Politics
Hard times for Rotimi Amaechi as Governors, Stakeholders kick against appointment as Buhari’s campaign DG

Major stakeholders of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) have kicked against the re-appointment of the Minister of Transportation, Hon. Rotimi Amaechi, as the Director- General of the President’s Campaign Organisation in the 2019 election. The stakeholders include party leaders, governors elected on the party’s platform, ministers, and National Assembly members.
New Telegraph learnt that the argument of the APC stakeholders is that the President cannot just appoint anyone as the Director- General of his campaign organisation without consulting the party’s hierarchy.
Amaechi served as the Director-General of the Buhari Campaign Organisation in 2015, but our correspondent gathered that the party chieftains are rooting for someone who is “more matured” to handle the position ahead of the 2019 polls. They reasoned that Amaechi lacks the temperament to handle such position now that the ruling party is facing confidence crisis.
A source, who disclosed this to New Telegraph, said the APC chieftains also posited that Amaechi is presently not holding a strategic position to be able to galvanise members of the party for the President’s reelection in the forthcoming elections.
The source said: “The opinion of most of the party stakeholders is that the Transportation Minister was a sitting governor and chairman of the Nigerian Governors’ Forum (NGF), when he held the position of Director-General of the Buhari Campaign Organisation in 2015. “According to them, Amaechi is just a member of the cabinet now and may not wield the kind of influence he had during the last elections.
The party chieftains are, therefore, saying that the President cannot just appoint a minister as the director-general of his campaign organisation without consulting the party’s hierarchy.”
The source further disclosed that what particularly infuriated the governors, APC leaders and ministers is that they believed that the appointment of Amaechi as the campaign boss was done by the trio of President Buhari; Kaduna State governor, Mallam Nasir el- Rufai and Amaechi himself. The major organs of the party, which Amaechi is going to work with should his appointment stand, were not consulted, according to a party source.
This, according to him, explains why only two members of the APC National Working Committee (NWC) – National Secretary, Mai Mala Buni and National Organising Secretary, Senator Osita Izunaso, are the only ones working with Amaechi on the President’s second term project.
His words: “The way Amaechi’s appointment as the campaign director-general was made, without due consultation of the various organs of the party, informs why only Buni and Izunaso are the ones working with Amaechi. Other members of the NWC are not with him.” He also revealed that the development is responsible for the way the governors and ministers have been responding to meetings called by the Transportation Minister on the President’s reelection bid.
He said: “When Amaechi calls for meetings, the governors and ministers reluctantly attend to avoid being seen as opposition to the president’s ambition as attendance is usually taken at such meetings. So, it is just like they are being blackmailed to attend the meetings. “It got to a level that a South-West APC governor, who is close to the President, had to go to the villa to express his displeasure over Amaechi’s appointment.
He particularly told Buhari that he will not sit with the campaign organisation with the former Rivers State governor as the director-general.”
Our correspondent further learnt from party sources that the lack of confidence on Amaechi came to the fore when he called for a meeting with the APC governors, only for one of the governors to inform the minister that if there is anything to discuss about politics, he should liaise with his predecessor.
Amaechi’s colleagues in the cabinet are also not comfortable with his choice. At a recent meeting held among the ministers where Amaechi briefed his colleagues on his appointment, it was a cold response. According to him, “Some of the ministers told Amaechi that they are all appointees of the President, so if he (Buhari) has any message for them, he should summon them or pass the message through Chief Audu Ogbeh (Minis-ter of Agriculture), who is the chairman of the Ministers’ Forum.” Ogbeh acts as a liaison officer between his colleagues and President Buhari.
The ministers usually meet at Ogbeh’s residence to take a common position on some issues which they could not express or agree on during the Federal Executive Council (FEC) meetings because of the presence of other presidential aides. Amaechi had succeeded in railroading the ministers into the campaign. Two meetings have been called with one held and another shelved.
The only meeting held so far had 18 ministers in attendance. The source also expressed concern over how Amaechi intends to convince some party chieftains who worked for Buhari’s victory in the 2015 presidential election, but were abandoned after his government was inaugurated, to key into the 2019 project.
Amaechi did not reply to an SMS sent to him on the development. An aide to Amaechi, who described the misgivings as normal in politics, however, told our correspondent that no one can fault the competence of the Transportation Minister. He added that such dissenting voice is not unexpected, given the divided loyalty among APC chieftains.
