Politics
Dear Senator Tinubu, Buhari has thrashed us all

On Tuesday, Senator Oluremi Tinubu, wife of the erstwhile strongman of opposition politics, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, expressed her frustration at how her husband was “thrashed” by the President Muhammadu Buhari government he helped put in office. Even a minimally savvy observer of Nigerian politics would have figured out that a palace coup has consumed the so-called Jagaban of the game.
Asiwaju Tinubu’s position in the All Progressives Congress is no longer what it used to be, and his profile as a master politician gifted with a deft understanding of Nigeria’s political roulette tanked long ago. He has denuded from a quick-thinking opposition figure to one of the many gadflies milling around Ask Rock. These days, his comments on political issues seem like a forced attempt to be relevant. One looks back at the time he was such a political force that could put his wife and children in offices without even a whimper from any of the voices that now complain about Buhari’s sin of nepotism and wonders how the mighty fell so hard. Was the man ever a brilliant political strategist or his success was as a result of the coincidence of historical events that neatly aligned in his favour?
Senator Tinubu wants us to believe that her husband helped Buhari to power out of sheer love for the country and nothing else. Despite her husband being sidelined, he still loves Nigeria and is giving his best from the place where he has been consigned. If Tinubu’s motive was all patriotic, why complain about his not being at the centre of things? Why not simply chalk up all the humiliation to the larger sacrifice we are asked to make for the sake of Nigeria?
Here is what Remi has perhaps not considered: Buhari sees her husband as duplicitous and has outplayed the old fox.
We can all remember all the politicking and insensitive shenanigans that took place during the 2011 elections between the old APC (then known as the Action Congress of Nigeria) and Buhari’s then party, the Congress for Political Change. Then, the calculation was that both parties would band together, field Buhari for President, and the ACN would supply the Vice President – Tinubu as the VP, nonetheless.
The idea did not fly for both parties because – it was insinuated – they were both Muslims and Nigerians were not going to be excited by a presidential team composed of two Muslims. Both parties went their separate ways with the ACN picking a former EFCC boss, Mallam Nuhu Ribadu, as its own presidential candidate.
The elections came and went, and it was amazing to everyone how the ACN candidate was badly beaten in the South-West, the ACN stronghold. Apart from Osun State where he won, he lost everywhere else. It was strange that the party did not mobilise her teeming supporters to vote for its candidate. In my mind’s eyes, I still see poor Ribadu looking at the election results from the South-West the morning after the election and wondering what happened. He probably knew he did not stand a chance of winning the whole nation, but, at least, the South-West should have been a shoo-in.
Then, came the post-election analyses, speculation, and putting together of pieces of different puzzles to understand what happened. The story then was that Tinubu abandoned his own party candidate to support the incumbent, Dr. Goodluck Jonathan, of the Peoples Democratic Party who thought if he lost the South-West to Ribadu, and was not guaranteed the North, it could result in an electoral run-off. To ward off that possibility, he allegedly “bought off” Tinubu to “deliver” his party and since the ACN wasn’t going to win anyway, Tinubu did the most practical thing: he deliberately lost his stronghold. When Ribadu, betrayed and humiliated, finally packed whatever was left of his dignity to join the PDP, he alleged that he was leaving because his party traded him during the 2011 elections.
Ribadu’s allegation sounded like the bitter rant of a scorned lover, and a man who was going to join the band of men he had previously written off as irredeemably corrupt is not the most credible person. The account of Tinubu being “bought off” by Jonathan remained mostly speculative; just strands of historical possibilities reconstructed from both whispered rumours and the insight and clarity we sometimes achieve in the wake of events. It would have remained that way if, Tinubu himself, in a moment of human slip – and perhaps a hubristic perception of his omnipotent power – had not admitted that, indeed, he betrayed his party candidate.
In March 2015, while campaigning for Buhari at the Onikan Stadium, Lagos, Tinubu unwittingly confessed that he sold his party’s candidate on a silver platter because Jonathan made him believe then that he was a breath of fresh air. Tinubu did not admit whether he was compensated or not, but we can guess that his motives could not have been purely altruistic. Politicians do not give out such huge favours like that if their other hand is not stretched for a recompense. One suspects that Tinubu did not support Jonathan a second time for two reasons: One, it would have been awkward to betray his party a second time. Two, he saw a clear path to the Presidency and although he jockeyed to be the ACN vice-presidential candidate, he failed. Had he succeeded, he would have been just one heartbeat away from the Presidency itself, his ambition all along.
