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Sorrowful letter to Asiwaju Bola Tinubu (2)

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APC Presidential Primary: Lagos Speaker Congratulates Tinubu, Urges For More Support

Sorrowful letter to Asiwaju Bola Tinubu (2) By Tunde Odesola

 

 

 

 

 

 

In a jaw-dropping revelation, Ade Lawyer, the self-confessed hired killer, accentuated how subsequent Lagos State governments of Tinubu, Babatunde Fashola, and Akinwunmi Ambode, had indirectly made life unsafe, cheap and nasty through the abetment of NURTW activities in the state.

 

 

 

 

Sorrowful letter to Asiwaju Bola Tinubu (2)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

In a front-page story, “Confession Of An Alleged Assassin: How I Killed People For Money – Ade Lawyer,” published by Daily Independent newspaper, on March 17, 2018, the assassin said, “After my release, I went back to Ajah and I started working again as a bus conductor and a driver. I worked in Ajah for like two years before I joined the National Union of Road Transport Workers, Ajah branch, and I was made a parking attendant at Phase One Unit in Ajah in 2004.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

“After a while, I became king of the boys and I started collecting N50 from every bus that comes into that park. I later turned that my (parking attendant) position into a unit. I started collecting N100 security money from every commercial vehicle that made a turn at the Ajah garage. I also recruited some boys who started working with me.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

“At the end of each day, we will share all the monies collected among ourselves and we will also give a part of it to the chairman of the unit where we worked.”

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Ade Lawyer continued, “I did that for about six years before the Ajah branch chairman died and a caretaker committee led by one Mustapha (Adekunle) Sagoe was sent to take over the branch by the then state chairman. The caretaker committee stopped my job and I went to Sagoe, whom I knew very well because he is also from Lagos Island, and I begged him to allow me to retain my job (in Ajah)…He snubbed me…”

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

The quotations here were the unforced words of the murderer. Now, let’s pause and chew on the kernel of my argument: Who is to blame when killers and hoodlums forcefully extort motorists and share money that should go to the government’s coffers in a state with an elected executive and legislature? Mark you, the Lagos State government since 1999 has never complained to the Office of the Inspector General of Police about the disturbing activities of Lagos NURTW thugs.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

The insane manner Ade Lawyer took over public space unchallenged by the government, and started to force money out of motorists is typical of all NURTW parks across the country. The obscene scene painted by Ade Lawyer is what Lagosians, including children and the old, are afflicted with in the hell called garages everyday.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Can the Lagos State Government under the leaderships of Tinubu, Fashola, Ambode and Sanwo-Olu claim not to know the activities of the hoodlums and killers masquerading as transport workers? What did each governor do to stop Lagosians from suffering the bloodletting and violence by NURTW vagabonds? The romance between Lagos State and Lagos NURTW not only makes thuggery attractive, it also makes NURTW scoundrels look like they are the only ones that can successfully operate commercial road transport.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

According to an investigation by the International Centre for Investigative Report, Lagos NURTW generates N123 billion annually. This is about the 2021-2022 budget proposals of Nasarawa, Niger, and Yobe, Taraba, Kogi, Ekiti, Osun, Benue, Ebonyi, Plateau, Adamawa, Enugu, Jigawa, Kebbi, Zamfara, Abia etc states each. Sadly, no state in the country generates enough funds to fully execute annual budget proposals. Many financial experts believe the transport union generates far more than N123bn yearly.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

The colossal sum of N123bn generated by the NURTW annually translates into N10.25bn monthly, which is far higher than the combined annual capital expenditures of all federal and state tertiary institutions nationwide.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

How can a worthy state government leave killers and thugs to collect billions of naira in unaudited funds from motorists and garage hawkers? How much of these funds is paid to government, how much ends in private pockets? The superrich Frankenstein monsters created by the powers that be in Lagos State have bolted through the window; now, they’re dragging the thrones with princes, wrestling with lawmakers for maces, even as Alausa, Lagos State seat of power, will loom in sight at the fullness of NURTW madness.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