His words: “It is natural that some people will not be happy with Amaechi’s appointment as the Director- General of the Buhari Campaign Organisation. That is natural. They may have their reasons, which are likely to be personal, but definitely not over his ability to do the job.” The aide added that a majority of the APC governors, ministers and members of the National Assembly are working with Amaechi, and advised those who have objection to his appointment to direct their protest to the President.
“There is no doubt that the vast majority of APC governors, ministers and members of the National Assembly are working with Amaechi on the President’s re-election bid, but if anyone is opposed to his headship of the campaign organisation, the most decent thing to do, is to channel his or her grievance to the appropriate quarter,” he said.
The minister’s aide told New Telegraph that “you don’t expect a governor who wanted to head the presidential campaign in 2019, but lost out to support the choice of Amaechi. So it is all politics.” A source said against the growing discontent among stakeholders, President Buhari will soon clear the air on Amaechi’s appointment.
“The Presidency will soon issue a statement on Amaechi’s appointment as Buhari’s campaign DG. There is need to clear the air on the issue.
Don’t forget that a minister even asked the president during the last Federal Executive Council (FEC) meeting if truly Amaechi has been appointed. I’m sure a statement to that effect will soon be released,” a source told New Telegraph.
When contacted on the issue, National Publicity Secretary of the APC, Bolaji Abdullahi, said: “It is the prerogative of a candidate to choose who leads his campaign. It, therefore, has nothing to do with the party.”
Politics
Kogi’s Quiet Shift: Reviewing Governor Ododo’s First 24 Months in Office
Kogi’s Quiet Shift: Reviewing Governor Ododo’s First 24 Months in Office
By Rowland Olonishuwa
On Tuesday, Kogi State paused to mark two years since Alhaji Ahmed Usman Ododo took the oath as Executive Governor. Across government circles, community halls, and everyday conversations, the anniversary was more than a date on the calendar; it was a milestone that invites both reflection and renewed optimism. A moment to look back at how far the state has travelled in just twenty-four months, and where it is heading next.
Since assuming office in January 2024, Ododo has steered the state through a period of measured consolidation, delivering strategic interventions across security, infrastructure, human capital, and economic revitalisation that are beginning to translate into real improvements for residents.
Governor Ododo stepped into office at a time when expectations were high, and confidence in public institutions needed rebuilding.
His response to these was not loud declarations, but steady consolidation, strengthening structures, restoring order in governance, and setting a clear direction. Over time, that calm approach has become his signature: leadership that listens first, plans carefully, and moves with purpose.
Security has remained the most urgent concern for Nigerians, and Kogi residents are no exceptions; the Ododo-led administration has treated it as such. From deploying surveillance drones to support intelligence operations to recruiting and integrating local hunters and vigilante personnel into formal security frameworks, the government has built a layered safety net.
For farmers returning to their fields, travellers moving along highways, and families in rural communities, the impact is simple and deeply personal: fewer fears, quicker response, and growing confidence that the government is present and concerned about the ordinary people.
Infrastructural development has followed the same practical logic. Roads have been rehabilitated, easing movement for traders and commuters. Budget priorities have shifted toward capital projects and human development, while revived facilities like the Confluence Rice Mill now provide farmers with real economic opportunity. For many households, this means better income prospects, stronger local trade, and renewed belief that development is no longer a distant promise.
Health and education are not left out; the Ododo-led administration has expanded free healthcare services and supported students through examination funding and institutional improvements.
Parents who once struggled with medical bills and school fees have felt relief. Young people preparing for their futures now see government investment not as abstract policy but as something that touches their daily lives.
Governance reforms, from civil service strengthening to new legislative frameworks, have quietly improved how government functions. Salaries are more predictable, public offices are more responsive, and local government structures are more coordinated. These may not always make headlines, but they shape how citizens experience leadership every day.
As the second year anniversary celebrations fade into routine today and Governor Ododo enters his third year in office, the true meaning of the anniversary will continue to linger on.
Two years may not have solved every challenge in the Confluence State -no government ever does, by the way- but they have set a tone of stability, responsiveness, and direction. The next phase will demand deeper impact, broader reach, and sustained security gains.
But for many in Kogi State, the story of the past twenty-four months is already clear: steady hands on the wheel, and a journey that is firmly underway.
Olonishuwa is the Editor-in-Chief of Newshubmag.com. He writes from Ilorin
Politics
Lagos Assembly Debunks Abuja House Rumour, Warns Against Election Season Propaganda
Lagos Assembly Debunks Abuja House Rumour, Warns Against Election Season Propaganda
The Lagos State House of Assembly has described as misleading and mischievous the widespread misinformation that it budgeted for the purchase of houses in Abuja for its members in the 2026 Appropriation Law.
