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2027 Is Youths O’Clock: Ordinary Young Nigerians Will Build the Great Nation We Deserve.

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2027 Is Youths O’Clock: Ordinary Young Nigerians Will Build the Great Nation We Deserve.

2027 Is Youths O’Clock: Ordinary Young Nigerians Will Build the Great Nation We Deserve.

 

By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by SaharaWeeklyNG.com

 

“Great nations are not built by the rich alone, but by the courage of ordinary youths who rise from humble beginnings.” That truth is not poetry; it is policy. It is the spine of every national rebirth. And it is Nigeria’s most urgent assignment as 2027 approaches. The class of 2027 must be the generation that trades CYNICISM for CIVIC MUSCLE, that takes our frustrations and forges them into reforms, that turns raw numbers into organized power. Simply put: 2027 is calling for Youths O’clock.

 

2027 Is Youths O’Clock: Ordinary Young Nigerians Will Build the Great Nation We Deserve.

 

Across history, NATION-BUILDING is rarely a billionaire’s project; it is the hard, hopeful, everyday work of young citizens who show up (at the ballot, in town halls, in classrooms, on factory floors, in code labs, on farms, and in community boards. Nigeria has that workforce in abundance. Africa is the youngest continent on earth; in sub-Saharan Africa, 70% of people are under 30, and young Africans are projected to comprise about 42% of the world’s youth by 2030. This is not a statistic to admire; it is a mandate to act.

 

 

BUT POTENTIAL IS NOT DESTINY. If we don’t translate youthful energy into tangible power (votes, policies, enterprises, and institutions), our “DEMOGRAPHIC DIVIDEND” becomes a DEMOGRAPHIC DEBT. The window is open, but it will not stay open forever. In 2023, young Nigerians proved they are not spectators. Nearly 40% of registered voters were under 35, and youth drove unprecedented mobilization both online and on the streets. The SURGE was REAL; THE LESSON is CLEAR: when youths organize, the political class pays attention; willingly or otherwise.

 

2027 Is Youths O’Clock: Ordinary Young Nigerians Will Build the Great Nation We Deserve.

 

Of course, COURAGE WITHOUT PATHWAYS is a CUL-DE-SAC. That is why the Not Too Young To Run Act (2018) matters. It didn’t just trend; it changed the rules, lowering age limits for key offices and opening the door for independent candidacy. Reform is never a miracle; it’s the residue of relentless youth organizing, and Nigerian youths achieved it. Now, that door must be kicked fully open by a 2027 wave of competent, ethical, ground-game-ready candidates.

 

 

Yet one can’t talk about 2027 without naming the economic headwinds young people face. Jobs remain too few, wages too high, and opportunities too gated. Globally, the youth unemployment rate hovered around 13% in 2023, masking deep regional inequalities; in Nigeria, official youth unemployment ticked up in 2023 under a revised methodology that many analysts debate, reminding us why UNDEREMPLOYMENT and INFORMALITY (not just joblessness) must be central to policy. If a reform does not turn schooling into skills and skills into dignified work, it is a slogan, not a solution.

 

 

So what must young Nigerians actually do between now and February 2027?

1) OWN THE REGISTER, OWN THE RESULT. Registration is power. A movement that does not obsess over PVCs is a mood, not a force. Learn from 2023: the line for your card is the first queue to your policy outcomes. Demand transparent voter data, track logistics, cs, and volunteer as party agents and observers. Youths do not just vote; we verify.

 

2) RECRUIT AND RUN. Stop waiting for “GOOD PEOPLE” to appear. Recruit them or be them. The legal barriers are lower now. Build slates of youth candidates for local councils, state assemblies, and the National Assembly. Pair them with seasoned technocrats and community elders in advisory roles. Competence is not anti-youth; it’s the oxygen of youth credibility.

 

3) BUILD POLICY FROM THE GROUND UP. The economy is not an abstract riddle. It is transport costs, stable power, affordable data, reliable security, and access to finance. Focus your manifestos on: (a) SKILLS-TO-JOBS PIPELINES (apprenticeship, coding academies, TVET married to real employer demand), (b) AGRO-INDUSTRIAL VALUE CHAINS that turn harvests into exports, (c) MSME capital that is patient, transparent and regionalized and (d) LOCAL INFRASTRUCTURE that cuts business friction—roads, markets, cold storage and mini-grids. Judges of seriousness will look for budget line, not buzzwords.

