Politics
MUST READ: Details of how Buhari, Saraki Peace Deal Collapsed
Interesting details emerged at the weekend on how the rapprochement between President Muhammadu Buhari and Senate President Bukola Saraki penultimate Thursday collapsed, just a few days after.
The truce meeting at Aso Rock Presidential Villa, Abuja, had in the attendance Vice-President Yemi Osinbajo, and Governors Ibikunle Amosun of Ogun State, Aziz Yari of Zamfara State and the newly elected Kayode Fayemi of Ekiti State.
THISDAY gathered at the weekend that the presidential team had gotten wind of the defection plot by Saraki and about 32 other senators and quickly moved to stop them using new APC Chairman Adams Oshiomhole who called them one after the other, knowing full well that the mass defection could have adverse consequences for the party as it prepared for the 2019 general elections.
For Saraki, a presidential meeting was arranged. And President Buhari went on the charm offensive, when to the shock of all present, he apologised to Saraki for all the pain he may have suffered over the last few years.
And a dis-armed Saraki returned the goodwill by also apologising to the President for all the discomfort he too may have caused the Presidency.
Soon after, it was banter all over. Truce reached. Over the weekend that followed, APC Chairman began reaching out to aggrieved Senators one by one winning back some 16 of 32 Senators as of last Sunday.
But that was not to continue as another invitation last Monday by the Inspector-General of Police, Ibrahim Idris, to Saraki over his alleged involvement in a recent robbery in Offa, Kwara State scuttled the deal and gave the impression to the Senators that the presidency and its security apparatchiks could not be trusted after all.
The police invitation was despite an advice by the office of the Attorney-General of the Federation and Minister of Justice, Abubakar Malami (SAN), which said no nexus between Saraki and the robbery had been established.
According to sources, Saraki was disarmed by the Buhari humility and apology and was “considering his options” when the police invitation arrived “like a thunderbolt”.
At the meeting with Buhari, sources said participants were pleasantly shocked at the humility of the president, who uncharacteristically apologised to Saraki for all he had gone through in the hands of the security agencies and asked that they should both move on in the collective interest of the party and the country.
According to sources, Saraki and the President agreed to work together, even though Saraki allegedly added that he would have to run the outcome of the meeting by his people since he was not alone in the matter.
Earlier, the team of Osinbajo, Aziz, Amosun, and Fayemi had taken turns to speak along the same line of truce. They appealed to Saraki to suspend the idea of defection, especially, as some of the governors of the party had met with him the night before the meeting with the president.
The meeting had also decided, as mooted by the president, that a team of governors, led by the vice president, be formed to continue with the rapprochement until they arrived at a suitable meeting point, convenient for both parties.
But all that was suddenly upturned the following Monday, when Police Chief, Idris not only wrote to re-invite Saraki to come and face questions on the Offa robbery. Following the Police invite the Saraki team swung back into action to remobilise Senators immediately calling for a discontinuation of talks with Buhari’s team, alleging that they could not be trusted, various sources told THISDAY, but only 14 of the 32 were then ready to sign on at the point on a 12 hour notice which many of the senators considered too short as they too had to consult.
And when the Police also went as far as cordoning off the residences of the Senate President and the Deputy Senate President, and preventing them from leaving for both work and the Guzape police station, they sensed real trouble, they concluded that if the police could still go ahead to invite Saraki, despite of the position of the Attorney-General that there was no evidence against him, “then, you cannot trust these people.”
Although Senator Lanre Tejuosho was originally among the initial 32 senators who had agreed to go, he was not available the night the others were being mobilised for the emergency defection and was only able to sign on the floor of the senate the next day.
Besides, following a tip-off, that he may be arrested and impeached while in custody, Saraki left his house by midnight and smartly left all his phones behind in the house to shut down the possibility of his location being tracked by his traducers, THISDAY learnt. So, while the tracker showed that he was at home, unknown to the authorities, he had left the house, only to resurface at the National Assembly the next day to announce the defection of 14 senators plus Tejuoso who later withdrew his defection.
Sources said had Saraki not played smart, the plan was to prevent him from leaving the house, effect a change in the leadership of the Senate, and subsequently arrest him. To get this done, senators believed to be loyal to the president had already been mobilised with a bus at the Transcorp Hilton, with one of them, Hope Uzodinma being tipped as likely successor to Saraki, to divide the South East and South South where Saraki had most support.