That scumbags largely operate commercial transport and collect revenue on behalf of state governments nationwide since 1999 is indicative of the hatchet job transport unions do for the political class.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Back to Ade Lawyer. The killer said he sided with the Chairman, Lagos State NURTW, Olohunwa, in 2010 when a supremacy fight broke out between Olohunwa and another faction that included Agbede, MC Oluomo and Sagoe. He said when Olohunwa lost out in 2012 as state chairman of the union, he went back to his hemp business just as he got himself an AK-47 and a pistol.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Ade Lawyer explained that in 2015, he teamed up with the Peoples Democratic Party elements on Lagos Island to mobilise and win the presidential and state governorship elections for the PDP on the island. When the PDP lost the elections after fierce gun battles which involved bloodshed, the killer said Sagoe and his men ordered all PDP supporters in the NURTW ‘to leave Lagos Island and follow President Goodluck Jonathan to his hometown in Bayelsa State’. Thus he left the NURTW and started to kill for a living.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

The leadership of the PDP, which included former President Jonathan, isn’t less guilty than Tinubu and the APC in sponsoring violence as it was the case when the Jonathan government sponsored the Gani Adams-led Oodua Peoples Congress to unleash violence on Lagosians during the countdown to the 2015 presidential election. News of NURTW members engaging in killings and violation of peace is also commonplace in states controlled by the PDP and other political parties.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

However, Tinubu, an APC presidential aspirant, is being held to scrutiny in this article because his godson, MC Oluomo – an APC leader and bestial arrowhead – is covertly staking his claim to the Oshodi chieftaincy crown.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

“Ko s’oba l’Oshodi, Oluomo sha la ni,” meaning, “There’s no king in Oshodi, we only have Oluomo,” is a popular refrain by a glorified thug who found fame and fortune chanting (not singing) Fuji music in croaky voice, unlike Fuji music creator and king, the late Dr. Sikiru Ayinde Barrister, who never mixed politics with his art.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Given the love of MC Oluomo for Fuji musicians to sing his praise, it is flabbergasting that before the throne of Oshodi recently became vacant, no musician has ever sung the praise of MC Oluomo in relation to his claimed royal family. Was he just born into a royal family last year? Why has no musician ever called him omoba (prince) if he was truly one – in all these years of frolicking?

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Word has it that the crowning of another road transport leader as king in Lagos State is the sole impetus firing the desire of MC Oluomo to become king.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

The wise one from India, Mahatma Gandhi, says, “Poverty is the worst form of violence,” I disagree. I, however, agree with the words of the Russian sage, Leo Tolstoy, who opines that, “Government is an association of men who do violence to the rest of us.”

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Were it not so, the Shehu Shagari-led National Party of Nigeria (1979-1983) wouldn’t cuddle Bayo Success in Oshodi, the Olusegun Obasanjo-led PDP won’t caress Lamidi Adedibu in Ibadan, and Tinubu won’t kiss MC Oluomo in Oshodi.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

After getting exhausted harassing and extorting innocent youths who carry laptops in their bags, the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, and the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission should add the NURTW to their list of untouchables.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Nigeria: A scamming leadership ably supported by ruthless hooligans.

Email: [email protected]
Facebook: @tunde odesola
Twitter: @tunde_odesola

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Kogi’s Quiet Shift: Reviewing Governor Ododo’s First 24 Months in Office 

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Kogi’s Quiet Shift: Reviewing Governor Ododo’s First 24 Months in Office

By Rowland Olonishuwa 

 

On Tuesday, Kogi State paused to mark two years since Alhaji Ahmed Usman Ododo took the oath as Executive Governor. Across government circles, community halls, and everyday conversations, the anniversary was more than a date on the calendar; it was a milestone that invites both reflection and renewed optimism. A moment to look back at how far the state has travelled in just twenty-four months, and where it is heading next.