This rebuttal is contained in a statement jointly signed by Hon. Stephen Ogundipe, Chairman, House Committee on Information, Strategy, and Security, and Hon. Sa’ad Olumoh, Chairman, House Committee on Economic Planning and Budget.
Describing the report as a deliberate and disturbing falsehood being peddled by patently ignorant people, the statement reads, “There is no provision whatsoever in the 2026 Budget for the purchase of houses in Abuja or anywhere else for members of the Lagos State House of Assembly. The report is a complete fabrication and a product of political mischief intended to misinform the public.
“The Lagos State House of Assembly does not operate in Abuja. Our constitutional responsibilities, constituencies, and legislative duties are entirely within Lagos State. It is, therefore, illogical, irrational, and irresponsible for anyone to suggest that legislators would appropriate public funds for personal housing outside their jurisdiction.”
The statement emphasised that the budget is already in the public domain and accessible for scrutiny by discerning Lagosians and Nigerians alike. It reiterated that the Lagos State Government operates a transparent budget that speaks to the needs of the people and the demands of a megalopolis.
“We view this rumour as part of a wider attempt at election-season propaganda, designed to erode public trust, sow discord, and malign democratic institutions.”
The chairmen further clarified that the 2026 capital expenditure of the House of Assembly is less than 0.04% of the total CAPEX of the state, which clearly demonstrates the culture of prudence, accountability, and fiscal responsibility that guides the legislature. However, they noted, “Historically, the House does not even access up to its approved budget in many fiscal years.”
They stressed that the Assembly remains fully committed to excellence, transparency, good governance, and the collective welfare of the people of Lagos State, in line with the objectives of the 2026 Budget of Shared Prosperity.
“We therefore challenge those behind this harebrained allegation to produce credible evidence or retract their statements forthwith. Failure to do so may attract appropriate legal actions.
“We urge Lagosians and the general public to disregard this baseless rumour and always verify information from official and credible sources.”
Politics
Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent
Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent.
By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by saharaweeklyng.com
“Tinubu’s Government, the EFCC and the Strategic Undermining of Opposition Governors”.
In a striking indictment of Nigeria’s current political reality, Governor Seyi Makinde of Oyo State declared that “you cannot speak truth to power in this dispensation”, directly accusing the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu of intolerance for dissent and an erosion of democratic norms.
Makinde’s remarks (made during a public event in Ibadan on January 25, 2026) were more than a local governor’s lament. They crystallised a mounting national frustration: that Nigeria’s political landscape has tilted dangerously toward executive overreach, institutional capture and political engineering.
This narrative is not isolated. Across Nigeria, governors from opposition parties have defected to the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) in numbers unprecedented in the nation’s democratic history. Critics argue that these defections are not merely voluntary political choices, but part of a strategic pressure campaign leveraging federal power and institutions to fracture opposition influence.
At its centre lies Nigeria’s principal anti-graft agency – the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC).
The EFCC: Anti-Graft Agency or Political Instrument? Founded to combat corruption, the EFCC’s constitutional mandate is to investigate and prosecute financial and economic crimes across public and private sectors. Its legal independence is enshrined in statute and it has historically pursued high-profile cases, including recovery of nearly $500 million in illicit assets in a single year, demonstrating its capacity for tackling corruption.
However, critics now claim that under the Tinubu administration, the EFCC’s prosecutorial power is being perceived (if not deployed) as a political instrument.
Opposition leaders, including former Vice President Atiku Abubakar and coalition parties such as the African Democratic Congress (ADC), have publicly accused the federal government of using anti-corruption agencies to intimidate opposition figures and governors, effectively pressuring them into aligning with the APC.
In a statement released in December 2025, opposition figures alleged that institutions such as the EFCC, the Nigerian Police and the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission were being selectively wielded to weaken political competitors rather than combat financial crime impartially.
This is not merely rhetorical noise. The opposition’s grievances centre on several observable patterns:
Reopened or New Investigations Against Opposition Figures: The ADC pointed to recent abnormal reactivation of long-dormant cases or new inquiries into financial activities involving senior opposition politicians. These, they argue, often arise shortly before critical elections or political realignments.
Alleged Differential Treatment: According to opponents of the current administration, individuals who have defected to the APC appear less likely to face sustained legal scrutiny or prosecution in EFCC proceedings, even in cases of credible allegations of mismanagement.
