Politics
2023: CAN THIS NIGERIAN REPUBLIC EVER WORK?
2023: CAN THIS NIGERIAN REPUBLIC EVER WORK?
“If men were angels, no government would be necessary. If angels were to govern men, neither external nor internal controls on government would be necessary. In framing a government which is to be administered by men over men, the great difficulty lies in this: you must first enable the government to control the governed; and in the next place oblige it to control itself”— James Madison, America’s fourth President and Father of Constitution, writing in Federalist No. 51, one of his several essays in the Federalist Papers.
Madison, Alexander Hamilton (America’s first Secretary of the Treasury) and John Jay (America’s first Chief Justice) wrote the Federalist Papers, under the pseudonym, ‘Publius,’ a major contribution to the content of America’s Constitution fully ratified May 29, 1790.
I agree with Madison. Giving the selfishness of humans, government is needed to control the governed, to avoid what 17th century English philosopher, Thomas Hobbes in his masterpiece, “Leviathan” described as (Hobbesian) State of Nature where “… life is solitary, poor, nasty, brutish and short.”
Similarly, I agree with Alexander Hamilton when he wrote in Federalist 10 that: “A firm union will be of the utmost moment to the peace and liberty of the States, as a barrier against domestic faction and insurrection. It is impossible to read the history of the petty republics of Greece and Italy without feeling sensations of horror and disgust at the distractions with which they were continually agitated, and at the rapid succession of revolutions by which they were kept in a state of perpetual vibration between the extremes of tyranny and anarchy…”
Continued Hamilton, “…The science of politics, however, like most other sciences, has received great improvement. The efficacy of various principles is now well understood, which were either not known at all, or imperfectly known to the ancients. The regular distribution of power into distinct departments; the introduction of legislative balances and checks; the institution of courts composed of judges holding their offices during good behavior; the representation of the people in the legislature by deputies of their own election: these are wholly new discoveries, or have made their principal progress towards perfection in modern times. They are means, and powerful means, by which the excellences of republican government may be retained and its imperfections lessened or avoided…”
Many a Nigerians hold this view that politics is a dirty game. But, I argue that politics is not a dirty game, as the science of politics has received great improvement, since the late 1780s.
The great improvement in the science of politics lies in the regular distribution of power into distinct departments; the introduction of legislative balances and checks; the institution of courts composed of judges holding their offices during good behavior; the representation of the people in the legislature by deputies of their own election. So, why is this Nigerian Republic not working? We shall see a handful of reasons in this piece.
In his Thisday opinion piece on September 2, 2020, entitled: “Of Igbos, 2023 and ‘Politics of Moral Consequence,” Bishop of Catholic Diocese of Sokoto, Most Rev. Dr. Matthew Hassan Kukah, decried that: “The quality of men and women at the helm of affairs cannot rescue this country (Nigeria) from its current state of decay and looming decomposition.”
Howbeit, the insightful work of French aristocrat and civil servant, Alexis De Tocqueville, entitled: “Democracy in America and Two Essays on America,” a book that captured his nine-month visit to America with his friend Gustave de Beaumont, in May 1831, make me remain cautiously optimistic about the future of this unworking Nigerian Republic.
Tocqueville in his masterpiece had opined that since 1776, America’s democracy has evolved through popular struggles and movements, that when conflicts arise, they’re solved by the groups in power and the groups that aspire to share power.
Tocqueville in his book, had held that when America’s Articles of Confederation (first grundnorm) became inadequate and defective, all the great men created from the 1765-1783 American Revolutionary War against Britain, were still alive, adding that America’s second constitution which laid her solid foundation (even till date) was drafted “by 55 finest minds, noblest characters that had ever emerged in the New World.”
The James Madisons of this world, Alexander Hamiltons, George Washingtons, Benjamin Franklins, Gouverneur Morriss, Charles Pinckneys, Jonathan Daytons, William Samuel Johnsons, Roger Shermans, John Dickinsons, William Livingstons, Hugh Williamsons, Rufus Kings, Abraham Baldwins, James McHenrys, et al.
