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121 PAN YORUBA GROUPS ADOPT TINUBU

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Pan yoruba

121 PAN YORUBA GROUPS ADOPT TINUBU

PAN YORUBA

One hundred and twenty one Pan Yoruba groups Thursday endorsed the All Progressives Congress, APC candidate, Asiwaju Ahmed Bola Tinubu.

The event organized by the Alliance of Yoruba Democratic Movements, (AYDM) took place at the St Leo Catholic Church in Lagos where no fewer than 1,500 delegates representing various groups endorsed the former Lagos State Governor.

 

 

The AYDM said Nigeria, once again is at a crossroad, adding that troubled two-century old history again is being put to historic test come February 2023 when the people again, will go to the poll to choose a President that will stir the affairs of Africa’s most populous country, yet most poor, vulnerably and constantly on the brink.

AYDM said “For the past three months, the AYDM has held a string of consultations with organized groups, socio cultural and community based groups spread across the south west areas, from lowland to highland, valleys, seashores, mountains, tropical and savannah where our people, rich and poor, the wretched and haves reside. On Wednesday October 5, leaders of 121 groups capped the consultations with a meeting which took several hours,”

 

 

 

The group said it promises to campaign vigorously, “with all our strength, with all our sweat, our brain and even our brawl, through the streets, on the road, in the farms, on the sea shores, in the valleys, on the mountains, on the sea and on the land; on radio, on the social media and using all means of mass communications.”

The group said “We have no illusion that the victory of Asiwaju Ahmed Tinubu will lead to automatic transformation of Nigeria. The coming years will be very tough but there will emerge a better capacity and atmosphere to deal with the whirlwind and curtail its ruinous upsurge. Asiwaju will not totally resolve the problems facing Nigeria, however, we are clear in our perspective that his victory will lift Nigeria higher up from her present state of affairs to the benefit of all, irrespective of colour, creed, faith and religion.”

 

 

 

 

 

 

It noted that since 1914 when the great civilizations were merged by foreign interests, the country has been an atomic society in perpetual conflict with itself.

“In 1914, a thick cloud of anomie descended on the destiny of primordial nations -including the Oyo empire, the Bini Kingdom to Kwararafa multi ethnic state, the Borno Empire which extended to today’s southern Libya, the Wukari Kingdom, the Itsekiri Kingdom-when by fiat, the autonomous nations were forced to live under a one-dimensional philosophy squeezed into one inconvenient whole.”

 

 

 

 

The AYDM said in coming to this conclusion, it considered many factors, the capacity and political sagacity of the candidate; the rich history in anti-fascist campaign of the 1980s through the 1990s, the possession of raw courage, liberal investment in pro-democracy struggle, a tradition of tolerance for dissent and above all, the ability to transform and reengineer the current APC as a political party likely to provide the impetus that will lead to the restructuring of Nigeria, being the minimum condition necessary for the growth and prosperity of the country.

“It is on this basis, that we, representatives of 121 Pan Yoruba, civil society, community based groups in the South West hereby adopt Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu as our candidate and that of our people for the 2023 Presidential Election,” the declaration was signed by Mr. Popoola Ajayi

 

 

 

 

The group said there is no doubt that in the past few years, the image of the APC has been bruised by the draconian forces in Abuja seen in their acts of tyranny and the illness of the economy under its watch and the insistence on sustaining a garrison structure for Nigeria.

“It is naïve to assume that the biggest alternative for Nigerians is the PDP which had ruled Nigeria for 16 years characterized by rot, depression and melancholy. It is a mistake to think such a party would suddenly transform itself in 2023. This is not to diminish the fact that the APC has immense contradictions and should not be seen as an end in itself.

 

 

 

 

“It said in the context of Nigerian political framework and given the options available to the people, the APC is better but not the best, in our own opinion. Faced with a difficult situation in an extremely testy field, the Yoruba of the South West have to make a choice in 2023 considering the better possible options.

“From our own prior, informed consent and weighing the variety of choices available to the people of the South west, we have to pick a candidate near the prospect of allaying our fears as a people. In making this choice, we are not unaware of the rights of the people of the South West who may differ. We respect their opinions. We urge them to respect ours. Our choice is ours, their choice is theirs: On the field we shall meet.”

 

 

 

 

 

The AYDM said those who hate Tinubu candidacy do so for many reasons one of which is their cruel hatred for anything Yoruba which they continue to propel using false narratives to justify their anger against the dignity associated with Yoruba heritage.

