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Abiodun Faleke and the Human Face of Politics

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*Abiodun Faleke and the Human Face of Politics

By Timothy Hemba Hwande

If politics were to be built up into flesh and bone, one that is fashioned into an individual who could speak, legislate, joke around, and empathise— it would be difficult not to imagine Rt. Hon. (Dr.) James Abiodun Faleke as the first thought of such personification. Different from the usual politics of personal enrichment, Faleke’s narrative reads instead as: managerial expertise brought to bear on the messy business of public life, a temperament that privileges service over spectacle, and a tangible imprint on both his immediate constituency and the broader national tableau.

Faleke’s career did not begin in the give-and-take of partisan politicking; it was forged in the precise world of logistics, procurement and management. His professional apprenticeship—from material management to senior commercial roles—translated into a technocratic poise that later marked his public service.

Faleke is a man who has served his people in multiple capacities: from the foundational level of local government in Lagos (where he was pioneer Executive Secretary and later chairman of Ojodu LCDA), to a sustained presence in the House of Representatives representing Ikeja Federal Constituency since 2011. Those biographical certainties matter because they frame Faleke’s politics as cumulative, in the sense of being a career of small, compounding interventions rather than headline-hungry theatrics.

As regards constituency projects in relation to the margins of governance, Faleke’s record, however, suggests his performances are more than just transactional favours to the people he swore to serve; for him they are instruments of empowerment and social calibration. The “Mega Empowerment” Constituency Outreaches of 2025 saw 240 young men and women from across Ikeja, Ojodu, and Onigbongbo local council areas each receive a ₦100,000 cash grant to support their small businesses and entrepreneurial ventures.

In addition to the cash support, over 400 constituents benefited from a wide range of empowerment tools including tricycles, dispatch motorcycles, freezers, generators, popcorn machines, clippers, grinding machines, and juice extractors. Also, 170 participants were selected to undergo business training sessions designed to equip them with the knowledge and skills necessary to sustain their ventures.

Upon completion, each trainee will also receive cash grants to launch or expand their businesses. This is undoubtedly a relentless poverty-alleviation and empowerment scheme reaching the grassroots. For Faleke, this isn’t just empowerment—it’s about economic freedom and dignity.

Beyond ephemeral gestures, Faleke has sponsored and championed legislative measures that carry direct benefits to citizens’ welfare. His sponsorship of amendments to the NYSC Act (advocating life-insurance protection for corps members) and motions to tackle security vulnerabilities via the closure of illegal border routes are examples of how constituency sensibilities (safety for families, dignity for young Nigerians) translate into national legislation. These are not merely symbolic acts; they are legislative inflections aimed at securing lives and livelihoods.
Faleke’s influence is not confined to photo-ops, which many of his colleagues are known for.

Within the legislative architecture he has occupied consequential roles, including chairmanships and committee memberships on finance, anti-corruption and public procurement, where technical competence matters. That Faleke has been entrusted with responsibilities like scrutinising budgets, policing procurement, and framing accountability frameworks therefore reflects both peer recognition and a rare confluence of subject-matter familiarity with public policy.

When a representative who understands supply chains and procurement leads oversight of public spending, the risk of waste diminishes and the prospect of more efficient, people-centred expenditure rises. Constituents in Ikeja who see roads repaired, markets supported and youths trained can therefore trace some of those gains to the steadier, often unseen, governance work Faleke performs in committee rooms. Truly, he is replicating the Renewed Hope agenda of President Tinubu well at the constituency level.

What makes Faleke especially compelling, and what has earned him plaudits even from unexpected quarters, is a demonstrated willingness to place principle above opportunism. Accounts of his political journey reveal moments where standing for institutional integrity cost political capital. The 2015 Kogi governorship episode—in which Faleke was Abubakar Audu’s running mate on a ticket that won the majority of votes before Audu’s untimely death and the subsequent legal wrangling—remains illustrative of a politician who is prepared to contest questionable internal party reassignments through judicial means rather than private compromise. That episode was more than a personal dispute; it was a public lesson about the sanctity of the popular mandate.