 

4) TURN PROTEST INTO POLICY. The world has watched youth uprisings reshape agendas from Nairobi to Lagos. But historic protests without INSTITUTIONAL FOLLOW-THROUGH risk becoming anniversaries instead of laws. Mobilize into the committees where procurement is designed, the town halls where tariffs aresett and the party primaries where tickets are traded. If policy is where the sausage is made, then 2027 must be where youths own the kitchen.

 

5) GUARD THE INFORMATION SPACE. Disinformation is voter suppression by other means. Youth-led fact-checking hubs, precinct-by-precinct results collation, and credible parallel vote tabulation will be decisive. Technology is not a savior, but in skillful hands it is a shield.

 

6) CLOSE THE REPRESENTATION GAP. Youths are not a monolith; inclusion is strength. Bring in women, rural youths, artisans, student leaders, creatives, techies, and persons with disabilities. Let your coalitions look like the country you seek to govern.

 

If this sounds like a moral crusade, it is. As Kofi Annan reminded the world, “No one is born a good citizen; no nation is born a democracy. Rather, both are processes that continue to evolve over a lifetime.” The generation that commits to that process (patiently, persistently, pragmatically) wins the future.

 

 

And if this sounds like a development strategy, it is that too. Amartya Sen defines development as the expansion of real freedoms to live, learn, work, and participate meaningfully. Youth empowerment is not window dressing; it is the engine of that expansion. Elections without expanded freedoms are ceremonies; with them, they become catalysts.

 

 

Skeptics will say, “We’ve heard this before.” Fair. Hope has been weaponized too many times in our politics. That is why 2027 must be different in METHOD, not just in MOOD. Replace personality cults with policy contracts (one-page, measurable commitments signed publicly by candidates, tracked quarterly by civic group, and published online. Replace patronage rallies with door-to-door listening, Ward Development Scorecards, and clear procurement dashboards. Replace “big man” endorsements with credible youth-elder compacts (inter-generational alliances that blend idealism and institutional memory.

 

 

Above all, replace the myth that change must be spectacular with the discipline that change must be systematic. Nations are built less by grand speeches than by thousands of small, sturdy decisions made daily by citizens who refuse to outsource their future. As Nelson Mandela said, “It always seems impossible until it’s done.” The work before us is not impossible; it is simply incomplete.

 

Let’s test this thesis with hard realities:

Demography is on the youth’s side. The youngest continent is ours; the youngest electorate in our history is alive now. If we don’t invest this advantage in 2027, it compounds against us in 2031.

 

The law is edging in our favor. The age barriers are lower; candidacy is more accessible. But legal keys unlock nothing without organized hands to turn them.

 

Economics is the battleground. Youth joblessness and underemployment corrode social trust and fuel brain drain. Sound, youth-centered economic policy (anchored in SMEs, skills, and infrastructure) is not a talking point; it’s survival.

 

So here is the challenge and the promise: if ordinary youths move from hashtags to handbooks, from outrage to outcomes, from “THEY” to WE, Nigeria can do in the 2027 (2031 cycle what others take decades to attempt) bend the arc of our politics toward competence, bend the arc of our economy toward inclusion and bend the arc of our society toward dignity.

 

The rich will fund projects; that is fine. But great nations are built by bus conductors who insist on receipts, by market women who demand bright-lit streets and fair taxes, by coders who ship local solutions, by nurses who refuse to normalize avoidable deaths, by teachers who measure learning rather than attendance, by artisans who formalize their craft, by farmers who join cooperatives, by creators who monetize culture, by athletes who anchor community pride and (above all) by voters who connect every promise to a performance review.

 

This is our moment. Youths O’clock is not a slogan; it is a schedule. It means registering now, organizing now, vetting candidates now, training polling agents now, drafting ward-level manifestos no, and building cross-party youth caucuses now. It means refusing to be rented crowds and choosing to be responsible stewards. It means pursuing power not as a trophy but, in the words of a wise admonition, as a loan to be repaid with service.