 

Since assuming office in January 2024, Ododo has steered the state through a period of measured consolidation, delivering strategic interventions across security, infrastructure, human capital, and economic revitalisation that are beginning to translate into real improvements for residents.

 

Governor Ododo stepped into office at a time when expectations were high, and confidence in public institutions needed rebuilding.

 

His response to these was not loud declarations, but steady consolidation, strengthening structures, restoring order in governance, and setting a clear direction. Over time, that calm approach has become his signature: leadership that listens first, plans carefully, and moves with purpose.

 

Security has remained the most urgent concern for Nigerians, and Kogi residents are no exceptions; the Ododo-led administration has treated it as such. From deploying surveillance drones to support intelligence operations to recruiting and integrating local hunters and vigilante personnel into formal security frameworks, the government has built a layered safety net.

 

For farmers returning to their fields, travellers moving along highways, and families in rural communities, the impact is simple and deeply personal: fewer fears, quicker response, and growing confidence that the government is present and concerned about the ordinary people.

 

Infrastructural development has followed the same practical logic. Roads have been rehabilitated, easing movement for traders and commuters. Budget priorities have shifted toward capital projects and human development, while revived facilities like the Confluence Rice Mill now provide farmers with real economic opportunity. For many households, this means better income prospects, stronger local trade, and renewed belief that development is no longer a distant promise.

 

Health and education are not left out; the Ododo-led administration has expanded free healthcare services and supported students through examination funding and institutional improvements.

Parents who once struggled with medical bills and school fees have felt relief. Young people preparing for their futures now see government investment not as abstract policy but as something that touches their daily lives.

 

Governance reforms, from civil service strengthening to new legislative frameworks, have quietly improved how government functions. Salaries are more predictable, public offices are more responsive, and local government structures are more coordinated. These may not always make headlines, but they shape how citizens experience leadership every day.

 

As the second year anniversary celebrations fade into routine today and Governor Ododo enters his third year in office, the true meaning of the anniversary will continue to linger on.

 

Two years may not have solved every challenge in the Confluence State -no government ever does, by the way- but they have set a tone of stability, responsiveness, and direction. The next phase will demand deeper impact, broader reach, and sustained security gains.

 

But for many in Kogi State, the story of the past twenty-four months is already clear: steady hands on the wheel, and a journey that is firmly underway.

 

 

 

Olonishuwa is the Editor-in-Chief of Newshubmag.com. He writes from Ilorin

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Lagos Assembly Debunks Abuja House Rumour, Warns Against Election Season Propaganda

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Lagos Assembly Debunks Abuja House Rumour, Warns Against Election Season Propaganda

 

 

The Lagos State House of Assembly has described as misleading and mischievous the widespread misinformation that it budgeted for the purchase of houses in Abuja for its members in the 2026 Appropriation Law.

 

This rebuttal is contained in a statement jointly signed by Hon. Stephen Ogundipe, Chairman, House Committee on Information, Strategy, and Security, and Hon. Sa’ad Olumoh, Chairman, House Committee on Economic Planning and Budget.

Describing the report as a deliberate and disturbing falsehood being peddled by patently ignorant people, the statement reads, “There is no provision whatsoever in the 2026 Budget for the purchase of houses in Abuja or anywhere else for members of the Lagos State House of Assembly. The report is a complete fabrication and a product of political mischief intended to misinform the public.

“The Lagos State House of Assembly does not operate in Abuja. Our constitutional responsibilities, constituencies, and legislative duties are entirely within Lagos State. It is, therefore, illogical, irrational, and irresponsible for anyone to suggest that legislators would appropriate public funds for personal housing outside their jurisdiction.”

The statement emphasised that the budget is already in the public domain and accessible for scrutiny by discerning Lagosians and Nigerians alike. It reiterated that the Lagos State Government operates a transparent budget that speaks to the needs of the people and the demands of a megalopolis.

