Politics
APC, 2023 Presidential Primary: Kayode Fayemi as the Way Out
APC, 2023 Presidential Primary: Kayode Fayemi as the Way Out By Alaba Osatuyi
As the 2023 presidential election kicks off with parties now conducting elections to pick standard bearers, one party that has continued to attract intense attention is the governing All Progressives Party (APC). It is normal that the ruling party faces more challenges about how to pick its candidate where the incumbent is not seeking a return ticket having exhausted the constitutional limit.
During a transition like this, the intensity of contestation and complexity of intrigues can sometimes get to the breaking point for the ruling party.
One should therefore sympathizes with the APC at this time, even, as it is locked in a flux in the high octane of succession politics. With twenty-three aspirants jolting to win the ticket of the party, there is no doubt that the battle is going to be sulfuric, combustible and explosive.
In spite of the motley of characters pretending to be aspiring, simply because they could pay the one hundred million naira ticket fee, what seems to be too plain to ignore is that fact that the main contenders are about four of the lots. For me, the primary will revolve around Rotimi Amaechi, Kayode Fayemi, Yemi Osinbajo and Bola Ahmed Tinubu. Of these major contenders however, it seems, destiny is waiting for the youngest of them to succeed President Muhammadu Buhari.
Even as the days get closer, what is now apparent to Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu and his fanatics is that he might not secure the ticket of the party, despite his dominant presence and larger-than-life posture. Nothing buttresses this position than his bare-knuckle but self-inflicting jibes that he threw in Ogun state on June 02, 2022.
Signs indicating all will not be too well with his campaign began to emerge when he ran through many northern states last week and he was told almost the same thing by almost all the governors he met, that, whomever the president supports and directs them to follow, they would follow. This practically devastated Asiwaju, irretrievably.
He had hoped naively that Buhari, who though, had not shown any commitment to him or to anyone, would stay neutral to allow the most “prepared” win. So, he had virtually become a traffic warder on the political streets of the northern states in the last one month. But all the hopes seemed to have collapsed with the choreographed answers he got whenever he went, including from the Borno state governor, whom many had thought was a forgone conclusion.
It was therefore an unexpected anti-climax when the president disclosed in a meeting with the progressive governors on June 1, 2022 that he would want to play a critical role in the selection of his successor. To many political observers, this was a major challenge for Asiwaju. This is because there was no doubt that Asiwaju and the president have not been best of friends since Buhari became president. Indeed, there had been instances when Asiwaju had had to publicly criticize the administration. One would even recall instances Chief Bisi Akande wrote bitter letters that clearly condemned Buhari and even asked him to resign at some point.
But, Asiwaju had another graver problem. He is not in the good books of most of the governors because of the annihilating politics he and Oshiomhole played going into 2019 election as part of his ultimate long-term plan to plant his sympathizers in all the states as governors, ahead of this day.
As a survival strategy, Asiwaju has been courting the national assembly and practically secured an alliance with them. In fact, the electoral law was amended to cure what Asiwaju thought could hinder him going into the election. So, many clauses were deliberately infused into the law to serve the political end of the NASS members and Asiwaju in particular.
Unfortunately, they were caught in their web of political conspiracy with the exclusion of statutory delegates from those eligible to vote at the convention. All their desperate effort to cure this grave self-infliction has been blocked by the president. As it stands now, the major electors at the primary will be national delegates who would have emerged from the political structure of the governors.
Worse still, to leave nothing to chances, the president seems to be interested in a consensus arrangement that will ensure a seamless process of candidate selection for the party.
So, when a frustrated Asiwaju spoke rather boisterously to the embarrassment of reasonable observers, it was obvious that he probably has gone for the broke. Much as his battalion of online supporters have tried to rationalize his intemperate speech, there is no doubt that it has caused an irredeemable damage that has eroded any possible clue for a makeup situation between him and Buhari.
For some unclear reason, the Tinubu supporters have made Osinbajo the focus of their acerbic campaigns and there seems to be the feeling that he is the only “real” challenge to Asiwaju’s passage. His sights generally irritates them and every of his steps is scrutinized bitterly.