 

If we keep faith with that ethic, 2027 will not just change who sits in office; it will change what office is for. And then the old lie (that Nigeria is too complicated to fix) will finally meet its match in a new, stubborn truth: that ordinary young Nigerians, rising from humble beginnings, carried this republic on their shoulders and built something worth handing to their children.

The clock is ticking. The future is calling. 2027 is Youths O’Clock.

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Madness and Misgovernance: Nigeria’s Security Crisis and the Folly of Negotiating with Kidnappers

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Madness and Misgovernance: Nigeria’s Security Crisis and the Folly of Negotiating with Kidnappers.

By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by SaharaWeeklyNG.com

“How the Kidnapping of 177 Worshippers and the Demand for Motorcycles Expose a Nation in Peril.”

On January 18, 2026, armed militants stormed three churches in Kurmin Wali community, Kajuru Local Government Area, Kaduna State, abducting 177 worshippers, this is a shocking reminder of Nigeria’s deep-seated insecurity. Instead of demanding ransom in cash, the abductors bizarrely insisted on the return of 17 motorcycles allegedly “LOST” during recent military operations before they would negotiate the release of the captives.

This grotesque demand (seemingly trivial in monetary terms) triggers a much deeper question: How can a sovereign nation as powerful and populous as Nigeria be forced to negotiate with kidnappers, bandits and terrorists? And worse, why are these negotiations happening at all in a country that constitutionally claims the capacity and mandate to protect its citizens?

Madness and Misgovernance: Nigeria’s Security Crisis and the Folly of Negotiating with Kidnappers.
By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by SaharaWeeklyNG.com

The scenes unfolding in Kaduna are not isolated anomalies. They are stark symbols of a nation unravelling under the weight of insecurity and a crisis that cripples daily life, threatens economic development and erodes trust in government institutions.

The Mechanics of Nigeria’s Kidnap Economy. Data from independent security analysts paint a chilling picture of Nigeria’s kidnapping crisis as a full-blown criminal economy. Between July 2024 and June 2025, at least 4,722 Nigerians were abducted across 997 kidnapping incidents, with factions demanding nearly ₦48 billion in ransom (of which families and victims paid more than ₦2.57 billion) and at least 762 people killed in related violence.

In many affected regions (especially northern states such as Zamfara, Kaduna and Katsina) rural communities live in fear. Farms are abandoned, schools are shut and social life disintegrates as the threat of attack penetrates everyday existence.

Kidnapping has become a refined revenue-earning strategy for armed groups, operating with impunity due to weak law enforcement, corruption and porous territorial control by the state. In some areas, officials concede that taxation and ransom have become embedded in local criminal economies.

Negotiation: A Costly and Dangerous Policy. Negotiating with kidnappers is not merely a tactical option; it has become a semi-institutionalised response, practiced by security agencies and even local government interlocutors.
Yet this is a self-defeating strategy.

As security expert Dr. Chidi Anselm Odinkalu said: “When you pay ransom or negotiate terms with kidnappers, you are effectively rewarding criminality and incentivising more violence against the very citizens the state is meant to protect.” His words echo a key security principle: criminal enterprises grow where risk is low and profit is high. Negotiations reduce risk for kidnappers and amplify the profitability of kidnapping as a business.

Nigeria is, therefore, subsidising its own insecurity.

Today’s demand for motorcycles (seemingly trivial) has exposed the moral and operational decay in Nigeria’s security leadership. What message does it send to militants when military operations dislodge them from camps only for communities to be forced into negotiation? What CONFIDENCE can victims families have in a government that bargains on behalf of kidnappers?

For families in Kurmin Wali, the trauma has been double, first in seeing loved ones taken and second in watching officials scramble for excuses rather than solutions.

The Government’s Response: Ambiguity and Deflection. Government reactions range from defensive statements to outright denial. In some cases, local leaders initially dismissed reports of abductions as “RUMOURS,” only to retract after mounting evidence and public outrage.

At the state and federal levels, security agencies intermittently claim to be battling insecurity strategically. Some reports even note tactical successes; for instance, operations by the Nigerian military recently freed 62 captives in the northwest while killing militants involved in coordinated attacks.