“We view this rumour as part of a wider attempt at election-season propaganda, designed to erode public trust, sow discord, and malign democratic institutions.”

The chairmen further clarified that the 2026 capital expenditure of the House of Assembly is less than 0.04% of the total CAPEX of the state, which clearly demonstrates the culture of prudence, accountability, and fiscal responsibility that guides the legislature. However, they noted, “Historically, the House does not even access up to its approved budget in many fiscal years.”

They stressed that the Assembly remains fully committed to excellence, transparency, good governance, and the collective welfare of the people of Lagos State, in line with the objectives of the 2026 Budget of Shared Prosperity.

“We therefore challenge those behind this harebrained allegation to produce credible evidence or retract their statements forthwith. Failure to do so may attract appropriate legal actions.

“We urge Lagosians and the general public to disregard this baseless rumour and always verify information from official and credible sources.”

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Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent

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Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent.

By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by saharaweeklyng.com

“Tinubu’s Government, the EFCC and the Strategic Undermining of Opposition Governors”.

 

In a striking indictment of Nigeria’s current political reality, Governor Seyi Makinde of Oyo State declared that “you cannot speak truth to power in this dispensation”, directly accusing the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu of intolerance for dissent and an erosion of democratic norms.

Makinde’s remarks (made during a public event in Ibadan on January 25, 2026) were more than a local governor’s lament. They crystallised a mounting national frustration: that Nigeria’s political landscape has tilted dangerously toward executive overreach, institutional capture and political engineering.

Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent.
By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by saharaweeklyng.com

This narrative is not isolated. Across Nigeria, governors from opposition parties have defected to the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) in numbers unprecedented in the nation’s democratic history. Critics argue that these defections are not merely voluntary political choices, but part of a strategic pressure campaign leveraging federal power and institutions to fracture opposition influence.

At its centre lies Nigeria’s principal anti-graft agency – the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC).

The EFCC: Anti-Graft Agency or Political Instrument? Founded to combat corruption, the EFCC’s constitutional mandate is to investigate and prosecute financial and economic crimes across public and private sectors. Its legal independence is enshrined in statute and it has historically pursued high-profile cases, including recovery of nearly $500 million in illicit assets in a single year, demonstrating its capacity for tackling corruption.

 

However, critics now claim that under the Tinubu administration, the EFCC’s prosecutorial power is being perceived (if not deployed) as a political instrument.

Opposition leaders, including former Vice President Atiku Abubakar and coalition parties such as the African Democratic Congress (ADC), have publicly accused the federal government of using anti-corruption agencies to intimidate opposition figures and governors, effectively pressuring them into aligning with the APC.

In a statement released in December 2025, opposition figures alleged that institutions such as the EFCC, the Nigerian Police and the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission were being selectively wielded to weaken political competitors rather than combat financial crime impartially.

This is not merely rhetorical noise. The opposition’s grievances centre on several observable patterns:

Reopened or New Investigations Against Opposition Figures: The ADC pointed to recent abnormal reactivation of long-dormant cases or new inquiries into financial activities involving senior opposition politicians. These, they argue, often arise shortly before critical elections or political realignments.

 

Alleged Differential Treatment: According to opponents of the current administration, individuals who have defected to the APC appear less likely to face sustained legal scrutiny or prosecution in EFCC proceedings, even in cases of credible allegations of mismanagement.

Timing of Actions: The timing of certain high-profile investigations, emerging ahead of the 2027 general elections, reinforces perceptions that anti-graft measures are tailored to political cycles rather than legal merit.

The EFCC and Presidency have publicly denied these allegations, insisting that the commission operates independently and pursues corruption irrespective of political affiliation and that Nigeria’s democratic freedoms (including party choice and mobility) remain intact.

Yet the perception of bias, once systemic, is hard to erase, especially when political actors deploy powerful state machinery with strategic timing and selective intensity.