“We have listened to those who argue that it is their turn. We posit that since 1960, when Nigeria gained independence, there have been 14 Presidents and Heads of State. Two of them ruled Nigeria twice. Out of the 12 Presidents and Heads of State, only one has been Yoruba, two were of Igbo extraction, Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe and Gen Aguiyi Ironsi) two from Middle Belt (Yakubu Gowon and Abdulsalami Abubakar) one is Kanuri (Gen Sani Abacha), while four are of Fulani extraction (Generals Ibrahim Babangida, Muhammadu Buhari, Alhaji Shehu Shagari and Murtala Mohammed). It is mischievous not to admit that is the history.”

 

 

 

 

Present at the meeting were leaders of Oodua Peoples Congress, (OPC New Era), South West Progressive Youths and Peoples Movement, Covenant Group, O’odua Nationalist Coalition, (ONAC), Nigerian Automobile Technicians Association, South West, ANACOWA representing all Okada Riders in the South West, Okun Progressive Peoples Union, (OPPU), Oodua Descendants Union, ODU in Ivory Coast, Yoruba Peoples Union in Ghana, Kwara Progressives Alliance, (KPA) Itsekiti Peoples Liberation Movement, South West Hunters Union, Network for Yoruba Alliance, (NEYA), O’odua Peoples Congress, (Reformed), Yoruba Diaspora Coalition,(YDAC), Agbekoya Solidarity, South West Progressives Movement, (SWPM), Ilaje Renaissance Movement, (IRM), Ibile, Yoruba Farmers Cooperatives, South West Vigilante Coalition, (SWVC) and all the 121 members of the coalition.

Groups in solidarity were Itsekiri National Front led by Oritsegbemi Temi, Supreme Egbesu Assembly led by Chief Digiwa Werenire, United Middle Belt Indigenous Peoples Congress, led by Barrister Abukar Onalor Onalo, Igbo Progressive Coalition, (IPC) led by former Secretary General of Ohanaeze, Dim Uche Okwukwu and Arewa Youth Forum led by Mallam Kudu Abubakar who was also the former Vice President, Arewa Youth Consultative Forum, (AYCF).

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Kogi’s Quiet Shift: Reviewing Governor Ododo’s First 24 Months in Office 

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Kogi’s Quiet Shift: Reviewing Governor Ododo’s First 24 Months in Office

By Rowland Olonishuwa 

 

On Tuesday, Kogi State paused to mark two years since Alhaji Ahmed Usman Ododo took the oath as Executive Governor. Across government circles, community halls, and everyday conversations, the anniversary was more than a date on the calendar; it was a milestone that invites both reflection and renewed optimism. A moment to look back at how far the state has travelled in just twenty-four months, and where it is heading next.

 

Since assuming office in January 2024, Ododo has steered the state through a period of measured consolidation, delivering strategic interventions across security, infrastructure, human capital, and economic revitalisation that are beginning to translate into real improvements for residents.

 

Governor Ododo stepped into office at a time when expectations were high, and confidence in public institutions needed rebuilding.

 

His response to these was not loud declarations, but steady consolidation, strengthening structures, restoring order in governance, and setting a clear direction. Over time, that calm approach has become his signature: leadership that listens first, plans carefully, and moves with purpose.

 

Security has remained the most urgent concern for Nigerians, and Kogi residents are no exceptions; the Ododo-led administration has treated it as such. From deploying surveillance drones to support intelligence operations to recruiting and integrating local hunters and vigilante personnel into formal security frameworks, the government has built a layered safety net.

 

For farmers returning to their fields, travellers moving along highways, and families in rural communities, the impact is simple and deeply personal: fewer fears, quicker response, and growing confidence that the government is present and concerned about the ordinary people.

 

Infrastructural development has followed the same practical logic. Roads have been rehabilitated, easing movement for traders and commuters. Budget priorities have shifted toward capital projects and human development, while revived facilities like the Confluence Rice Mill now provide farmers with real economic opportunity. For many households, this means better income prospects, stronger local trade, and renewed belief that development is no longer a distant promise.

 

Health and education are not left out; the Ododo-led administration has expanded free healthcare services and supported students through examination funding and institutional improvements.

Parents who once struggled with medical bills and school fees have felt relief. Young people preparing for their futures now see government investment not as abstract policy but as something that touches their daily lives.

 

Governance reforms, from civil service strengthening to new legislative frameworks, have quietly improved how government functions. Salaries are more predictable, public offices are more responsive, and local government structures are more coordinated. These may not always make headlines, but they shape how citizens experience leadership every day.

 

As the second year anniversary celebrations fade into routine today and Governor Ododo enters his third year in office, the true meaning of the anniversary will continue to linger on.

 

Two years may not have solved every challenge in the Confluence State -no government ever does, by the way- but they have set a tone of stability, responsiveness, and direction. The next phase will demand deeper impact, broader reach, and sustained security gains.

 

But for many in Kogi State, the story of the past twenty-four months is already clear: steady hands on the wheel, and a journey that is firmly underway.