Yet, tactical victories notwithstanding, the broader strategic failure remains palpable. Kidnapping (for ransom or political leverage) continues unabated. Markets, schools and worship centers have been targeted repeatedly, revealing a grim reality: ordinary Nigerians are viewed as expendable pawns in a battle the state has failed to decisively win.

Is Negotiation Madness or Strategy?
Many analysts argue that negotiation is madness in the context of organised terrorism and banditry.

The former Director of Nigeria’s Defence Headquarters once admonished that negotiating with criminals transforms them into recognised power brokers. As he stated, “There is no negotiation with criminality. It only fuels further cycles of violence and undermines state authority.”

This perspective was reflected in recent defence policy discussions where the Senate declared kidnapping an act of terrorism and mulled harsher penalties, including the death sentence for such crimes.

The logic is straightforward: treating kidnappers merely as criminals to be bargained with undercuts deterrence. Instead, it builds a market for kidnapping and one that is expanding and mutating into various forms of terror and extortion.

International Ramifications.
Nigeria’s insecurity is not just a national catastrophe; it has international security implications. The country’s porous borders, interlinked regional insurgencies and the rise of violent groups in the Sahel make West Africa a hotspot for burgeoning criminal networks.

Furthermore, international businesses and investors look at Nigeria through the lens of risk. Persistent kidnappings and the government’s inability to secure citizens and property cast a long shadow on economic prospects which is discouraging foreign investment and eroding confidence in the region’s largest economy.

What Must Change: A New Paradigm of Security. End Negotiations with Criminals:
Negotiating with kidnappers has turned Nigeria into a nation of debt with emotionally, morally and financially. As security scholar Professor Alex Bello asserts: “A government that bows to criminal demands sacrifices its legitimacy and abandons its citizens.”

Strengthen Intelligence and Response:
Tactical operations must be supported by robust intelligence networks that anticipate threats and neutralise them before they escalate.

Judicial Reform:
Kidnappers operate with near impunity. Reforming the justice system to ensure swift prosecution and sentencing of kidnappers will serve as a deterrent.

Community Protection Initiatives:
Instead of leaving vulnerable communities to fend for themselves, government forces must provide real protective infrastructure and not just symbolic patrols or hollow statements.

International Partnerships:
Foreign cooperation on intelligence, training, and counterterrorism can bolster Nigeria’s capabilities, but only if anchored in accountability and transparency.

For How Long Will This Continue?
The answer depends on political will. For too long, Nigeria has tolerated negotiation as a default tactic, rationalised by fear of casualties or immediate harm. Though fear cannot be the compass of national policy. A state that negotiates with kidnappers is a state that has abdicated its responsibility to its people.

As security policy expert Dr. Farouk Umar warns: “A nation that incentivises violence by capitulating to it is laying the groundwork for its own undoing.” If the Nigerian government cannot secure its citizens, then it must answer a painful question: Is it capable of governing at all? History will not forgive those who negotiate away the dignity and safety of ordinary Nigerians.

A Defining Moment: A Call for Courage and Reform. Nigeria stands at a crossroads. The spectacle of negotiating with kidnappers is not merely a political embarrassment; it is a symptom of systemic failure. The country’s leadership must choose between appeasing criminals or reclaiming its authority.

The demand for motorcycles in exchange for human lives is more than absurd and it is an indictment of leadership that has lost its moral compass.

If Nigeria is to emerge from this dark chapter, its leaders must demonstrate courage, competence and a steadfast commitment to justice. Anything less will condemn millions of Nigerians to a future marred by fear, loss and a betrayal of the very principles upon which the nation was founded.

 

Madness and Misgovernance: Nigeria’s Security Crisis and the Folly of Negotiating with Kidnappers.
By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by SaharaWeeklyNG.com

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Nigeria Is Not Poor; It Is Plundered

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Nigeria Is Not Poor; It Is Plundered. By George Sylvester

Nigeria Is Not Poor; It Is Plundered.

By George Omagbemi Sylvester

“A Forensic Look at Grand Corruption, State Capture and Why the Ballot Remains Nigeria’s Most Powerful Anti-Looting Tool.”