Defections and Power Realignment: A Democracy at Risk? Since 2023 and particularly through 2025, a remarkable number of state governors and senior political leaders have crossed over from opposition parties (notably the Peoples Democratic Party – PDP) to the APC. Though defections are normal in Nigeria’s fluid political system, the scale and speed in recent years are historically noteworthy, raising critical questions about underlying incentives.

The SaharaWeeklyNG reported Makinde’s comments within the broader context of a political climate where dissenting voices face greater obstacles than at any time in recent democratic memory.

Governors who remain in opposition find themselves squeezed between growing federal assertiveness and dwindling political capital. Some analysts argue that the combination of federal resource control, political appointments and influence over public agencies exerts tangible pressure on subnational leaders to align with the ruling party for political survival. This dynamic, they contend, undermines competitive party politics and weakens Nigeria’s multiparty democracy.

 

Speaking Truth to Power: What Makinde’s Critique Exposes. Governor Makinde’s core grievance (that it is increasingly difficult, perhaps perilous, to speak truth to power) resonates widely among civil society actors, political analysts and democratic advocates:

“YOU CANNOT SPEAK TRUTH TO POWER IN THIS DISPENSATION,” Makinde declared, specifically citing the government’s handling of contentious tax reform bills as an example where dissent was neither welcomed nor transparently debated.

Makinde’s critique reflects deeper structural concerns:

Exclusion of Key Stakeholders: Opposition leaders and state executives report being marginalised from meaningful consultation on national policies affecting federal-state relations, revenue sharing and fiscal reforms.

Institutional Intimidation: The perception that state politicians become targets of federal legal scrutiny after taking firm oppositional stances (real or perceived) discourages robust democratic debate.

Erosion of Opposition Space: A symbiotic effect of party defections and institutional pressure is a shrinking viable space for genuine political opposition, weakening checks and balances essential to democratic governance.

A respected political scientist, Dr. Aisha Bello of the University of Lagos, recently argued that “when opposition becomes fraught with state leverage instead of ideological competition, the very foundation of democratic contestation collapses,” adding that “a government that shies away from criticism risks inversion into autocracy.”

Another expert, Prof. Chinedu Eze, former dean of political studies at Ahmadu Bello University, warned that “selective use of anti-corruption agencies as political tools corrodes public trust and ultimately delegates justice into the hands of incumbents rather than independent courts.” These observations echo growing public skepticism.

The Way Forward: Strengthening Democracy and Institutions. Nigeria’s path forward depends on restoring confidence in democratic norms and institutional independence.

Transparent EFCC Processes: Civil society groups and legal scholars are advocating for enhanced transparency in anti-graft investigations, including clear prosecutorial thresholds and independent audits of case initiation and closures.

Judicial Oversight: Strengthening the judiciary’s capacity and independence is critical to ensuring that allegations of political weaponisation do not go unchecked. Courts must remain the ultimate arbiters of evidence and guilt.

Political Reforms: Advocates demand reforms to party financing, federal-state fiscal relations, and consultation mechanisms to reduce incentives for defections driven by federal resource leverage.

Public Engagement: A more informed and engaged civil society, anchored by independent media and civic education, must hold both government and opposition accountable for adherence to democratic principles.

Beyond The Present Moment.

Governor Makinde’s assertion that it is no longer tenable to “speak truth to power” under the current administration reflects unsettling trends in Nigeria’s evolving democratic landscape. While the EFCC and the Presidency maintain that anti-corruption efforts are independent and constitutionally grounded, opposition leaders (backed by political data and patterns of defections) argue that state power is being used to consolidate one-party dominance and undermine political pluralism.

At this critical juncture, Nigeria must choose between entrenching competitive democracy or sliding toward a political monopoly where dissent is subdued, institutions compromised, and power concentrated.

For Nigeria’s democratic ideals to survive (and thrive) its leaders and citizens must ensure that speaking truth to power remains not a perilous act of defiance but an honoured pillar of national life.

 

Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent.
By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by saharaweeklyng.com

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