Politics
Tinubu Is Nigeria’s Problem: A Mastermind of the Rot, Not Just Its Symptom
Tinubu Is Nigeria’s Problem: A Mastermind of the Rot, Not Just Its Symptom
By George Omagbemi Sylvester
When Femi Oyewale argues that Bola Ahmed Tinubu is not Nigeria’s problem but merely a symptom of a rotting system, he severely underestimates the decades-long influence Tinubu has wielded in entrenching the very rot he now appears to embody. Tinubu is not a passive outcome of systemic failure, he is an active architect of it. From the 1970s to the present day, his strategic political maneuvers, shadowy alliances and godfather-style control have played a central role in shaping Nigeria’s broken political landscape. To excuse him as merely a byproduct is to erase history and absolve responsibility.
1. Tinubu’s Political Genesis Dates Back to the 1980s
Tinubu’s political journey didn’t start in 1999. By the late 1980s, he was already networking among Nigeria’s elite and leveraging his connections within the finance sector. By 1992, he became a Senator representing Lagos West under the Social Democratic Party (SDP). His time in the Senate may have been short-lived due to the Abacha coup, but it placed him firmly within the corridors of power. Following Abacha’s death, Tinubu emerged as one of the most influential members of the National Democratic Coalition (NADECO). While this earned him some democratic credibility, it also provided the perfect springboard for his political dominance.
2. The Lagos Empire: A Laboratory for Corruption and Control
Tinubu became Lagos State Governor in 1999 and quickly turned Nigeria’s commercial capital into his personal fiefdom. For eight years, he entrenched a political machinery so strong that Lagos politics became synonymous with Tinubu. Upon leaving office in 2007, he didn’t relinquish power, he merely changed seats. His handpicked successors, Babatunde Fashola, Akinwunmi Ambode, and Babajide Sanwo-Olu, all served at his pleasure. When Ambode dared show some independence, Tinubu crushed his re-election bid with swift vengeance.
Through Alpha Beta Consulting (a tax collection firm with opaque ownership linked to him) Tinubu reportedly controlled massive revenues flowing from Lagos State. According to a 2020 court filing by Dapo Apara, a whistleblower and former Managing Director of Alpha Beta, the firm was allegedly used for money laundering and tax fraud, enriching the Tinubu empire under the guise of “consultancy.” These accusations have never been credibly denied, only buried under political influence.
3. The Architect of Political Godfatherism
If godfatherism is one of Nigeria’s greatest political ills, Tinubu is its grandmaster. He didn’t just play politics, he industrialized it. By controlling party primaries, deciding who runs for office, and weaponizing loyalty, he ensured that no one could ascend in the political hierarchy without paying homage to him. This system of fealty over merit has undermined Nigerian governance, especially in the southwest.
His role in building the All Progressives Congress (APC) in 2013, through a merger of several opposition parties, was not motivated by altruism or reform but by raw ambition. He handed Buhari the 2015 presidential ticket not because Buhari had a new vision for Nigeria, but because he saw a route to national influence. Nigeria got the short end of the stick — an inept presidency and a growing Tinubu empire.
4. Tinubu Enabled and Benefited from Buhari’s Failures
Tinubu didn’t just support Buhari in 2015 and 2019 — he marketed him as the savior of Nigeria. He dismissed warnings about Buhari’s incompetence and dictatorial past. When fuel prices surged, the economy tanked, and insecurity skyrocketed under Buhari, Tinubu remained silent. He was not just complicit; he was a stakeholder in the disaster. He protected the system that allowed Buhari to rule with impunity because he wanted to inherit it.
When the #EndSARS protests erupted in 2020, implicating state-backed repression and calling out Tinubu’s political network in Lagos, he downplayed the movement, branding it anarchic. Rather than stand for justice, he chose self-preservation. Can someone who actively shields tyranny and corruption be called merely a “symptom”?
5. 2023 Elections: Rigging, Violence, and Ethnic Division
The 2023 elections were among the most controversial in Nigeria’s recent democratic history. Tinubu’s emergence as President was mired in widespread reports of vote suppression, intimidation and electoral fraud — particularly in Lagos and Rivers states. Despite glaring irregularities, Tinubu and the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) bulldozed through public outrage. His infamous “emi lokan” (“it’s my turn”) declaration in Ogun was not a rallying cry for reform but an arrogant assertion of entitlement. This entitlement is not symptomatic, it is pathological.