It is no surprise that the press and civic organisations alike have, in recent years, painted Faleke as a model of “selfless political doctrine”—not because he is immune to ambition, but because his ambition is often tethered to service.
Observers note a politician who cultivates friendships across aisles, who refuses to let parochialism overpower national interest, and who seeks to translate proximity to executive power into tangible benefits for ordinary citizens.

For the record, awards, honours and the soft currency of recognition have also accompanied Faleke’s career. They are not ends in themselves, but they matter in two ways: first, because they reward long-term investment in public service; second, because they amplify the moral narrative that a politician can be both effective and ethically consistent. Communities in Kogi (his state of origin) and Lagos (his political bedrock) have acknowledged his interventions—from infrastructural pledges to educational initiatives—which have cumulatively projected an image of representation that is distributed rather than hoarded for selfish exploits.

However, the exemplary life of Rt. Hon. Faleke has proven that the impact of a single conscientious legislator does not end at local boundaries; it radiates outward.
To be candid, Faleke is not the sort of politician to promise miraculous solutions. He does not traffic in utopian hyperbole; his is a methodical, iterative politics. Such pragmatic disposition is a virtue in a country that needs steady institutional repair rather than rhetorical bravado.

Evaluating his performance dispassionately yields a simple conclusion: Faleke has been effective within the scope of his mandate. He has delivered constituency projects that ease everyday burdens, sponsored laws that protect citizens, and occupied oversight roles that matter for national fiscal health. That combination of local relevance enjoined with national responsibility is the metric by which representative success ought to be judged.

After all, it is believed that politics is not only about statutes and budgets; it is equally an economy of hope. The emotional currency that Faleke pays converts into a form of legitimacy that technical accomplishments alone cannot buy. How does one downplay the effort of a man who is readily available to his constituents in town halls; a man who pushes so hard for the benefits of those even outside his constituency; a man who shows up in markets to connect with his constituency at the grassroots, listening to their needs, consistently drafting and executing plans to make his people’s lives better?

The loyalty from the tongues that shout Faleke’s name in his constituency isn’t one that was bought, but earned on merit, because constituents who feel seen and supported are likelier to trust institutions; when trust rises, social cooperation follows. In this sense, Faleke’s human face of politics is not mere optics; it is an authentic mechanism rebuilt from decades of misgovernance.

Rt. Hon. James Abiodun Faleke should not be mythologised. He is neither infallible nor omnipotent. But he does offer a valuable template: the professionalised politician who grounds legislative activism in managerial competence, who balances constituent intimacy with national duty, and who places principle above ephemeral convenience. In a nation starved for dependable public servants, his presence—the human face of politics—is a restorative sight.

If Nigerian politics is to evolve beyond bigotry, partisanship, and cyclical disappointment, it will require more practitioners like Faleke: men and women for whom patriotism is not a headline but a daily practice, for whom constituency projects are not charity but capacity-building, and for whom committees are laboratories of accountability rather than chambers of complacency. That is the promise, and the provocation, Abiodun Faleke holds up to a nation in search of steadier custodians of the public trust.

Hwande is writing from Ilorin, Kwara State.

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Ajadi Backs PDP–APM Alliance, Expresses Confidence in Oyo Central Senate Victory

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Ajadi Backs PDP–APM Alliance, Expresses Confidence in Oyo Central Senate Victory

 

The senatorial candidate of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and Allied Peoples Movement (APM) alliance for Oyo Central Senatorial District, Olufemi Ajadi Oguntoyinbo, has described the newly formed political alliance between the two parties in Ibadan as a major step toward strengthening democratic participation ahead of the 2027 general elections.
He spoke on Thursday at Mapo Hall shortly after the political gathering where Seyi Makinde declared his intention to contest the 2027 presidential election and unveiled the alliance between the PDP and APM.