Nigeria’s Five Core Problems
For Nigeria, after over 61 years of Independence and 22 years of a so-called representative government, this Nigerian Republic is still not working. Can it ever work?
The core problem with all that is wrong with this Nigerian Republic remains the inability of the ruling political elite to understand:
1. Nigeria’s operational model of government
2. Main purpose of government.
3. Key feature of a legitimate government.
4. Key duties of the branches and tiers of government.
5. How to rotate power at the centre taking into serious cognizance Nigeria’s multi-ethnic, multi-cultural and multi-religious colouration.
1. Government Model
To salvage whatever is left of this Nigerian Republic, there is an urgent need to keep the good models of countries like the United States before our eyes, so that we may get on step by step towards a good Constitution and internal improvement. For context, Nigeria’s Representative Democracy is akin to America’s.
The world over, there is no government model that is perfect. Arguably, me thinks Compound Republicanism/Federalism (Representative Democracy) remains the best bet for Nigeria and Nigerians, particularly, giving today’s socio-political and economic realities.
Before it’s too late, let’s lesson the conspicuous imperfections prevalent in this Nigerian Republic, by operating in practice, not in theory, the tenets of True Representative Democracy. This government model is based on consent of the governed (Nigerian people).
Going forward, all executive representatives at the Federal, States and Local Councils, including legislators at both chambers of the National Assembly, 36 State Assemblies and 774 Local Council Assemblies (Councillors) should be persons legitimately elected by the consent of the majority in peaceful, free, fair and transparent elections.
To achieving this, Nigeria urgently needs:
I. An unbiased census to be conducted every 10 years for political redistricting and economic planning.
II. National Identification Number to legally identify all Nigerian citizens, even at birth, including legal residents.
III. Clean Birth Register to register all births.
IV. Clean Death Register to register all deaths.
V. Clean Electoral Register tied to the NIN of all Nigerians.
VI. An unambiguous Electoral Law to among other things, guarantee electronic voting with paper trail.
2. Purpose Of Government
To avoid the Hobbesian State of Nature, government is necessary to basically secure and protect natural, unalienable rights such as right to Life, Liberty and Pursuit of Happiness.
A government that doesn’t secure these inalienable rights has become illegitimate and must be altered or abolished through the ballots. The 1776 U.S. Declaration of Independence document corroborates this position.
It read in part: “… We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.–That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed, –That whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new Government, laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their Safety and Happiness…”
3. Key Feature Of A Legitimate Government
In a True Representative Democracy, consent of the governed remains the only key feature of a legitimate government at all tiers (Federal, States and Local Councils). Only through peaceful, free, fair and transparent elections can this consent be given.
Only then can a Social Compact be established where the people make an agreement to accept the creation of that government and abide by the rules it makes.
4. Key Duties Of Branches Of Government
Unitary Executive
I. National Defence: To secure the country and its borders against invasion by foreign enemies. Thus, the executive is the Sword of the nation.
II. Foreign Commerce: Trade facilitation with other countries.
III. Monetary Policies: Formulating sound economic policies to protect the value of country’s legal tender (currency).
IV. Law enforcement of federal crimes to protect the rights of citizens from harm done by fellow citizens taking into full cognizance Equal Protection and Due Process.
V. Operate in States where it has operations. E.g., Postal Services, Immigration Services, Customs Services, etc.
Bi-cameral Legislature
I. House Of Representatives: Ideally, they are the purse of the nation. The President can’t lead Nigeria to war or go on borrowing spree without recourse to the House of Representatives.
II. Senate: This upper legislative chamber is needed for the stability of country. Recall the decision taken by the Senate on Tuesday, February 9, 2010 to empower Vice President Goodluck Jonathan to serve as acting president in order to resolve the constitutional breach by ailing President Musa Yar’Adua for failing to transmit a letter to the National Assembly and hand over to his deputy in line with Section 145 of the 1999 Constitution, since November 23, 2009.
That insightful decision known today as Doctrine of Necessity in Nigeria’s political lexicon brought stability to a nation in the dark as to the whereabouts of their President at the time.