Looking back now, Buhari, from the time he joined the APC, must have planned to mitigate Tinubu’s prostitution of his political capital. Tinubu’s 2011 and 2015 conduct must have taught Buhari that a man who betrayed his own party’s candidate will do something equally mischievous if he were not rendered redundant. In order not to have to beg Tinubu for his re-election, he fired Tinubu as kingmaker and compensated him with the cynical task of reconciling the party.
The Buhari unravelling would not have been as painful if the man had not thrashed everyone else along with his sponsors. The Nigerians that voted his opponent, along with those that even had no voter card, are all currently being invoiced and forced to pay for Nigeria’s poor choices of candidates in the 2015 election. Issues such as corruption, security, and building up the economy were some of the biggest concerns of 2015. Buhari does not have much to show in those areas other than sterile figures whipped out from their propaganda playbook. The economy has regressed; from Benue to Taraba to Kaduna, human lives and property have been wasted; the country is directionless; the administration’s so-called fight against corruption has lowered the bar of integrity for itself so many times that the whole affair looks like a poor joke. In short, we have all been thrashed by Buhari.
Tinubu backed a dying horse because of his ambitions. Nigerians of all shades too bought the myth of a messiah who would do wonders for their country. All of us are paying for it right now. While Tinubu’s punishment is that he has been rendered irrelevant, millions of other Nigerians have watched their lives and the things that make them meaningful dwindle to almost nothing.
Despite everything, Senator Tinubu still thinks that Buhari is a candidate to beat because some poor indoctrinated masses love him and want him returned to power. If I were her, I would work against such a possibility. If her husband still has any joker left, he had better bring it and ensure Buhari is not re-elected. If Buhari is returned to power in 2019, she and her husband’s problem would no longer be mere thrashing. With power in his hands and no other presidential contests in his future, Buhari will probably have Tinubu jailed!
Politics
Kogi’s Quiet Shift: Reviewing Governor Ododo’s First 24 Months in Office
Kogi’s Quiet Shift: Reviewing Governor Ododo’s First 24 Months in Office
By Rowland Olonishuwa
On Tuesday, Kogi State paused to mark two years since Alhaji Ahmed Usman Ododo took the oath as Executive Governor. Across government circles, community halls, and everyday conversations, the anniversary was more than a date on the calendar; it was a milestone that invites both reflection and renewed optimism. A moment to look back at how far the state has travelled in just twenty-four months, and where it is heading next.
Since assuming office in January 2024, Ododo has steered the state through a period of measured consolidation, delivering strategic interventions across security, infrastructure, human capital, and economic revitalisation that are beginning to translate into real improvements for residents.
Governor Ododo stepped into office at a time when expectations were high, and confidence in public institutions needed rebuilding.
His response to these was not loud declarations, but steady consolidation, strengthening structures, restoring order in governance, and setting a clear direction. Over time, that calm approach has become his signature: leadership that listens first, plans carefully, and moves with purpose.
Security has remained the most urgent concern for Nigerians, and Kogi residents are no exceptions; the Ododo-led administration has treated it as such. From deploying surveillance drones to support intelligence operations to recruiting and integrating local hunters and vigilante personnel into formal security frameworks, the government has built a layered safety net.
For farmers returning to their fields, travellers moving along highways, and families in rural communities, the impact is simple and deeply personal: fewer fears, quicker response, and growing confidence that the government is present and concerned about the ordinary people.
Infrastructural development has followed the same practical logic. Roads have been rehabilitated, easing movement for traders and commuters. Budget priorities have shifted toward capital projects and human development, while revived facilities like the Confluence Rice Mill now provide farmers with real economic opportunity. For many households, this means better income prospects, stronger local trade, and renewed belief that development is no longer a distant promise.
Health and education are not left out; the Ododo-led administration has expanded free healthcare services and supported students through examination funding and institutional improvements.
Parents who once struggled with medical bills and school fees have felt relief. Young people preparing for their futures now see government investment not as abstract policy but as something that touches their daily lives.
Governance reforms, from civil service strengthening to new legislative frameworks, have quietly improved how government functions. Salaries are more predictable, public offices are more responsive, and local government structures are more coordinated. These may not always make headlines, but they shape how citizens experience leadership every day.
As the second year anniversary celebrations fade into routine today and Governor Ododo enters his third year in office, the true meaning of the anniversary will continue to linger on.
Two years may not have solved every challenge in the Confluence State -no government ever does, by the way- but they have set a tone of stability, responsiveness, and direction. The next phase will demand deeper impact, broader reach, and sustained security gains.
But for many in Kogi State, the story of the past twenty-four months is already clear: steady hands on the wheel, and a journey that is firmly underway.