Addressing journalists at the event, Ajadi said the coalition signaled renewed hope for democracy and political inclusiveness in Oyo State, noting that the partnership had energized supporters across the state.

According to him, the alliance was not only strategic for electoral success but also a demonstration that democratic values would prevail despite political uncertainties.

“To tell the general public that today’s alliance with APM party with PDP is a great one because when they planned all their plans believing that democracy will not exist, but God has made every possible best to make a provision,” Ajadi said.

He added that the visible turnout at the rally reflected the acceptance of the coalition among residents and supporters throughout the state.

“That is the reason you can see the nook and cranny of Oyo State that everyone is well happy because democracy must remain,” he said.

The event attracted thousands of party faithful, political stakeholders and supporters from across Oyo State, marking one of the earliest major political gatherings linked to the 2027 election cycle in the South-West.

Ajadi, who is seeking to represent Oyo Central in the Senate, also used the occasion to restate his confidence in securing victory at the polls, saying his political ambition was rooted in service and a commitment to deliver meaningful representation.

“My aspiration is total victory because I know what I have for my people and my people know me very well,” he said.

He promised that if elected, he would demonstrate effective legislative leadership and practical representation that would directly benefit constituents across the senatorial district.

“By the grace of God when I assume the office of the Senate, I will demonstrate what it takes to show the general public that there is capacity, and I will definitely show it,” Ajadi added.

Political analysts say the emerging partnership between the PDP and APM in Oyo could alter the configuration of alliances in the state ahead of 2027, especially as discussions intensify over succession politics and opposition realignments.

The alliance announcement came as Governor Seyi Makinde formally entered the presidential race, a move that may further elevate Oyo’s influence in national political calculations as parties begin early consultations toward the next general election.

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Hon. Olusegun Amore Clears APC Screening for Ogun Assembly Race, Promises Purposeful Representation for Yewa South

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Hon. Olusegun Amore Clears APC Screening for Ogun Assembly Race, Promises Purposeful Representation for Yewa South

 

 

ABEOKUTA, OGUN STATE, NIGERIA – In a bold and strategic move towards deepening quality representation, grassroots development, and people-oriented governance, Hon. Olusegun Olugbemileke Amore has officially obtained and successfully passed the screening exercise of the All Progressives Congress (APC) to contest for the Yewa South Local Government State Constituency seat at the Ogun State House of Assembly.

This development has continued to generate excitement, hope, and widespread acceptance among party faithful, political stakeholders, youths, women groups, and residents across Yewa South, many of whom see Hon. Amore as a vibrant, visionary, and grassroots-oriented leader with the competence, capacity, and character required to deliver purposeful representation.

Hon. Amore, who is widely respected for his humility, accessibility, leadership qualities, and unwavering commitment to community development, explained that his decision to join the race was driven by his passion to serve the people, attract meaningful development, and become a strong voice for the aspirations of Yewa South at the state legislative level.

According to him, the time has come for a new era of responsive representation anchored on youth inclusion, infrastructural advancement, educational support, empowerment initiatives, and people-centered legislation capable of positively impacting every ward and community within the constituency.

Speaking shortly after successfully scaling through the APC screening exercise, Hon. Amore expressed appreciation to party leaders, members, supporters, political associates, and well-wishers for their encouragement, trust, and overwhelming support.

He reaffirmed his loyalty and commitment to the ideals and progressive philosophy of the APC, while promising to run an issue-based, peaceful, and inclusive campaign that would further unite the people and strengthen the party ahead of the forthcoming elections.

Hon. Amore further stressed that Yewa South deserves quality representation that will prioritize youth empowerment and employment opportunities, improved educational support and scholarship initiatives, better road infrastructure and rural development, agricultural and economic advancement, enhanced healthcare delivery, and effective legislative advocacy capable of attracting greater government presence and developmental projects to the constituency.