 

 

 

Olonishuwa is the Editor-in-Chief of Newshubmag.com. He writes from Ilorin

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Lagos Assembly Debunks Abuja House Rumour, Warns Against Election Season Propaganda

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Lagos Assembly Debunks Abuja House Rumour, Warns Against Election Season Propaganda

 

 

The Lagos State House of Assembly has described as misleading and mischievous the widespread misinformation that it budgeted for the purchase of houses in Abuja for its members in the 2026 Appropriation Law.

 

This rebuttal is contained in a statement jointly signed by Hon. Stephen Ogundipe, Chairman, House Committee on Information, Strategy, and Security, and Hon. Sa’ad Olumoh, Chairman, House Committee on Economic Planning and Budget.

Describing the report as a deliberate and disturbing falsehood being peddled by patently ignorant people, the statement reads, “There is no provision whatsoever in the 2026 Budget for the purchase of houses in Abuja or anywhere else for members of the Lagos State House of Assembly. The report is a complete fabrication and a product of political mischief intended to misinform the public.

“The Lagos State House of Assembly does not operate in Abuja. Our constitutional responsibilities, constituencies, and legislative duties are entirely within Lagos State. It is, therefore, illogical, irrational, and irresponsible for anyone to suggest that legislators would appropriate public funds for personal housing outside their jurisdiction.”

The statement emphasised that the budget is already in the public domain and accessible for scrutiny by discerning Lagosians and Nigerians alike. It reiterated that the Lagos State Government operates a transparent budget that speaks to the needs of the people and the demands of a megalopolis.

“We view this rumour as part of a wider attempt at election-season propaganda, designed to erode public trust, sow discord, and malign democratic institutions.”

The chairmen further clarified that the 2026 capital expenditure of the House of Assembly is less than 0.04% of the total CAPEX of the state, which clearly demonstrates the culture of prudence, accountability, and fiscal responsibility that guides the legislature. However, they noted, “Historically, the House does not even access up to its approved budget in many fiscal years.”

They stressed that the Assembly remains fully committed to excellence, transparency, good governance, and the collective welfare of the people of Lagos State, in line with the objectives of the 2026 Budget of Shared Prosperity.

“We therefore challenge those behind this harebrained allegation to produce credible evidence or retract their statements forthwith. Failure to do so may attract appropriate legal actions.

“We urge Lagosians and the general public to disregard this baseless rumour and always verify information from official and credible sources.”

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Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent

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Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent.

By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by saharaweeklyng.com

“Tinubu’s Government, the EFCC and the Strategic Undermining of Opposition Governors”.

 

In a striking indictment of Nigeria’s current political reality, Governor Seyi Makinde of Oyo State declared that “you cannot speak truth to power in this dispensation”, directly accusing the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu of intolerance for dissent and an erosion of democratic norms.

Makinde’s remarks (made during a public event in Ibadan on January 25, 2026) were more than a local governor’s lament. They crystallised a mounting national frustration: that Nigeria’s political landscape has tilted dangerously toward executive overreach, institutional capture and political engineering.

Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent.
By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by saharaweeklyng.com

This narrative is not isolated. Across Nigeria, governors from opposition parties have defected to the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) in numbers unprecedented in the nation’s democratic history. Critics argue that these defections are not merely voluntary political choices, but part of a strategic pressure campaign leveraging federal power and institutions to fracture opposition influence.

At its centre lies Nigeria’s principal anti-graft agency – the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC).

The EFCC: Anti-Graft Agency or Political Instrument? Founded to combat corruption, the EFCC’s constitutional mandate is to investigate and prosecute financial and economic crimes across public and private sectors. Its legal independence is enshrined in statute and it has historically pursued high-profile cases, including recovery of nearly $500 million in illicit assets in a single year, demonstrating its capacity for tackling corruption.

 

However, critics now claim that under the Tinubu administration, the EFCC’s prosecutorial power is being perceived (if not deployed) as a political instrument.

Opposition leaders, including former Vice President Atiku Abubakar and coalition parties such as the African Democratic Congress (ADC), have publicly accused the federal government of using anti-corruption agencies to intimidate opposition figures and governors, effectively pressuring them into aligning with the APC.

In a statement released in December 2025, opposition figures alleged that institutions such as the EFCC, the Nigerian Police and the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission were being selectively wielded to weaken political competitors rather than combat financial crime impartially.

This is not merely rhetorical noise. The opposition’s grievances centre on several observable patterns:

Reopened or New Investigations Against Opposition Figures: The ADC pointed to recent abnormal reactivation of long-dormant cases or new inquiries into financial activities involving senior opposition politicians. These, they argue, often arise shortly before critical elections or political realignments.