Indeed, Osinbajo is a formidable figure in this contest. He has a lovable and easily ingratiating personality. His intelligence, charm and confidence can truly rankle a jealous competitor. Indeed, if the party ticket were to be decided directly by Nigerian generally, Osinbajo will be the undisputed winner of the ticket; however the politics of this particular primary election seems to be out of his pick for some factors beyond his control.
And this is understandable. Anywhere in the world, the primary election of any party is mainly a product of intense political horse-trading among the conclaves of party caucuses. In the Nigeria political environment, the governors of the ruling party are the most potent and dominant caucus. The National Assembly can sometimes provide a strong voice, but during a national election where their own political survival is at the local level, their ability to deploy their number to an advantage is grossly hampered.
In this particular instance, unfortunately, the NASS members have amputated and castrated themselves out of relevance. The Asiwaju factor, which Buhari usually tried hard to propitiate to, is, unfortunately now under a testy situation that only days can tell, if it has not completely lost its potency.
Consequently, those who would eventually decide who will be the party’s standard bearers are not those whose consideration would be the sartorial photogenicity of Professor Osinbajo or the monarchial carriage of Asiwaju, but cold power brokers who would negotiate to ensure their own continued relevance in the scheme of things.
According to analysts the ticket seems to be between Kayode Fayemi and Rotimi Amaechi. But the current political configuration of APC and the need to get the middle position may work for the former. According to some insiders, the two forces at play are the governors who want one of them to succeed the president and the inner circle of the president who seem to prefer Rotimi Amaechi for some obvious reasons.
Luckily for Kayode Fayemi, he also enjoys a good relationship with the so-called inner caucus of the Buhari administration. In fact, the Tinubu forces recognized this since 2016, when Fayemi led the political master stroke that produced Akeredolu in spite of all the machinations of Asiwaju to ensure Akeredolu never won the primary and the governorship election. Thereafter, the Tinubu forces started a barrage of media hostilities against Fayemi whom they first derided as a “traitor”, an “ingrate” and an “Akintola”, among other uncomplimentary expletives used to umbrage him then. All these they now direct at Osinbajo.
Similarly, Kayode Fayemi is a man personally loved by the president for his sound intellect, maturity and ability to build bridges and consensus among diverse interests. The president said this much in a speech he gave when Kayode Fayemi was quitting Buhari’s cabinet to re-contest for the Ekiti State governorship election in 2018.
Since becoming the Chairman of Governors’ Forum, Fayemi has steered the Forum from unhealthy acrimony and controversies that used to be its hallmark to that of potent policy peer-review platform that has worked cooperatively with the federal government on so many socioeconomic programmes. He has worked with uncommon maturity to ensure mutual respect between the federal government and the Forum without any major antagonism as it used to be.
What observers have come to the conclusion about is that Kayode Fayemi is the median candidate for all the converging factors. Being Yoruba will assuage the thirst of the South West and be easy to placate Asiwaju. His age, education, Teflon image and ability to build network will easily sell him across board. Even though there will be an initial shock and pushback, the emergence of Fayemi, will ultimately represent the finest hours of the political shift that the nation has been yearning for a long time.
Even those who have become so fanatical about some of the candidates will be easy to persuade to accept the compromised candidate because of his less problematic nature. It will be a ticket that the youths, the not too old, the old and many other interests can easily connect with.
Except if it is not God’s wish, it seems the Fayemi presidency has become inevitable. This will be Ekiti’s finest hour, even as we wait for the outcome of the APC convention over the next few days.
Alaba Osatuyi
Ado-Ekiti
Politics
Hon. Olusegun Amore Clears APC Screening for Ogun Assembly Race, Promises Purposeful Representation for Yewa South
Hon. Olusegun Amore Clears APC Screening for Ogun Assembly Race, Promises Purposeful Representation for Yewa South
ABEOKUTA, OGUN STATE, NIGERIA – In a bold and strategic move towards deepening quality representation, grassroots development, and people-oriented governance, Hon. Olusegun Olugbemileke Amore has officially obtained and successfully passed the screening exercise of the All Progressives Congress (APC) to contest for the Yewa South Local Government State Constituency seat at the Ogun State House of Assembly.
This development has continued to generate excitement, hope, and widespread acceptance among party faithful, political stakeholders, youths, women groups, and residents across Yewa South, many of whom see Hon. Amore as a vibrant, visionary, and grassroots-oriented leader with the competence, capacity, and character required to deliver purposeful representation.