As consultations, mobilization, and political engagements continue across Yewa South, many supporters have expressed confidence that Hon. Olusegun Olugbemileke Amore possessed the experience, credibility, leadership capacity, and political will needed to effectively represent the interests of the constituency and contribute meaningfully to the continued progress and development of Ogun State.

Indeed, the journey towards a greater, stronger, and more prosperous Yewa South appears to have gained renewed momentum with the emergence of Hon. Olusegun Olugbemileke Amore as a formidable aspirant under the progressive banner of the APC.

Political observers and supporters have also described Hon. Amore’s aspiration as a welcome development, citing his longstanding relationship with the grassroots, dedication to humanitarian causes, and passion for community growth and political inclusiveness.

The Ogun State House of Assembly remains the legislative arm responsible for lawmaking, oversight functions, and the promotion of effective governance across the state.

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2027 BATTLE: How Much Nigeria Can Save, Invest In Infrastructure By Rotating Power Among Six Geo-political Zones For A Single Term Of Five Or Six Years

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2027 BATTLE: How Much Nigeria Can Save, Invest In Infrastructure By Rotating Power Among Six Geo-political Zones For A Single Term Of Five Or Six Years

As a Southernern, particularly from the South East Geo-Political Zone, I believe the most potent argument for us in 2027 is that the North/South zoning arrangement of political power at the center is a scam. It’s a scam because it has only benefitted the South West and the North West geo-political zones since the return of ‘democracy’ (civil rule) in Nigeria on May 29, 1999. Nigeria, it must be clarified has six geo-political zones, not two.

Nigeria was divided into six geo-political zones in 1996 by the military government of General Sanni Abacha. This new zoning arrangement was a brainchild of the 1994/1995 Constitutional Conference chaired by the late Justice Adolphus Karibi-Whyte and empaneled by General Sanni Abacha.

At that Conference, no less a person than former Vice President Chief Alex Ekwueme and a group called Mkpoko Igbo proposed that since Nigeria will now be divided into six geo-political zones, to give all zones a sense of belonging within the Nigerian State, that power at the center should rotate among the six geo-political zones for a single term of five or six years. In their thinking, if power was rotated among the six geo-political zones for a single term of five or six years, within 30 years or 36 years, all six zones would have had one of their own leading Nigeria, particularly, from their first 11 (primus inter pares). The North and the South West delegations at that conference pooh-poohed Chief Alex Ekwueme and summarily shut down that all-important proposal. The rest they say is history.

More than 30 years later, there is yet no national peace, national cohesion, national political stability, national unity, and national loyalty to the Nigerian State. Had the proposal of Chief Alex Ekwueme and Mkpoko Igbo been adopted and implemented since 1999, at least, the 5th Geo-Political Zone would have had one of their own in Aso Villa today, and by 2035, the last geo-political zone would have being sending us one of their own to contest the Presidency across Nigeria’s current 18 political parties. This mathematics is if we had gone with a single term of six years (the maximum limit) as proposed by Dr. Ekwueme and the South East and South South delegates in that 1994/1995 Constitutional Conference.

Fast forward to today, in his recent Arise TV interview, and in some other public and private fora, H.E. Atiku Abubakar asked for Dr. Ekwueme’s forgiveness as he was among key Northern delegates in that Constitutional Conference from the Shehu Musa Yar’Adua group that opposed the rotational presidency among Nigeria’s geo-political zones. Waziri Adamawa had disclosed that he even apologized to Alex Ekwueme when he visited Oko, Anambra State, to pay homage to the former late vice president sometime in 2017/2018.

By and large, for 2027, I believe that the most potent argument that will sell in the South East is that the North East where Waziri Adamawa hails from, just like the South East (our region), had also been marginalized in the scheme of things in Nigeria. Aside from Alhaji Tafawa Balewa from Bauchi State (North East), nobody from the region/zone has been head of national government, head of state, or even president since 1966.