Nigeria is often described (both at home and abroad) as a poor nation. That description is not only misleading; it is INTELLECTUALLY lazy and MORALLY dangerous. Nigeria is not poor. Nigeria is systematically plundered. What masquerades as poverty is, in truth, the cumulative outcome of decades of grand corruption, elite impunity, institutional decay, and a political culture that privatizes public wealth while socializing suffering.

The long list of scandals. Nigerians now recite almost casually with Abacha loot, Diezani Alison-Madueke, James Ibori, fuel subsidy frauds, NDDC trillions, NNPC opacity, central bank scandals, budget padding, security vote abuses; are not isolated events. They form a clear pattern: state capture by a predatory political elite.

As the late Kenyan scholar Ali Mazrui once observed, “Africa is not underdeveloped; it is over-exploited and internally as much as externally.” Nigeria is perhaps the most painful illustration of this truth.

 

Looting as a System, Not an Accident. The thefts Nigerians discuss are not market pickpocketing; they are industrial-scale extractions enabled by weak institutions and political protection.

The Abacha loot, recovered over several decades from Switzerland, the UK, the US and other jurisdictions, runs into billions of dollars, officially acknowledged by Nigerian and foreign governments. The very fact that stolen public funds had to be repatriated from foreign vaults is itself an indictment of governance failure.

Diezani Alison-Madueke, former petroleum minister, remains at the center of multiple forfeiture cases in the UK and Nigeria involving luxury properties, cash, and assets allegedly linked to corruption. Several courts have ordered interim and final forfeitures, underscoring that these are not mere rumors but judicially examined matters.

James Ibori, former Delta State governor, was convicted and imprisoned in the United Kingdom for money laundering which is one of the clearest international confirmations of Nigerian elite corruption.

These cases alone debunk the myth of Nigerian poverty. Poor nations do not produce billion-dollar looters. Only resource-rich but poorly governed states do.

The Normalization of the Scandal Economy. From fuel subsidy frauds to the NDDC’s unaccounted trillions, from budgetary insertions to security vote secrecy, Nigeria has normalized what political economists call a scandal economy with a system in which corruption is not an aberration but a routine cost of governance.

Former Central Bank Governor Lamido Sanusi warned years ago that “Nigeria’s problem is not lack of resources but lack of discipline and accountability.” His warning proved prophetic. Revelations around the Central Bank, the opaque operations of NNPC over the years, and audit reports showing trillions in “UNRECONCILED” figures reinforce a disturbing pattern: when oversight disappears, looting accelerates.

The controversies surrounding the Kolmani Oil Project, the Nigeria Air project and disputed figures in the power sector all point to the same structural problem; projects announced with fanfare, funded with public money and later surrounded by opacity, denials and silence.

When Anti-Corruption Becomes Selective. One of Nigeria’s gravest challenges is not merely corruption, but selective accountability. Anti-corruption agencies often act swiftly against political opponents while cases involving powerful insiders stagnate.

Renowned Nigerian historian Professor Toyin Falola has argued that “A state that punishes theft among the poor but negotiates theft among the elite is not fighting corruption; it is managing it.” This perception (whether fully accurate or not) has damaged public trust and weakened civic morale.

Cases involving former governors, ministers, heads of agencies and senior civil servants often drag on for years, creating the impression that justice is negotiable. Meanwhile, Nigerians are told to endure austerity, subsidy removals and tax increases in the name of fiscal discipline.

Poverty as Policy Outcome.

The human cost of looting is not abstract. It is visible in:
Collapsing public hospitals

Underfunded universities and prolonged strikes

Youth unemployment and mass migration

Insecurity fueled by poverty and state weakness

As Nobel laureate Amartya Sen explains, “Poverty is not just lack of income; it is the deprivation of basic capabilities.” In Nigeria, corruption directly strips citizens of these capabilities; health, education, safety and dignity.

When trillions vanish from oil revenues, power budgets or development agencies, Nigerians pay twice: first through stolen resources, and second through deteriorating public services.

The Myth of Scarcity and the Lie of Austerity. Nigerians are constantly told there is “NO MONEY.” Yet history shows that money appears whenever political elites are involvedwith lots of luxury convoys, private jets, overseas medical trips and inflated contracts.