 

Alleged Differential Treatment: According to opponents of the current administration, individuals who have defected to the APC appear less likely to face sustained legal scrutiny or prosecution in EFCC proceedings, even in cases of credible allegations of mismanagement.

Timing of Actions: The timing of certain high-profile investigations, emerging ahead of the 2027 general elections, reinforces perceptions that anti-graft measures are tailored to political cycles rather than legal merit.

The EFCC and Presidency have publicly denied these allegations, insisting that the commission operates independently and pursues corruption irrespective of political affiliation and that Nigeria’s democratic freedoms (including party choice and mobility) remain intact.

Yet the perception of bias, once systemic, is hard to erase, especially when political actors deploy powerful state machinery with strategic timing and selective intensity.

Defections and Power Realignment: A Democracy at Risk? Since 2023 and particularly through 2025, a remarkable number of state governors and senior political leaders have crossed over from opposition parties (notably the Peoples Democratic Party – PDP) to the APC. Though defections are normal in Nigeria’s fluid political system, the scale and speed in recent years are historically noteworthy, raising critical questions about underlying incentives.

The SaharaWeeklyNG reported Makinde’s comments within the broader context of a political climate where dissenting voices face greater obstacles than at any time in recent democratic memory.

Governors who remain in opposition find themselves squeezed between growing federal assertiveness and dwindling political capital. Some analysts argue that the combination of federal resource control, political appointments and influence over public agencies exerts tangible pressure on subnational leaders to align with the ruling party for political survival. This dynamic, they contend, undermines competitive party politics and weakens Nigeria’s multiparty democracy.

 

Speaking Truth to Power: What Makinde’s Critique Exposes. Governor Makinde’s core grievance (that it is increasingly difficult, perhaps perilous, to speak truth to power) resonates widely among civil society actors, political analysts and democratic advocates:

“YOU CANNOT SPEAK TRUTH TO POWER IN THIS DISPENSATION,” Makinde declared, specifically citing the government’s handling of contentious tax reform bills as an example where dissent was neither welcomed nor transparently debated.

Makinde’s critique reflects deeper structural concerns:

Exclusion of Key Stakeholders: Opposition leaders and state executives report being marginalised from meaningful consultation on national policies affecting federal-state relations, revenue sharing and fiscal reforms.

Institutional Intimidation: The perception that state politicians become targets of federal legal scrutiny after taking firm oppositional stances (real or perceived) discourages robust democratic debate.

Erosion of Opposition Space: A symbiotic effect of party defections and institutional pressure is a shrinking viable space for genuine political opposition, weakening checks and balances essential to democratic governance.

A respected political scientist, Dr. Aisha Bello of the University of Lagos, recently argued that “when opposition becomes fraught with state leverage instead of ideological competition, the very foundation of democratic contestation collapses,” adding that “a government that shies away from criticism risks inversion into autocracy.”

Another expert, Prof. Chinedu Eze, former dean of political studies at Ahmadu Bello University, warned that “selective use of anti-corruption agencies as political tools corrodes public trust and ultimately delegates justice into the hands of incumbents rather than independent courts.” These observations echo growing public skepticism.

The Way Forward: Strengthening Democracy and Institutions. Nigeria’s path forward depends on restoring confidence in democratic norms and institutional independence.

Transparent EFCC Processes: Civil society groups and legal scholars are advocating for enhanced transparency in anti-graft investigations, including clear prosecutorial thresholds and independent audits of case initiation and closures.

Judicial Oversight: Strengthening the judiciary’s capacity and independence is critical to ensuring that allegations of political weaponisation do not go unchecked. Courts must remain the ultimate arbiters of evidence and guilt.

Political Reforms: Advocates demand reforms to party financing, federal-state fiscal relations, and consultation mechanisms to reduce incentives for defections driven by federal resource leverage.

Public Engagement: A more informed and engaged civil society, anchored by independent media and civic education, must hold both government and opposition accountable for adherence to democratic principles.

Beyond The Present Moment.

Governor Makinde’s assertion that it is no longer tenable to “speak truth to power” under the current administration reflects unsettling trends in Nigeria’s evolving democratic landscape. While the EFCC and the Presidency maintain that anti-corruption efforts are independent and constitutionally grounded, opposition leaders (backed by political data and patterns of defections) argue that state power is being used to consolidate one-party dominance and undermine political pluralism.

At this critical juncture, Nigeria must choose between entrenching competitive democracy or sliding toward a political monopoly where dissent is subdued, institutions compromised, and power concentrated.

For Nigeria’s democratic ideals to survive (and thrive) its leaders and citizens must ensure that speaking truth to power remains not a perilous act of defiance but an honoured pillar of national life.

 

Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent.
By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by saharaweeklyng.com

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