So, H.E. Atiku Abubakar is right in contesting the Presidential election billed for January 16, 2027, to right this wrong, and return Nigeria’s presidency to an equitable distribution of power at the center. When elected, and it’s entrenched in the Nigerian 1999 Constitution (as amended), that power rotates among the six geo-political zones for a single term of five or six years, this new formula will bring about national peace, national cohesion, national unity, and tremendously commandeer national loyalty among Nigerians from across the six geo-political zones for their beloved country, the Nigerian State.

As a budding political scientist of repute and ardent student of contemporary Nigerian history and politics, let me tell us what this formular would do for the Nigerian State. The battle for the soul of the Nigerian State will be ferocious at the zonal level, while the center will become unattractive. So, let’s say it is the turn of the North East Geo-Political Zone to produce the Presidency in 2027, the battle to gift Nigerians their First 11 (primus inter pares) will be ferocious across the States in the region. The people of Adamawa, Bauchi, Borno, Gombe, Taraba, and Yobe will now be more interested in partisan politics, thus being proactive participants within the current 18 political parties in Nigeria.

Giving Nigeria’s configurations and peculiarities, one of the positives of this political proactiveness is that it’s a win-win situation for the entire region if a man from Adamawa becomes President of Nigeria in 2027. The people from Yobe, Borno, Taraba, Gombe, and Bauchi will be largely happy, contented, hold their peace, love Nigeria better, and be more loyal to the Nigerian State because one of their own is now the GCFR, the primus inter pares, and the No. 1 Citizen of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. The steep insecurity that has ravaged the North East Geo-Political Zone since 2009, largely owing to perceived agelong marginalisation, oppression, injustices, would largely die down.

This will be the same case for the South East Geo-Political Zone. Biafra secessionist agitations, IPOB, ESN led by Nnamdi Kanu, will die a natural death. Justice and equity for all breeds contentment among men, and contentment among men births peace, unity, commandeers loyalty, and tremendously brings about prosperity. I stand to be challenged on this self-evident truth on any national television station.

When it is the turn of another region to produce the Presidency, after the North East has had their turn, all political parties in Nigeria must constitutionally present a Presidential candidate from the region whose turn it is to produce the presidency for a single term of six years. This rotational presidency formula must be entrenched in Nigeria’s 1999 Constitution (as amended) by May 29, 2027.

I avow that rotational presidency among Nigeria’s six geo-political zones for a single term of five or six years is the best political science solution to the agelong hydra-headed problem of Nigeria, especially in the guise of disunity, unpeaceful, and disloyalty problems among Nigerian citizens. Doing this will also largely curtail the executive rascalities, legislative rascalities, and judicial rascalities currently being perpetrated by the Bola Ahmed Tinubu led Executive arm; the Godswill Akpabio led Legislative arm; and the CJN Kudirat Motonmori Olatokunbo Kekere-Ekun led Judiciary arm.

The over desperation of getting re-elected for a second term in office, as shown today by Bola Tinubu, will be eraced for future Nigerian Presidents. The humongous money and depletion of Nigeria’s national treasury just for seeking re-election at all cost, and conducting elections will also be erased.

The Highfalutin, Draining Cost Of Conducting Elections In Nigeria?

For the 2023 general election, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) proposed N305 billion in May 2022, which was a 62 percent increase over the 2019 budget. Ultimately, the National Assembly approved N355 billion for the exercise, though the commission spent N313.4 billion as of September 2023.

For the 2027 general election, INEC Chairman Prof. Joash Amupitan proposed a total budget of N873.78 billion to the National Assembly in February 2026. This proposal includes N375.75 billion for election operations, N209.21 billion for technology, and N92.31 billion for administrative costs. The Bola Ahmed Tinubu led APC regime had previously allocated N1.01 trillion to INEC in the 2026 budget presented in January 2026.