Timing of Actions: The timing of certain high-profile investigations, emerging ahead of the 2027 general elections, reinforces perceptions that anti-graft measures are tailored to political cycles rather than legal merit.
The EFCC and Presidency have publicly denied these allegations, insisting that the commission operates independently and pursues corruption irrespective of political affiliation and that Nigeria’s democratic freedoms (including party choice and mobility) remain intact.
Yet the perception of bias, once systemic, is hard to erase, especially when political actors deploy powerful state machinery with strategic timing and selective intensity.
Defections and Power Realignment: A Democracy at Risk? Since 2023 and particularly through 2025, a remarkable number of state governors and senior political leaders have crossed over from opposition parties (notably the Peoples Democratic Party – PDP) to the APC. Though defections are normal in Nigeria’s fluid political system, the scale and speed in recent years are historically noteworthy, raising critical questions about underlying incentives.
The SaharaWeeklyNG reported Makinde’s comments within the broader context of a political climate where dissenting voices face greater obstacles than at any time in recent democratic memory.
Governors who remain in opposition find themselves squeezed between growing federal assertiveness and dwindling political capital. Some analysts argue that the combination of federal resource control, political appointments and influence over public agencies exerts tangible pressure on subnational leaders to align with the ruling party for political survival. This dynamic, they contend, undermines competitive party politics and weakens Nigeria’s multiparty democracy.
Speaking Truth to Power: What Makinde’s Critique Exposes. Governor Makinde’s core grievance (that it is increasingly difficult, perhaps perilous, to speak truth to power) resonates widely among civil society actors, political analysts and democratic advocates:
“YOU CANNOT SPEAK TRUTH TO POWER IN THIS DISPENSATION,” Makinde declared, specifically citing the government’s handling of contentious tax reform bills as an example where dissent was neither welcomed nor transparently debated.
Makinde’s critique reflects deeper structural concerns:
Exclusion of Key Stakeholders: Opposition leaders and state executives report being marginalised from meaningful consultation on national policies affecting federal-state relations, revenue sharing and fiscal reforms.
Institutional Intimidation: The perception that state politicians become targets of federal legal scrutiny after taking firm oppositional stances (real or perceived) discourages robust democratic debate.
Erosion of Opposition Space: A symbiotic effect of party defections and institutional pressure is a shrinking viable space for genuine political opposition, weakening checks and balances essential to democratic governance.
A respected political scientist, Dr. Aisha Bello of the University of Lagos, recently argued that “when opposition becomes fraught with state leverage instead of ideological competition, the very foundation of democratic contestation collapses,” adding that “a government that shies away from criticism risks inversion into autocracy.”
Another expert, Prof. Chinedu Eze, former dean of political studies at Ahmadu Bello University, warned that “selective use of anti-corruption agencies as political tools corrodes public trust and ultimately delegates justice into the hands of incumbents rather than independent courts.” These observations echo growing public skepticism.
The Way Forward: Strengthening Democracy and Institutions. Nigeria’s path forward depends on restoring confidence in democratic norms and institutional independence.
Transparent EFCC Processes: Civil society groups and legal scholars are advocating for enhanced transparency in anti-graft investigations, including clear prosecutorial thresholds and independent audits of case initiation and closures.
Judicial Oversight: Strengthening the judiciary’s capacity and independence is critical to ensuring that allegations of political weaponisation do not go unchecked. Courts must remain the ultimate arbiters of evidence and guilt.
Political Reforms: Advocates demand reforms to party financing, federal-state fiscal relations, and consultation mechanisms to reduce incentives for defections driven by federal resource leverage.
Public Engagement: A more informed and engaged civil society, anchored by independent media and civic education, must hold both government and opposition accountable for adherence to democratic principles.
Beyond The Present Moment.
Governor Makinde’s assertion that it is no longer tenable to “speak truth to power” under the current administration reflects unsettling trends in Nigeria’s evolving democratic landscape. While the EFCC and the Presidency maintain that anti-corruption efforts are independent and constitutionally grounded, opposition leaders (backed by political data and patterns of defections) argue that state power is being used to consolidate one-party dominance and undermine political pluralism.
At this critical juncture, Nigeria must choose between entrenching competitive democracy or sliding toward a political monopoly where dissent is subdued, institutions compromised, and power concentrated.
For Nigeria’s democratic ideals to survive (and thrive) its leaders and citizens must ensure that speaking truth to power remains not a perilous act of defiance but an honoured pillar of national life.
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