tactical team dedicated mainly to road monitoring because “It is high time the government took the bull by the horns.” Commending Hon. Okanlawon for moving the motion, Hon. Adebola Shabi (Lagos Mainland Constituency 2) said local government chairmen have a huge role in combating this menace. Effective strategies, she added, have to be devised while recommending the installation of CCTV cameras at identified black spots.

However, Hon. Obafemi Saheed (Kosofe Constituency 2) disclosed that the government has invested heavily in security through the Lagos State Security Trust Fund, LSSTF, and, therefore, should not sit back and watch miscreants take over the city.

Speaker of the Assembly, Rt. Hon. (Dr.) Mudashiru Obasa commended Hon. Okanlawon and the lawmakers who contributed robustly to the debate. He said that the police and other security agencies, including the Lagos Neighbourhood Safety Corps (LNSC), must collaborate to ensure that Lagos remains safe for residents, commuters, and visitors alike.

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