Judiciary
In a True Representative Democracy, an independent Judiciary is indispensable. It’s the duty of the Judiciary to adjudicate and declare unconstitutional, acts of the legislature and executive that run afoul of the supreme laws of the land, without fear or favour.
Key Duties Of The Tiers Of Government
Exclusive Legislative List
Critically examining Nigeria’s 1999 Constitution, you realise that this Nigerian Republic isn’t working because the Federal Government causes major hold-up to good governance by taking up 68 items, most of them unnecessary, in the Exclusive Legislative List.
Concurrent Legislative List
Health, Education, Agriculture, Road, Housing, are the five major items on the Concurrent Legislative List. These areas are where powers are shared jointly by Nigeria’s Federal Government and the 36 State Governments, including FCT Abuja.
Residual Legislative List
Conspicuously showing why this Nigerian Republic isn’t working, one major item the 1999 Constitution guarantees the 774 Local Councils closer to the Nigerian people in the Residual Legislative List is Chieftaincy Matters.
My Position
Among other germane issues, on Item 39 in the Exclusive Legislative List, me thinks, nothing stops Nigeria’s Federal Government from devolving to States where they are found, the control of mines, minerals, including oil fields, oil mining, geological surveys and natural gas. This will give States more Internally Generated Revenue to survive without going caps in hand to Abuja, for monthly handouts.
On Item 45 in the Exclusive Legislative List, me thinks, giving Nigeria’s broken internal security architecture, the Nigeria Police Force should be decentralised. Internal Policing should be the duties of States and Local Councils, as it operates in saner climes such as the United States, United Kingdom, et al.
A Nigeria with 37 Independent State Police, 774 Independent Local Police Departments, with residents and indigenes of the respective States and Local Government Areas, making up the personnels, will be better secured that this current corruption-riddled centralised Police Force.
For space constraint, I will speak to this core issue of power devolution in subsequent pieces.
5. Power Rotation
Me thinks, we should revisit the memoranda of Mkpoko Igbo; Councils of Obas of Lagos, Ogun, Oyo, Osun & Ondo States of Nigeria, Northern Minorities, et al, during Abacha’s Constitutional Conference inaugurated June 27, 1994.
At that conference chaired by the late Justice Adolphus Karibi-Whyte, Mkpoko Igbo, et al, proposed that for Peace, Justice, Equity and Fairnes, office of the Nigerian President should be rotated among the six geo-political zones of South West, South East, South South, North West, North East and North Central.
3 Key Govt Decisions of the 1994/1995 Constitutional Conference:
1. Offices of the President, Vice President, Prime Minister, Deputy Prime Minister, Senate President and House Speaker should be rotated among the 6 geo-political zones. The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) will determine how?
2. The Power Sharing arrangement at the Federal level shall be entrenched in Nigeria’s 1998/1999 Constitution.
3. The Power Sharing arrangement shall be applicable for an experimental period of 30 (thirty) years.
Before government made its decision, the conference prescribed a single term of 5 (five) years for the President, arguing that this would encourage each zone to be patient and wait for its turn.
Former President Goodluck Jonathan made same suggestion while in office, but was brutally vilified.
Me thinks, had Nigeria implemented the above recommendations on return to civil rule in 1999, by 2029, all 6 (six) geo-political zones would have produced Nigeria’s President, including Vice President, Senate President and House Speaker.
Today’s bad blood arising from whose turn it is to produce the President would have been lessoned.
WAY FORWARD FOR 2023?
Since 1999, the President has rotated as follows:
South West- 8 years
North West- 11 years (by May 29, 2023)
South South- 5 years
South East- Nil
North East- Nil
North Central- Nil
For an equitable zoning formular by the two major political parties, the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) and the opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), I make the following suggestion:
South East (President)
North Central (Vice President)
North East (Senate President)
South South (Deputy Senate President)
South West (Speaker)
North West (Deputy Speaker).
Over the last 61 years of our chequered history, we have been talking as a people. Ahead of 2023, I beseech Nigeria’s ruling political elites to allow reason prevail, not passion.