But the reason Saraki did not defect with others last week, sources said, was because he still believed he had a deal with the president, even if the element of trust had been greatly decimated.
The weeks ahead promises more drama as the presidency, the party and rebel- lawmakers perfect their war plans. There were speculations at press time that the presidency was being persuaded by hardliners to forcibly reopen the senate – who are now officially on recess, arrest Saraki and Ekweremadu, impeach them while in custody and elect a new leadership for the National Assembly. But the problem is first in the numbers. To impeach and remove Saraki and Ekweremadu from office you need a 2/3rd majority, which will mean getting half of the opposition PDP Senators to join in the plot, which will be near impossible.
The second problem is in the law. Robbery is a State crime on the residual list of the constitution. To arrest and prosecute Saraki for any link to the Offa robbery, which may again look like political persecution, you have to charge him in a State Court, which will in this case be Ilorin, Kwara State where Saraki ‘rules’, and with the Kwara State Attorney General as the prosecuting authority as was done in Lagos with the Kudirat Abiola murder, with prosecutor Authur Worrey and the then Attorney General Yemi Osinbajo SAN.
Politics
Kogi’s Quiet Shift: Reviewing Governor Ododo’s First 24 Months in Office
Kogi’s Quiet Shift: Reviewing Governor Ododo’s First 24 Months in Office
By Rowland Olonishuwa
On Tuesday, Kogi State paused to mark two years since Alhaji Ahmed Usman Ododo took the oath as Executive Governor. Across government circles, community halls, and everyday conversations, the anniversary was more than a date on the calendar; it was a milestone that invites both reflection and renewed optimism. A moment to look back at how far the state has travelled in just twenty-four months, and where it is heading next.
Since assuming office in January 2024, Ododo has steered the state through a period of measured consolidation, delivering strategic interventions across security, infrastructure, human capital, and economic revitalisation that are beginning to translate into real improvements for residents.
Governor Ododo stepped into office at a time when expectations were high, and confidence in public institutions needed rebuilding.
His response to these was not loud declarations, but steady consolidation, strengthening structures, restoring order in governance, and setting a clear direction. Over time, that calm approach has become his signature: leadership that listens first, plans carefully, and moves with purpose.
Security has remained the most urgent concern for Nigerians, and Kogi residents are no exceptions; the Ododo-led administration has treated it as such. From deploying surveillance drones to support intelligence operations to recruiting and integrating local hunters and vigilante personnel into formal security frameworks, the government has built a layered safety net.
For farmers returning to their fields, travellers moving along highways, and families in rural communities, the impact is simple and deeply personal: fewer fears, quicker response, and growing confidence that the government is present and concerned about the ordinary people.
Infrastructural development has followed the same practical logic. Roads have been rehabilitated, easing movement for traders and commuters. Budget priorities have shifted toward capital projects and human development, while revived facilities like the Confluence Rice Mill now provide farmers with real economic opportunity. For many households, this means better income prospects, stronger local trade, and renewed belief that development is no longer a distant promise.
Health and education are not left out; the Ododo-led administration has expanded free healthcare services and supported students through examination funding and institutional improvements.
Parents who once struggled with medical bills and school fees have felt relief. Young people preparing for their futures now see government investment not as abstract policy but as something that touches their daily lives.
Governance reforms, from civil service strengthening to new legislative frameworks, have quietly improved how government functions. Salaries are more predictable, public offices are more responsive, and local government structures are more coordinated. These may not always make headlines, but they shape how citizens experience leadership every day.
As the second year anniversary celebrations fade into routine today and Governor Ododo enters his third year in office, the true meaning of the anniversary will continue to linger on.
Two years may not have solved every challenge in the Confluence State -no government ever does, by the way- but they have set a tone of stability, responsiveness, and direction. The next phase will demand deeper impact, broader reach, and sustained security gains.
But for many in Kogi State, the story of the past twenty-four months is already clear: steady hands on the wheel, and a journey that is firmly underway.
Olonishuwa is the Editor-in-Chief of Newshubmag.com. He writes from Ilorin
Politics
Lagos Assembly Debunks Abuja House Rumour, Warns Against Election Season Propaganda
Lagos Assembly Debunks Abuja House Rumour, Warns Against Election Season Propaganda
The Lagos State House of Assembly has described as misleading and mischievous the widespread misinformation that it budgeted for the purchase of houses in Abuja for its members in the 2026 Appropriation Law.