He ran on a platform devoid of coherent policy and has since offered Nigerians nothing but hardship. Under his leadership, fuel subsidy removal was carried out with zero planning, leading to astronomical transportation and food prices. The naira was floated into chaos, sparking inflation and economic suffering across the board. Rather than act swiftly, Tinubu flew overseas (often) while Nigerians were told to “tighten their belts.”
6. Unresolved Drug Trafficking Allegations
Tinubu’s defenders routinely downplay or deflect the long-standing allegations of drug trafficking from his past. However, U.S. court records from the 1990s show that the U.S. government confiscated $460,000 from Tinubu’s account due to suspicious narcotics-related activities linked to a Chicago heroin ring. While he was never criminally convicted, the forfeiture is a stain that no amount of political spin can wash away. For someone who would later become President of Africa’s largest democracy, this kind of baggage is not symptomatic, it is toxic.
7. Tinubu Is the System
To say Tinubu is not the problem is to misunderstand the scale of his political footprint. Nigeria’s systemic rot — corruption, cronyism, ethno-regional division and elite capture, has not just enabled Tinubu; Tinubu has, in turn, enabled and fortified that rot. He is not a passive result of the system. He has redesigned, monopolize and weaponized that system for personal gain.
He didn’t find Nigeria broken, he helped break it. He didn’t inherit dysfunction, he orchestrated it. He didn’t stumble into power, he built the path with manipulation, deception and ruthless calculation.
8. A New Narrative Must Begin with Accountability
If Nigeria is to be rescued from its current nightmare, we must reject the narrative that those who have led us into the abyss are mere victims of circumstance. Leadership is responsibility. History demands accountability. Tinubu is not a victim of the system. He is a prime beneficiary and chief engineer of its worst aspects.
To absolve Tinubu is to excuse the decades of deceit, exploitation, and anti-democratic tendencies he has propagated. It is to silence the voices of millions of Nigerians whose lives have been destroyed by decisions made in his boardrooms and war rooms.
Final note
Let’s be clear: Tinubu is not just the face of Nigeria’s political decay; he is one of its principal architects. Unlike many who stumbled into power or inherited broken structures, Tinubu actively built his political empire through transactional politics, godfatherism, suppression of dissent, and the manipulation of public institutions. He is not a mere symptom, he is both the disease and the enabler.
Blaming “the system” without naming and confronting its engineers only ensures that Nigeria remains a nation circling the drain. Until Nigeria confronts Tinubu and all he represents, no true progress can be made.
Lagos Assembly Debunks Abuja House Rumour, Warns Against Election Season Propaganda
The Lagos State House of Assembly has described as misleading and mischievous the widespread misinformation that it budgeted for the purchase of houses in Abuja for its members in the 2026 Appropriation Law.
This rebuttal is contained in a statement jointly signed by Hon. Stephen Ogundipe, Chairman, House Committee on Information, Strategy, and Security, and Hon. Sa’ad Olumoh, Chairman, House Committee on Economic Planning and Budget.
Describing the report as a deliberate and disturbing falsehood being peddled by patently ignorant people, the statement reads, “There is no provision whatsoever in the 2026 Budget for the purchase of houses in Abuja or anywhere else for members of the Lagos State House of Assembly. The report is a complete fabrication and a product of political mischief intended to misinform the public.
“The Lagos State House of Assembly does not operate in Abuja. Our constitutional responsibilities, constituencies, and legislative duties are entirely within Lagos State. It is, therefore, illogical, irrational, and irresponsible for anyone to suggest that legislators would appropriate public funds for personal housing outside their jurisdiction.”
The statement emphasised that the budget is already in the public domain and accessible for scrutiny by discerning Lagosians and Nigerians alike. It reiterated that the Lagos State Government operates a transparent budget that speaks to the needs of the people and the demands of a megalopolis.
“We view this rumour as part of a wider attempt at election-season propaganda, designed to erode public trust, sow discord, and malign democratic institutions.”
The chairmen further clarified that the 2026 capital expenditure of the House of Assembly is less than 0.04% of the total CAPEX of the state, which clearly demonstrates the culture of prudence, accountability, and fiscal responsibility that guides the legislature. However, they noted, “Historically, the House does not even access up to its approved budget in many fiscal years.”