In his masterpiece, “Founding Brothers: The Revolutionary Generation,” Joseph J. Ellis cited that “The survival of republics take realistic recognition of the need for limits, as well as liberation. It requires those at the helm of affairs to make sensible compromises with political power. The survival of any republic resides in the capacity to harness, indeed to consolidate the energies released by various movements for a better republic.”
Ikenna Asomba is a Journalist and student of Compound Republicanism, he writes from Charleston Illinois, United States.
Kogi’s Quiet Shift: Reviewing Governor Ododo’s First 24 Months in Office
By Rowland Olonishuwa
On Tuesday, Kogi State paused to mark two years since Alhaji Ahmed Usman Ododo took the oath as Executive Governor. Across government circles, community halls, and everyday conversations, the anniversary was more than a date on the calendar; it was a milestone that invites both reflection and renewed optimism. A moment to look back at how far the state has travelled in just twenty-four months, and where it is heading next.
Since assuming office in January 2024, Ododo has steered the state through a period of measured consolidation, delivering strategic interventions across security, infrastructure, human capital, and economic revitalisation that are beginning to translate into real improvements for residents.
Governor Ododo stepped into office at a time when expectations were high, and confidence in public institutions needed rebuilding.
His response to these was not loud declarations, but steady consolidation, strengthening structures, restoring order in governance, and setting a clear direction. Over time, that calm approach has become his signature: leadership that listens first, plans carefully, and moves with purpose.
Security has remained the most urgent concern for Nigerians, and Kogi residents are no exceptions; the Ododo-led administration has treated it as such. From deploying surveillance drones to support intelligence operations to recruiting and integrating local hunters and vigilante personnel into formal security frameworks, the government has built a layered safety net.
For farmers returning to their fields, travellers moving along highways, and families in rural communities, the impact is simple and deeply personal: fewer fears, quicker response, and growing confidence that the government is present and concerned about the ordinary people.
Infrastructural development has followed the same practical logic. Roads have been rehabilitated, easing movement for traders and commuters. Budget priorities have shifted toward capital projects and human development, while revived facilities like the Confluence Rice Mill now provide farmers with real economic opportunity. For many households, this means better income prospects, stronger local trade, and renewed belief that development is no longer a distant promise.
Health and education are not left out; the Ododo-led administration has expanded free healthcare services and supported students through examination funding and institutional improvements.
Parents who once struggled with medical bills and school fees have felt relief. Young people preparing for their futures now see government investment not as abstract policy but as something that touches their daily lives.
Governance reforms, from civil service strengthening to new legislative frameworks, have quietly improved how government functions. Salaries are more predictable, public offices are more responsive, and local government structures are more coordinated. These may not always make headlines, but they shape how citizens experience leadership every day.
As the second year anniversary celebrations fade into routine today and Governor Ododo enters his third year in office, the true meaning of the anniversary will continue to linger on.
Two years may not have solved every challenge in the Confluence State -no government ever does, by the way- but they have set a tone of stability, responsiveness, and direction. The next phase will demand deeper impact, broader reach, and sustained security gains.
But for many in Kogi State, the story of the past twenty-four months is already clear: steady hands on the wheel, and a journey that is firmly underway.
Olonishuwa is the Editor-in-Chief of Newshubmag.com. He writes from Ilorin
Lagos Assembly Debunks Abuja House Rumour, Warns Against Election Season Propaganda
The Lagos State House of Assembly has described as misleading and mischievous the widespread misinformation that it budgeted for the purchase of houses in Abuja for its members in the 2026 Appropriation Law.
This rebuttal is contained in a statement jointly signed by Hon. Stephen Ogundipe, Chairman, House Committee on Information, Strategy, and Security, and Hon. Sa’ad Olumoh, Chairman, House Committee on Economic Planning and Budget.
Describing the report as a deliberate and disturbing falsehood being peddled by patently ignorant people, the statement reads, “There is no provision whatsoever in the 2026 Budget for the purchase of houses in Abuja or anywhere else for members of the Lagos State House of Assembly. The report is a complete fabrication and a product of political mischief intended to misinform the public.