This rebuttal is contained in a statement jointly signed by Hon. Stephen Ogundipe, Chairman, House Committee on Information, Strategy, and Security, and Hon. Sa’ad Olumoh, Chairman, House Committee on Economic Planning and Budget.
Describing the report as a deliberate and disturbing falsehood being peddled by patently ignorant people, the statement reads, “There is no provision whatsoever in the 2026 Budget for the purchase of houses in Abuja or anywhere else for members of the Lagos State House of Assembly. The report is a complete fabrication and a product of political mischief intended to misinform the public.
“The Lagos State House of Assembly does not operate in Abuja. Our constitutional responsibilities, constituencies, and legislative duties are entirely within Lagos State. It is, therefore, illogical, irrational, and irresponsible for anyone to suggest that legislators would appropriate public funds for personal housing outside their jurisdiction.”
The statement emphasised that the budget is already in the public domain and accessible for scrutiny by discerning Lagosians and Nigerians alike. It reiterated that the Lagos State Government operates a transparent budget that speaks to the needs of the people and the demands of a megalopolis.
“We view this rumour as part of a wider attempt at election-season propaganda, designed to erode public trust, sow discord, and malign democratic institutions.”
The chairmen further clarified that the 2026 capital expenditure of the House of Assembly is less than 0.04% of the total CAPEX of the state, which clearly demonstrates the culture of prudence, accountability, and fiscal responsibility that guides the legislature. However, they noted, “Historically, the House does not even access up to its approved budget in many fiscal years.”
They stressed that the Assembly remains fully committed to excellence, transparency, good governance, and the collective welfare of the people of Lagos State, in line with the objectives of the 2026 Budget of Shared Prosperity.
“We therefore challenge those behind this harebrained allegation to produce credible evidence or retract their statements forthwith. Failure to do so may attract appropriate legal actions.
“We urge Lagosians and the general public to disregard this baseless rumour and always verify information from official and credible sources.”
Politics
Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent
Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent.
By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by saharaweeklyng.com
“Tinubu’s Government, the EFCC and the Strategic Undermining of Opposition Governors”.
In a striking indictment of Nigeria’s current political reality, Governor Seyi Makinde of Oyo State declared that “you cannot speak truth to power in this dispensation”, directly accusing the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu of intolerance for dissent and an erosion of democratic norms.
Makinde’s remarks (made during a public event in Ibadan on January 25, 2026) were more than a local governor’s lament. They crystallised a mounting national frustration: that Nigeria’s political landscape has tilted dangerously toward executive overreach, institutional capture and political engineering.
This narrative is not isolated. Across Nigeria, governors from opposition parties have defected to the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) in numbers unprecedented in the nation’s democratic history. Critics argue that these defections are not merely voluntary political choices, but part of a strategic pressure campaign leveraging federal power and institutions to fracture opposition influence.
At its centre lies Nigeria’s principal anti-graft agency – the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC).
The EFCC: Anti-Graft Agency or Political Instrument? Founded to combat corruption, the EFCC’s constitutional mandate is to investigate and prosecute financial and economic crimes across public and private sectors. Its legal independence is enshrined in statute and it has historically pursued high-profile cases, including recovery of nearly $500 million in illicit assets in a single year, demonstrating its capacity for tackling corruption.
However, critics now claim that under the Tinubu administration, the EFCC’s prosecutorial power is being perceived (if not deployed) as a political instrument.
Opposition leaders, including former Vice President Atiku Abubakar and coalition parties such as the African Democratic Congress (ADC), have publicly accused the federal government of using anti-corruption agencies to intimidate opposition figures and governors, effectively pressuring them into aligning with the APC.
In a statement released in December 2025, opposition figures alleged that institutions such as the EFCC, the Nigerian Police and the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission were being selectively wielded to weaken political competitors rather than combat financial crime impartially.
This is not merely rhetorical noise. The opposition’s grievances centre on several observable patterns:
Reopened or New Investigations Against Opposition Figures: The ADC pointed to recent abnormal reactivation of long-dormant cases or new inquiries into financial activities involving senior opposition politicians. These, they argue, often arise shortly before critical elections or political realignments.
Alleged Differential Treatment: According to opponents of the current administration, individuals who have defected to the APC appear less likely to face sustained legal scrutiny or prosecution in EFCC proceedings, even in cases of credible allegations of mismanagement.