Hon. Amore, who is widely respected for his humility, accessibility, leadership qualities, and unwavering commitment to community development, explained that his decision to join the race was driven by his passion to serve the people, attract meaningful development, and become a strong voice for the aspirations of Yewa South at the state legislative level.
According to him, the time has come for a new era of responsive representation anchored on youth inclusion, infrastructural advancement, educational support, empowerment initiatives, and people-centered legislation capable of positively impacting every ward and community within the constituency.
Speaking shortly after successfully scaling through the APC screening exercise, Hon. Amore expressed appreciation to party leaders, members, supporters, political associates, and well-wishers for their encouragement, trust, and overwhelming support.
He reaffirmed his loyalty and commitment to the ideals and progressive philosophy of the APC, while promising to run an issue-based, peaceful, and inclusive campaign that would further unite the people and strengthen the party ahead of the forthcoming elections.
Hon. Amore further stressed that Yewa South deserves quality representation that will prioritize youth empowerment and employment opportunities, improved educational support and scholarship initiatives, better road infrastructure and rural development, agricultural and economic advancement, enhanced healthcare delivery, and effective legislative advocacy capable of attracting greater government presence and developmental projects to the constituency.
As consultations, mobilization, and political engagements continue across Yewa South, many supporters have expressed confidence that Hon. Olusegun Olugbemileke Amore possessed the experience, credibility, leadership capacity, and political will needed to effectively represent the interests of the constituency and contribute meaningfully to the continued progress and development of Ogun State.
Indeed, the journey towards a greater, stronger, and more prosperous Yewa South appears to have gained renewed momentum with the emergence of Hon. Olusegun Olugbemileke Amore as a formidable aspirant under the progressive banner of the APC.
Political observers and supporters have also described Hon. Amore’s aspiration as a welcome development, citing his longstanding relationship with the grassroots, dedication to humanitarian causes, and passion for community growth and political inclusiveness.
The Ogun State House of Assembly remains the legislative arm responsible for lawmaking, oversight functions, and the promotion of effective governance across the state.
Politics
2027 BATTLE: How Much Nigeria Can Save, Invest In Infrastructure By Rotating Power Among Six Geo-political Zones For A Single Term Of Five Or Six Years
2027 BATTLE: How Much Nigeria Can Save, Invest In Infrastructure By Rotating Power Among Six Geo-political Zones For A Single Term Of Five Or Six Years
As a Southernern, particularly from the South East Geo-Political Zone, I believe the most potent argument for us in 2027 is that the North/South zoning arrangement of political power at the center is a scam. It’s a scam because it has only benefitted the South West and the North West geo-political zones since the return of ‘democracy’ (civil rule) in Nigeria on May 29, 1999. Nigeria, it must be clarified has six geo-political zones, not two.
Nigeria was divided into six geo-political zones in 1996 by the military government of General Sanni Abacha. This new zoning arrangement was a brainchild of the 1994/1995 Constitutional Conference chaired by the late Justice Adolphus Karibi-Whyte and empaneled by General Sanni Abacha.
At that Conference, no less a person than former Vice President Chief Alex Ekwueme and a group called Mkpoko Igbo proposed that since Nigeria will now be divided into six geo-political zones, to give all zones a sense of belonging within the Nigerian State, that power at the center should rotate among the six geo-political zones for a single term of five or six years. In their thinking, if power was rotated among the six geo-political zones for a single term of five or six years, within 30 years or 36 years, all six zones would have had one of their own leading Nigeria, particularly, from their first 11 (primus inter pares). The North and the South West delegations at that conference pooh-poohed Chief Alex Ekwueme and summarily shut down that all-important proposal. The rest they say is history.
More than 30 years later, there is yet no national peace, national cohesion, national political stability, national unity, and national loyalty to the Nigerian State. Had the proposal of Chief Alex Ekwueme and Mkpoko Igbo been adopted and implemented since 1999, at least, the 5th Geo-Political Zone would have had one of their own in Aso Villa today, and by 2035, the last geo-political zone would have being sending us one of their own to contest the Presidency across Nigeria’s current 18 political parties. This mathematics is if we had gone with a single term of six years (the maximum limit) as proposed by Dr. Ekwueme and the South East and South South delegates in that 1994/1995 Constitutional Conference.