They stressed that the Assembly remains fully committed to excellence, transparency, good governance, and the collective welfare of the people of Lagos State, in line with the objectives of the 2026 Budget of Shared Prosperity.
“We therefore challenge those behind this harebrained allegation to produce credible evidence or retract their statements forthwith. Failure to do so may attract appropriate legal actions.
“We urge Lagosians and the general public to disregard this baseless rumour and always verify information from official and credible sources.”
Politics
Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent
Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent.
By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by saharaweeklyng.com
“Tinubu’s Government, the EFCC and the Strategic Undermining of Opposition Governors”.
In a striking indictment of Nigeria’s current political reality, Governor Seyi Makinde of Oyo State declared that “you cannot speak truth to power in this dispensation”, directly accusing the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu of intolerance for dissent and an erosion of democratic norms.
Makinde’s remarks (made during a public event in Ibadan on January 25, 2026) were more than a local governor’s lament. They crystallised a mounting national frustration: that Nigeria’s political landscape has tilted dangerously toward executive overreach, institutional capture and political engineering.
This narrative is not isolated. Across Nigeria, governors from opposition parties have defected to the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) in numbers unprecedented in the nation’s democratic history. Critics argue that these defections are not merely voluntary political choices, but part of a strategic pressure campaign leveraging federal power and institutions to fracture opposition influence.
At its centre lies Nigeria’s principal anti-graft agency – the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC).
The EFCC: Anti-Graft Agency or Political Instrument? Founded to combat corruption, the EFCC’s constitutional mandate is to investigate and prosecute financial and economic crimes across public and private sectors. Its legal independence is enshrined in statute and it has historically pursued high-profile cases, including recovery of nearly $500 million in illicit assets in a single year, demonstrating its capacity for tackling corruption.
However, critics now claim that under the Tinubu administration, the EFCC’s prosecutorial power is being perceived (if not deployed) as a political instrument.
Opposition leaders, including former Vice President Atiku Abubakar and coalition parties such as the African Democratic Congress (ADC), have publicly accused the federal government of using anti-corruption agencies to intimidate opposition figures and governors, effectively pressuring them into aligning with the APC.
In a statement released in December 2025, opposition figures alleged that institutions such as the EFCC, the Nigerian Police and the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission were being selectively wielded to weaken political competitors rather than combat financial crime impartially.
This is not merely rhetorical noise. The opposition’s grievances centre on several observable patterns:
Reopened or New Investigations Against Opposition Figures: The ADC pointed to recent abnormal reactivation of long-dormant cases or new inquiries into financial activities involving senior opposition politicians. These, they argue, often arise shortly before critical elections or political realignments.
Alleged Differential Treatment: According to opponents of the current administration, individuals who have defected to the APC appear less likely to face sustained legal scrutiny or prosecution in EFCC proceedings, even in cases of credible allegations of mismanagement.
Timing of Actions: The timing of certain high-profile investigations, emerging ahead of the 2027 general elections, reinforces perceptions that anti-graft measures are tailored to political cycles rather than legal merit.
The EFCC and Presidency have publicly denied these allegations, insisting that the commission operates independently and pursues corruption irrespective of political affiliation and that Nigeria’s democratic freedoms (including party choice and mobility) remain intact.
Yet the perception of bias, once systemic, is hard to erase, especially when political actors deploy powerful state machinery with strategic timing and selective intensity.
Defections and Power Realignment: A Democracy at Risk? Since 2023 and particularly through 2025, a remarkable number of state governors and senior political leaders have crossed over from opposition parties (notably the Peoples Democratic Party – PDP) to the APC. Though defections are normal in Nigeria’s fluid political system, the scale and speed in recent years are historically noteworthy, raising critical questions about underlying incentives.
The SaharaWeeklyNG reported Makinde’s comments within the broader context of a political climate where dissenting voices face greater obstacles than at any time in recent democratic memory.
Governors who remain in opposition find themselves squeezed between growing federal assertiveness and dwindling political capital. Some analysts argue that the combination of federal resource control, political appointments and influence over public agencies exerts tangible pressure on subnational leaders to align with the ruling party for political survival. This dynamic, they contend, undermines competitive party politics and weakens Nigeria’s multiparty democracy.