Political economist Claude Ake once warned that “Those who control the state in Africa often see it as an instrument for primitive accumulation rather than public service.” Nigeria’s experience fits this diagnosis precisely.

Austerity imposed on the masses alongside extravagance for the elite is not economic necessity; it is moral failure.

Votes, Accountability, and the Last Line of Defense. Elections in Nigeria have too often been reduced to moments of transactional politics; like rice, cash, T-shirts and slogans. Yet history is clear: no reform survives without political accountability.

As American jurist Louis Brandeis famously said, “Sunlight is the best disinfectant.” In Nigeria, the ballot remains the strongest form of sunlight available to ordinary citizens.

Voting wisely is not about party worship; it is about demanding:

Transparent budgeting

Independent institutions

Swift and equal justice

Asset recovery with public reporting

Until looting carries real political consequences, it will continue.

A Final Reflection: From Plunder to Possibility.
Nigeria’s tragedy is not destiny. It is choice. Nations poorer in natural resources have built prosperity because they chose accountability over impunity. Nigeria can do the same.

The question before Nigerians is no longer whether corruption exists, though it does, abundantly and demonstrably. The real question is whether citizens will continue to legitimize it through silence, cynicism or compromised votes.

Nigeria is not poor.
Nigeria has been robbed repeatedly.
And only an awakened, principled electorate can end the robbery.

As political philosopher Hannah Arendt warned, “The most radical revolutionary will become a conservative the day after the revolution.” Democracy requires constant vigilance, not episodic outrage.

If Nigerians use their votes wisely, corruption will no longer be a lifetime appointment, but it will become a career-ending risk.

That is how nations are reclaimed.

 

Nigeria Is Not Poor; It Is Plundered.
By George Sylvester

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Speaker Obasa Endorses ‘Run‑for‑Asiwaju 2027’ Mini‑Marathon Initiative

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Speaker Obasa Endorses ‘Run‑for‑Asiwaju 2027’ Mini‑Marathon Initiative

Speaker Obasa Endorses ‘Run‑for‑Asiwaju 2027’ Mini‑Marathon Initiative

 

 

Speaker of the Lagos State House of Assembly, Rt Hon Mudashiru Obasa, has thrown his weight behind a novel fitness cum political awareness programme called the Run-for-Asiwaju 2027 mini-marathon aimed at mobilising constituents, rallying the youth, and galvanising grassroots support for President Bola Tinubu’s re-election bid in 2027.

 

The mini-marathon, expected to feature 1,000 participants, takes place on Sunday, January 25, at 8:00 a.m. It commences at the Agege LGA secretariat as the runners weave through bustling and boisterous neighbourhoods to end at the Orile Agege LCDA. 200 winners will win N10, 000 each while seven professional athletes will win N50, 000 each.

 

During the unveiling event held on Wednesday, January 22, at the Agege LGA secretariat, Speaker Obasa stated that the Run-for-Asiwaju mini-marathon is another veritable platform for engaging, encouraging, and galvanising constituents ahead of 2027. The idea, he said further, serves as a metaphor because winning a marathon demands discipline, resilience, and dedication to reach the finish line, qualities required to get the president a second term.

 

According to the longest-serving speaker in the 47-year history of the Lagos State House of Assembly, “This mini-marathon is not just a sporting activity; the idea is for us to run together to celebrate President Tinubu’s transformative achievements in economic reforms, infrastructure, internal security, and national unity, while mobilising millions of Nigerians to renew his mandate.”

 

He added, “With this mini marathon, we are demonstrating that Asiwaju’s leadership is a race worth running and winning for the continued progress and prosperity of our great country.”

 

The Speaker also harped on the need for members to participate in the ongoing membership e-registration exercise, which ends in 10days time, saying, “For our people, we have made the process easier with the provision of high-end, 5G-enabled tablets and LaserJet printers to aid the registration process across the state. So, there is no excuse for anyone who claims to be a progressive member of the APC not to register.”

Speaker Obasa Endorses ‘Run‑for‑Asiwaju 2027’ Mini‑Marathon Initiative

He also reiterated the need for a more robust relationship between elected officials and critical stakeholders in and around the local government while advocating a monthly or, at least, quarterly engagement between them.

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