“The Lagos State House of Assembly does not operate in Abuja. Our constitutional responsibilities, constituencies, and legislative duties are entirely within Lagos State. It is, therefore, illogical, irrational, and irresponsible for anyone to suggest that legislators would appropriate public funds for personal housing outside their jurisdiction.”
The statement emphasised that the budget is already in the public domain and accessible for scrutiny by discerning Lagosians and Nigerians alike. It reiterated that the Lagos State Government operates a transparent budget that speaks to the needs of the people and the demands of a megalopolis.
“We view this rumour as part of a wider attempt at election-season propaganda, designed to erode public trust, sow discord, and malign democratic institutions.”
The chairmen further clarified that the 2026 capital expenditure of the House of Assembly is less than 0.04% of the total CAPEX of the state, which clearly demonstrates the culture of prudence, accountability, and fiscal responsibility that guides the legislature. However, they noted, “Historically, the House does not even access up to its approved budget in many fiscal years.”
They stressed that the Assembly remains fully committed to excellence, transparency, good governance, and the collective welfare of the people of Lagos State, in line with the objectives of the 2026 Budget of Shared Prosperity.
“We therefore challenge those behind this harebrained allegation to produce credible evidence or retract their statements forthwith. Failure to do so may attract appropriate legal actions.
“We urge Lagosians and the general public to disregard this baseless rumour and always verify information from official and credible sources.”
Politics
Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent
Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent.
By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by saharaweeklyng.com
“Tinubu’s Government, the EFCC and the Strategic Undermining of Opposition Governors”.
In a striking indictment of Nigeria’s current political reality, Governor Seyi Makinde of Oyo State declared that “you cannot speak truth to power in this dispensation”, directly accusing the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu of intolerance for dissent and an erosion of democratic norms.
Makinde’s remarks (made during a public event in Ibadan on January 25, 2026) were more than a local governor’s lament. They crystallised a mounting national frustration: that Nigeria’s political landscape has tilted dangerously toward executive overreach, institutional capture and political engineering.
This narrative is not isolated. Across Nigeria, governors from opposition parties have defected to the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) in numbers unprecedented in the nation’s democratic history. Critics argue that these defections are not merely voluntary political choices, but part of a strategic pressure campaign leveraging federal power and institutions to fracture opposition influence.
At its centre lies Nigeria’s principal anti-graft agency – the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC).
The EFCC: Anti-Graft Agency or Political Instrument? Founded to combat corruption, the EFCC’s constitutional mandate is to investigate and prosecute financial and economic crimes across public and private sectors. Its legal independence is enshrined in statute and it has historically pursued high-profile cases, including recovery of nearly $500 million in illicit assets in a single year, demonstrating its capacity for tackling corruption.
However, critics now claim that under the Tinubu administration, the EFCC’s prosecutorial power is being perceived (if not deployed) as a political instrument.
Opposition leaders, including former Vice President Atiku Abubakar and coalition parties such as the African Democratic Congress (ADC), have publicly accused the federal government of using anti-corruption agencies to intimidate opposition figures and governors, effectively pressuring them into aligning with the APC.
In a statement released in December 2025, opposition figures alleged that institutions such as the EFCC, the Nigerian Police and the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission were being selectively wielded to weaken political competitors rather than combat financial crime impartially.
This is not merely rhetorical noise. The opposition’s grievances centre on several observable patterns:
Reopened or New Investigations Against Opposition Figures: The ADC pointed to recent abnormal reactivation of long-dormant cases or new inquiries into financial activities involving senior opposition politicians. These, they argue, often arise shortly before critical elections or political realignments.
Alleged Differential Treatment: According to opponents of the current administration, individuals who have defected to the APC appear less likely to face sustained legal scrutiny or prosecution in EFCC proceedings, even in cases of credible allegations of mismanagement.
Timing of Actions: The timing of certain high-profile investigations, emerging ahead of the 2027 general elections, reinforces perceptions that anti-graft measures are tailored to political cycles rather than legal merit.
The EFCC and Presidency have publicly denied these allegations, insisting that the commission operates independently and pursues corruption irrespective of political affiliation and that Nigeria’s democratic freedoms (including party choice and mobility) remain intact.