Timing of Actions: The timing of certain high-profile investigations, emerging ahead of the 2027 general elections, reinforces perceptions that anti-graft measures are tailored to political cycles rather than legal merit.
The EFCC and Presidency have publicly denied these allegations, insisting that the commission operates independently and pursues corruption irrespective of political affiliation and that Nigeria’s democratic freedoms (including party choice and mobility) remain intact.
Yet the perception of bias, once systemic, is hard to erase, especially when political actors deploy powerful state machinery with strategic timing and selective intensity.
Defections and Power Realignment: A Democracy at Risk? Since 2023 and particularly through 2025, a remarkable number of state governors and senior political leaders have crossed over from opposition parties (notably the Peoples Democratic Party – PDP) to the APC. Though defections are normal in Nigeria’s fluid political system, the scale and speed in recent years are historically noteworthy, raising critical questions about underlying incentives.
The SaharaWeeklyNG reported Makinde’s comments within the broader context of a political climate where dissenting voices face greater obstacles than at any time in recent democratic memory.
Governors who remain in opposition find themselves squeezed between growing federal assertiveness and dwindling political capital. Some analysts argue that the combination of federal resource control, political appointments and influence over public agencies exerts tangible pressure on subnational leaders to align with the ruling party for political survival. This dynamic, they contend, undermines competitive party politics and weakens Nigeria’s multiparty democracy.
Speaking Truth to Power: What Makinde’s Critique Exposes. Governor Makinde’s core grievance (that it is increasingly difficult, perhaps perilous, to speak truth to power) resonates widely among civil society actors, political analysts and democratic advocates:
“YOU CANNOT SPEAK TRUTH TO POWER IN THIS DISPENSATION,” Makinde declared, specifically citing the government’s handling of contentious tax reform bills as an example where dissent was neither welcomed nor transparently debated.
Makinde’s critique reflects deeper structural concerns:
Exclusion of Key Stakeholders: Opposition leaders and state executives report being marginalised from meaningful consultation on national policies affecting federal-state relations, revenue sharing and fiscal reforms.
Institutional Intimidation: The perception that state politicians become targets of federal legal scrutiny after taking firm oppositional stances (real or perceived) discourages robust democratic debate.
Erosion of Opposition Space: A symbiotic effect of party defections and institutional pressure is a shrinking viable space for genuine political opposition, weakening checks and balances essential to democratic governance.
A respected political scientist, Dr. Aisha Bello of the University of Lagos, recently argued that “when opposition becomes fraught with state leverage instead of ideological competition, the very foundation of democratic contestation collapses,” adding that “a government that shies away from criticism risks inversion into autocracy.”
Another expert, Prof. Chinedu Eze, former dean of political studies at Ahmadu Bello University, warned that “selective use of anti-corruption agencies as political tools corrodes public trust and ultimately delegates justice into the hands of incumbents rather than independent courts.” These observations echo growing public skepticism.
The Way Forward: Strengthening Democracy and Institutions. Nigeria’s path forward depends on restoring confidence in democratic norms and institutional independence.
Transparent EFCC Processes: Civil society groups and legal scholars are advocating for enhanced transparency in anti-graft investigations, including clear prosecutorial thresholds and independent audits of case initiation and closures.
Judicial Oversight: Strengthening the judiciary’s capacity and independence is critical to ensuring that allegations of political weaponisation do not go unchecked. Courts must remain the ultimate arbiters of evidence and guilt.
Political Reforms: Advocates demand reforms to party financing, federal-state fiscal relations, and consultation mechanisms to reduce incentives for defections driven by federal resource leverage.
Public Engagement: A more informed and engaged civil society, anchored by independent media and civic education, must hold both government and opposition accountable for adherence to democratic principles.
Beyond The Present Moment.
Governor Makinde’s assertion that it is no longer tenable to “speak truth to power” under the current administration reflects unsettling trends in Nigeria’s evolving democratic landscape. While the EFCC and the Presidency maintain that anti-corruption efforts are independent and constitutionally grounded, opposition leaders (backed by political data and patterns of defections) argue that state power is being used to consolidate one-party dominance and undermine political pluralism.
At this critical juncture, Nigeria must choose between entrenching competitive democracy or sliding toward a political monopoly where dissent is subdued, institutions compromised, and power concentrated.
For Nigeria’s democratic ideals to survive (and thrive) its leaders and citizens must ensure that speaking truth to power remains not a perilous act of defiance but an honoured pillar of national life.
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