Olonishuwa is the Editor-in-Chief of Newshubmag.com. He writes from Ilorin
Politics
Lagos Assembly Debunks Abuja House Rumour, Warns Against Election Season Propaganda
Lagos Assembly Debunks Abuja House Rumour, Warns Against Election Season Propaganda
The Lagos State House of Assembly has described as misleading and mischievous the widespread misinformation that it budgeted for the purchase of houses in Abuja for its members in the 2026 Appropriation Law.
This rebuttal is contained in a statement jointly signed by Hon. Stephen Ogundipe, Chairman, House Committee on Information, Strategy, and Security, and Hon. Sa’ad Olumoh, Chairman, House Committee on Economic Planning and Budget.
Describing the report as a deliberate and disturbing falsehood being peddled by patently ignorant people, the statement reads, “There is no provision whatsoever in the 2026 Budget for the purchase of houses in Abuja or anywhere else for members of the Lagos State House of Assembly. The report is a complete fabrication and a product of political mischief intended to misinform the public.
“The Lagos State House of Assembly does not operate in Abuja. Our constitutional responsibilities, constituencies, and legislative duties are entirely within Lagos State. It is, therefore, illogical, irrational, and irresponsible for anyone to suggest that legislators would appropriate public funds for personal housing outside their jurisdiction.”
The statement emphasised that the budget is already in the public domain and accessible for scrutiny by discerning Lagosians and Nigerians alike. It reiterated that the Lagos State Government operates a transparent budget that speaks to the needs of the people and the demands of a megalopolis.
“We view this rumour as part of a wider attempt at election-season propaganda, designed to erode public trust, sow discord, and malign democratic institutions.”
The chairmen further clarified that the 2026 capital expenditure of the House of Assembly is less than 0.04% of the total CAPEX of the state, which clearly demonstrates the culture of prudence, accountability, and fiscal responsibility that guides the legislature. However, they noted, “Historically, the House does not even access up to its approved budget in many fiscal years.”
They stressed that the Assembly remains fully committed to excellence, transparency, good governance, and the collective welfare of the people of Lagos State, in line with the objectives of the 2026 Budget of Shared Prosperity.
“We therefore challenge those behind this harebrained allegation to produce credible evidence or retract their statements forthwith. Failure to do so may attract appropriate legal actions.
“We urge Lagosians and the general public to disregard this baseless rumour and always verify information from official and credible sources.”
Politics
Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent
Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent.
By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by saharaweeklyng.com
“Tinubu’s Government, the EFCC and the Strategic Undermining of Opposition Governors”.
In a striking indictment of Nigeria’s current political reality, Governor Seyi Makinde of Oyo State declared that “you cannot speak truth to power in this dispensation”, directly accusing the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu of intolerance for dissent and an erosion of democratic norms.
Makinde’s remarks (made during a public event in Ibadan on January 25, 2026) were more than a local governor’s lament. They crystallised a mounting national frustration: that Nigeria’s political landscape has tilted dangerously toward executive overreach, institutional capture and political engineering.
This narrative is not isolated. Across Nigeria, governors from opposition parties have defected to the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) in numbers unprecedented in the nation’s democratic history. Critics argue that these defections are not merely voluntary political choices, but part of a strategic pressure campaign leveraging federal power and institutions to fracture opposition influence.
At its centre lies Nigeria’s principal anti-graft agency – the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC).
The EFCC: Anti-Graft Agency or Political Instrument? Founded to combat corruption, the EFCC’s constitutional mandate is to investigate and prosecute financial and economic crimes across public and private sectors. Its legal independence is enshrined in statute and it has historically pursued high-profile cases, including recovery of nearly $500 million in illicit assets in a single year, demonstrating its capacity for tackling corruption.
However, critics now claim that under the Tinubu administration, the EFCC’s prosecutorial power is being perceived (if not deployed) as a political instrument.
Opposition leaders, including former Vice President Atiku Abubakar and coalition parties such as the African Democratic Congress (ADC), have publicly accused the federal government of using anti-corruption agencies to intimidate opposition figures and governors, effectively pressuring them into aligning with the APC.
In a statement released in December 2025, opposition figures alleged that institutions such as the EFCC, the Nigerian Police and the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission were being selectively wielded to weaken political competitors rather than combat financial crime impartially.
This is not merely rhetorical noise. The opposition’s grievances centre on several observable patterns:
Reopened or New Investigations Against Opposition Figures: The ADC pointed to recent abnormal reactivation of long-dormant cases or new inquiries into financial activities involving senior opposition politicians. These, they argue, often arise shortly before critical elections or political realignments.