Yet the perception of bias, once systemic, is hard to erase, especially when political actors deploy powerful state machinery with strategic timing and selective intensity.
Defections and Power Realignment: A Democracy at Risk? Since 2023 and particularly through 2025, a remarkable number of state governors and senior political leaders have crossed over from opposition parties (notably the Peoples Democratic Party – PDP) to the APC. Though defections are normal in Nigeria’s fluid political system, the scale and speed in recent years are historically noteworthy, raising critical questions about underlying incentives.
The SaharaWeeklyNG reported Makinde’s comments within the broader context of a political climate where dissenting voices face greater obstacles than at any time in recent democratic memory.
Governors who remain in opposition find themselves squeezed between growing federal assertiveness and dwindling political capital. Some analysts argue that the combination of federal resource control, political appointments and influence over public agencies exerts tangible pressure on subnational leaders to align with the ruling party for political survival. This dynamic, they contend, undermines competitive party politics and weakens Nigeria’s multiparty democracy.
Speaking Truth to Power: What Makinde’s Critique Exposes. Governor Makinde’s core grievance (that it is increasingly difficult, perhaps perilous, to speak truth to power) resonates widely among civil society actors, political analysts and democratic advocates:
“YOU CANNOT SPEAK TRUTH TO POWER IN THIS DISPENSATION,” Makinde declared, specifically citing the government’s handling of contentious tax reform bills as an example where dissent was neither welcomed nor transparently debated.
Makinde’s critique reflects deeper structural concerns:
Exclusion of Key Stakeholders: Opposition leaders and state executives report being marginalised from meaningful consultation on national policies affecting federal-state relations, revenue sharing and fiscal reforms.
Institutional Intimidation: The perception that state politicians become targets of federal legal scrutiny after taking firm oppositional stances (real or perceived) discourages robust democratic debate.
Erosion of Opposition Space: A symbiotic effect of party defections and institutional pressure is a shrinking viable space for genuine political opposition, weakening checks and balances essential to democratic governance.
A respected political scientist, Dr. Aisha Bello of the University of Lagos, recently argued that “when opposition becomes fraught with state leverage instead of ideological competition, the very foundation of democratic contestation collapses,” adding that “a government that shies away from criticism risks inversion into autocracy.”
Another expert, Prof. Chinedu Eze, former dean of political studies at Ahmadu Bello University, warned that “selective use of anti-corruption agencies as political tools corrodes public trust and ultimately delegates justice into the hands of incumbents rather than independent courts.” These observations echo growing public skepticism.
The Way Forward: Strengthening Democracy and Institutions. Nigeria’s path forward depends on restoring confidence in democratic norms and institutional independence.
Transparent EFCC Processes: Civil society groups and legal scholars are advocating for enhanced transparency in anti-graft investigations, including clear prosecutorial thresholds and independent audits of case initiation and closures.
Judicial Oversight: Strengthening the judiciary’s capacity and independence is critical to ensuring that allegations of political weaponisation do not go unchecked. Courts must remain the ultimate arbiters of evidence and guilt.
Political Reforms: Advocates demand reforms to party financing, federal-state fiscal relations, and consultation mechanisms to reduce incentives for defections driven by federal resource leverage.
Public Engagement: A more informed and engaged civil society, anchored by independent media and civic education, must hold both government and opposition accountable for adherence to democratic principles.
Beyond The Present Moment.
Governor Makinde’s assertion that it is no longer tenable to “speak truth to power” under the current administration reflects unsettling trends in Nigeria’s evolving democratic landscape. While the EFCC and the Presidency maintain that anti-corruption efforts are independent and constitutionally grounded, opposition leaders (backed by political data and patterns of defections) argue that state power is being used to consolidate one-party dominance and undermine political pluralism.
At this critical juncture, Nigeria must choose between entrenching competitive democracy or sliding toward a political monopoly where dissent is subdued, institutions compromised, and power concentrated.
For Nigeria’s democratic ideals to survive (and thrive) its leaders and citizens must ensure that speaking truth to power remains not a perilous act of defiance but an honoured pillar of national life.
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