Ladies and gentlemen, INEC’s election budget ballooned from N355 billion in 2023 to a whopping N873.78 billion for a re-election season in 2027? This is approximately a percentage increase of 146.13%. This is unacceptable, opprobrious, and insalubrious.

If we entrench in the Nigerian 1999 Constitution (as amended), zoning the presidency among the six geo-political zones for a single term of five or six years, this proposed N873.78 billion to coduct the 2027 re-election season would have been eliminated.

What Can N873.78 billion Do For Nigerians In Terms Of Infrastructural Developmental Projects?

If hypothetically redirected or matched in scale for infrastructure development, N873.78 billion could significantly advance Nigeria’s infrastructure across key sectors:

1. Roads and Transportation: This amount could fund the rehabilitation of over 10,000 kilometers (6213.712 miles) of rural and urban roads, especially when combined with technical support from institutions like the World Bank’s RAAMP-SU project.

It could complete critical projects like the Lagos-Ibadan Expressway or support the Lagos-Calabar Coastal Highway, enhancing regional connectivity and trade.

2. Railway Development: Based on past projects, N873 billion could finance a new 600–800 km (373-497 miles) standard gauge rail line, similar to the Abuja-Kaduna or Lagos-Ibadan lines, which were partially funded by Chinese loans.

Rail expansion would boost freight movement, reduce road congestion, and create thousands of jobs.

3. Power and Energy: The sum could support renewable energy projects, such as solar mini-grids for 10,000 rural communities, or fund transmission infrastructure to reduce power losses.

For context, Power Africa facilitated $63 million in renewable energy investments over 26 months—N873 billion could scale such efforts dramatically.

4. Water and Sanitation: Funds could build or upgrade water treatment plants, boreholes, and sanitation systems in underserved urban and rural areas, improving public health and reducing waterborne diseases.

5. Agricultural Infrastructure: The NSIA’s Multipurpose Industrial Platform Ltd (MIPL) in Akwa Ibom, including an ammonia and fertilizer plant, is a multi-billion-dollar project. N873 billion could fund multiple such agro-industrial hubs, boosting food security and reducing import dependence.

Analyzing The Current Infrastructure Spending In Nigeria In Relation To N873.78 Billion?

For comparison, Nigeria’s actual infrastructure allocations are much lower than the humongous money INEC is proposing to conduct the shaky 2027 general elections in Nigeria.

The 2025 Federal Budget allocated ₦4.06 trillion ($2.7 billion) for infrastructure—about 7.4% of total spending.
The National Integrated Infrastructure Master Plan (NIIMP) aims to raise infrastructure stock to 70% of GDP by 2043, requiring $100 billion annually—far above current spending levels.

Pension funds invested ₦262.57 billion in infrastructure in the first 10 months of 2025. This is below N873.78 billion being earmarked for the 2027 elections.

Without mincing words, let me aver that the N873.78 billion could transform infrastructural developmental projects in Nigeria, But the fact that this amount is proposed for elections, not infrastructural developmental projects, highlights a mismatch between public needs and government spending priorities in Nigeria, especially under the disastrous APC regime of Bola Tinubu.

Conclusion

While N873.78 billion is earmarked for elections, its scale underscores what Nigeria could achieve in infrastructure if similar resources were consistently invested. Redirecting even a fraction of election budgets toward roads, power, rail, water, and agriculture could accelerate economic growth, create jobs, and improve quality of life in Nigeria. However, transparency, accountability, and long-term planning are essential to ensure such investments yield lasting benefits.

Finally, ladies and gentlemen, let’s consider the substantial ingredients of this political seminal and fix this mess of power rotation at the center among Nigeria’s six geo-political zones for a single term of five or six years. Let’s stop wasting scarce resources in Nigeria conducting re-elections at the center and across state levels. Let’s stop wasting everybody’s time in Nigeria.

Ikenna Asomba is a political scientist and journalist. He writes from the State of Illinois, United States.

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