Alleged Differential Treatment: According to opponents of the current administration, individuals who have defected to the APC appear less likely to face sustained legal scrutiny or prosecution in EFCC proceedings, even in cases of credible allegations of mismanagement.
Timing of Actions: The timing of certain high-profile investigations, emerging ahead of the 2027 general elections, reinforces perceptions that anti-graft measures are tailored to political cycles rather than legal merit.
The EFCC and Presidency have publicly denied these allegations, insisting that the commission operates independently and pursues corruption irrespective of political affiliation and that Nigeria’s democratic freedoms (including party choice and mobility) remain intact.
Yet the perception of bias, once systemic, is hard to erase, especially when political actors deploy powerful state machinery with strategic timing and selective intensity.
Defections and Power Realignment: A Democracy at Risk? Since 2023 and particularly through 2025, a remarkable number of state governors and senior political leaders have crossed over from opposition parties (notably the Peoples Democratic Party – PDP) to the APC. Though defections are normal in Nigeria’s fluid political system, the scale and speed in recent years are historically noteworthy, raising critical questions about underlying incentives.
The SaharaWeeklyNG reported Makinde’s comments within the broader context of a political climate where dissenting voices face greater obstacles than at any time in recent democratic memory.
Governors who remain in opposition find themselves squeezed between growing federal assertiveness and dwindling political capital. Some analysts argue that the combination of federal resource control, political appointments and influence over public agencies exerts tangible pressure on subnational leaders to align with the ruling party for political survival. This dynamic, they contend, undermines competitive party politics and weakens Nigeria’s multiparty democracy.
Speaking Truth to Power: What Makinde’s Critique Exposes. Governor Makinde’s core grievance (that it is increasingly difficult, perhaps perilous, to speak truth to power) resonates widely among civil society actors, political analysts and democratic advocates:
“YOU CANNOT SPEAK TRUTH TO POWER IN THIS DISPENSATION,” Makinde declared, specifically citing the government’s handling of contentious tax reform bills as an example where dissent was neither welcomed nor transparently debated.
Makinde’s critique reflects deeper structural concerns:
Exclusion of Key Stakeholders: Opposition leaders and state executives report being marginalised from meaningful consultation on national policies affecting federal-state relations, revenue sharing and fiscal reforms.
Institutional Intimidation: The perception that state politicians become targets of federal legal scrutiny after taking firm oppositional stances (real or perceived) discourages robust democratic debate.
Erosion of Opposition Space: A symbiotic effect of party defections and institutional pressure is a shrinking viable space for genuine political opposition, weakening checks and balances essential to democratic governance.
A respected political scientist, Dr. Aisha Bello of the University of Lagos, recently argued that “when opposition becomes fraught with state leverage instead of ideological competition, the very foundation of democratic contestation collapses,” adding that “a government that shies away from criticism risks inversion into autocracy.”
Another expert, Prof. Chinedu Eze, former dean of political studies at Ahmadu Bello University, warned that “selective use of anti-corruption agencies as political tools corrodes public trust and ultimately delegates justice into the hands of incumbents rather than independent courts.” These observations echo growing public skepticism.
The Way Forward: Strengthening Democracy and Institutions. Nigeria’s path forward depends on restoring confidence in democratic norms and institutional independence.
Transparent EFCC Processes: Civil society groups and legal scholars are advocating for enhanced transparency in anti-graft investigations, including clear prosecutorial thresholds and independent audits of case initiation and closures.
Judicial Oversight: Strengthening the judiciary’s capacity and independence is critical to ensuring that allegations of political weaponisation do not go unchecked. Courts must remain the ultimate arbiters of evidence and guilt.
Political Reforms: Advocates demand reforms to party financing, federal-state fiscal relations, and consultation mechanisms to reduce incentives for defections driven by federal resource leverage.
Public Engagement: A more informed and engaged civil society, anchored by independent media and civic education, must hold both government and opposition accountable for adherence to democratic principles.
Beyond The Present Moment.
Governor Makinde’s assertion that it is no longer tenable to “speak truth to power” under the current administration reflects unsettling trends in Nigeria’s evolving democratic landscape. While the EFCC and the Presidency maintain that anti-corruption efforts are independent and constitutionally grounded, opposition leaders (backed by political data and patterns of defections) argue that state power is being used to consolidate one-party dominance and undermine political pluralism.
At this critical juncture, Nigeria must choose between entrenching competitive democracy or sliding toward a political monopoly where dissent is subdued, institutions compromised, and power concentrated.
For Nigeria’s democratic ideals to survive (and thrive) its leaders and citizens must ensure that speaking truth to power remains not a perilous act of defiance but an honoured pillar of national life.
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