Speaking Truth to Power: What Makinde’s Critique Exposes. Governor Makinde’s core grievance (that it is increasingly difficult, perhaps perilous, to speak truth to power) resonates widely among civil society actors, political analysts and democratic advocates:
“YOU CANNOT SPEAK TRUTH TO POWER IN THIS DISPENSATION,” Makinde declared, specifically citing the government’s handling of contentious tax reform bills as an example where dissent was neither welcomed nor transparently debated.
Makinde’s critique reflects deeper structural concerns:
Exclusion of Key Stakeholders: Opposition leaders and state executives report being marginalised from meaningful consultation on national policies affecting federal-state relations, revenue sharing and fiscal reforms.
Institutional Intimidation: The perception that state politicians become targets of federal legal scrutiny after taking firm oppositional stances (real or perceived) discourages robust democratic debate.
Erosion of Opposition Space: A symbiotic effect of party defections and institutional pressure is a shrinking viable space for genuine political opposition, weakening checks and balances essential to democratic governance.
A respected political scientist, Dr. Aisha Bello of the University of Lagos, recently argued that “when opposition becomes fraught with state leverage instead of ideological competition, the very foundation of democratic contestation collapses,” adding that “a government that shies away from criticism risks inversion into autocracy.”
Another expert, Prof. Chinedu Eze, former dean of political studies at Ahmadu Bello University, warned that “selective use of anti-corruption agencies as political tools corrodes public trust and ultimately delegates justice into the hands of incumbents rather than independent courts.” These observations echo growing public skepticism.
The Way Forward: Strengthening Democracy and Institutions. Nigeria’s path forward depends on restoring confidence in democratic norms and institutional independence.
Transparent EFCC Processes: Civil society groups and legal scholars are advocating for enhanced transparency in anti-graft investigations, including clear prosecutorial thresholds and independent audits of case initiation and closures.
Judicial Oversight: Strengthening the judiciary’s capacity and independence is critical to ensuring that allegations of political weaponisation do not go unchecked. Courts must remain the ultimate arbiters of evidence and guilt.
Political Reforms: Advocates demand reforms to party financing, federal-state fiscal relations, and consultation mechanisms to reduce incentives for defections driven by federal resource leverage.
Public Engagement: A more informed and engaged civil society, anchored by independent media and civic education, must hold both government and opposition accountable for adherence to democratic principles.
Beyond The Present Moment.
Governor Makinde’s assertion that it is no longer tenable to “speak truth to power” under the current administration reflects unsettling trends in Nigeria’s evolving democratic landscape. While the EFCC and the Presidency maintain that anti-corruption efforts are independent and constitutionally grounded, opposition leaders (backed by political data and patterns of defections) argue that state power is being used to consolidate one-party dominance and undermine political pluralism.
At this critical juncture, Nigeria must choose between entrenching competitive democracy or sliding toward a political monopoly where dissent is subdued, institutions compromised, and power concentrated.
For Nigeria’s democratic ideals to survive (and thrive) its leaders and citizens must ensure that speaking truth to power remains not a perilous act of defiance but an honoured pillar of national life.
APC Chairman Appoints Norbert Akachukwu Sochukwudinma as SSA on Local Government Affairs
By Ifeoma Ikem
The National Chairman of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Prof. Nentawe Yilwatda, has approved the appointment of Norbert Akachukwu Sochukwudinma (NAS) as Senior Special Assistant (SSA) on Local Government Affairs.
The appointment is part of ongoing efforts by the APC national leadership to strengthen grassroots engagement and enhance coordination between the party’s national secretariat and local government structures across the country.
Sochukwudinma is a seasoned politician and an active member of the APC, with deep roots in Delta State politics. He currently serves as the APC Chairman for Aniocha South Local Government Area.
In addition to his local role, he is also the Coordinating Chairman of APC Chairmen in Delta North, a position through which he has played a strategic role in party mobilisation and reconciliation efforts within the senatorial district.
Known for his commitment to party integration and grassroots development, Sochukwudinma has been actively involved in strengthening the APC’s presence and internal cohesion in Delta State.
Party stakeholders have described his appointment as well-deserved, citing his experience, organisational capacity, and consistent engagement with party members at the ward and local government levels.
The new SSA is expected to bring his grassroots expertise to bear in advising the APC National Chairman on local government affairs, party administration, and effective mobilisation strategies nationwide.
His appointment takes immediate effect.
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