Fast forward to today, in his recent Arise TV interview, and in some other public and private fora, H.E. Atiku Abubakar asked for Dr. Ekwueme’s forgiveness as he was among key Northern delegates in that Constitutional Conference from the Shehu Musa Yar’Adua group that opposed the rotational presidency among Nigeria’s geo-political zones. Waziri Adamawa had disclosed that he even apologized to Alex Ekwueme when he visited Oko, Anambra State, to pay homage to the former late vice president sometime in 2017/2018.
By and large, for 2027, I believe that the most potent argument that will sell in the South East is that the North East where Waziri Adamawa hails from, just like the South East (our region), had also been marginalized in the scheme of things in Nigeria. Aside from Alhaji Tafawa Balewa from Bauchi State (North East), nobody from the region/zone has been head of national government, head of state, or even president since 1966.
So, H.E. Atiku Abubakar is right in contesting the Presidential election billed for January 16, 2027, to right this wrong, and return Nigeria’s presidency to an equitable distribution of power at the center. When elected, and it’s entrenched in the Nigerian 1999 Constitution (as amended), that power rotates among the six geo-political zones for a single term of five or six years, this new formula will bring about national peace, national cohesion, national unity, and tremendously commandeer national loyalty among Nigerians from across the six geo-political zones for their beloved country, the Nigerian State.
As a budding political scientist of repute and ardent student of contemporary Nigerian history and politics, let me tell us what this formular would do for the Nigerian State. The battle for the soul of the Nigerian State will be ferocious at the zonal level, while the center will become unattractive. So, let’s say it is the turn of the North East Geo-Political Zone to produce the Presidency in 2027, the battle to gift Nigerians their First 11 (primus inter pares) will be ferocious across the States in the region. The people of Adamawa, Bauchi, Borno, Gombe, Taraba, and Yobe will now be more interested in partisan politics, thus being proactive participants within the current 18 political parties in Nigeria.
Giving Nigeria’s configurations and peculiarities, one of the positives of this political proactiveness is that it’s a win-win situation for the entire region if a man from Adamawa becomes President of Nigeria in 2027. The people from Yobe, Borno, Taraba, Gombe, and Bauchi will be largely happy, contented, hold their peace, love Nigeria better, and be more loyal to the Nigerian State because one of their own is now the GCFR, the primus inter pares, and the No. 1 Citizen of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. The steep insecurity that has ravaged the North East Geo-Political Zone since 2009, largely owing to perceived agelong marginalisation, oppression, injustices, would largely die down.
This will be the same case for the South East Geo-Political Zone. Biafra secessionist agitations, IPOB, ESN led by Nnamdi Kanu, will die a natural death. Justice and equity for all breeds contentment among men, and contentment among men births peace, unity, commandeers loyalty, and tremendously brings about prosperity. I stand to be challenged on this self-evident truth on any national television station.
When it is the turn of another region to produce the Presidency, after the North East has had their turn, all political parties in Nigeria must constitutionally present a Presidential candidate from the region whose turn it is to produce the presidency for a single term of six years. This rotational presidency formula must be entrenched in Nigeria’s 1999 Constitution (as amended) by May 29, 2027.
I avow that rotational presidency among Nigeria’s six geo-political zones for a single term of five or six years is the best political science solution to the agelong hydra-headed problem of Nigeria, especially in the guise of disunity, unpeaceful, and disloyalty problems among Nigerian citizens. Doing this will also largely curtail the executive rascalities, legislative rascalities, and judicial rascalities currently being perpetrated by the Bola Ahmed Tinubu led Executive arm; the Godswill Akpabio led Legislative arm; and the CJN Kudirat Motonmori Olatokunbo Kekere-Ekun led Judiciary arm.
The over desperation of getting re-elected for a second term in office, as shown today by Bola Tinubu, will be eraced for future Nigerian Presidents. The humongous money and depletion of Nigeria’s national treasury just for seeking re-election at all cost, and conducting elections will also be erased.
The Highfalutin, Draining Cost Of Conducting Elections In Nigeria?
For the 2023 general election, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) proposed N305 billion in May 2022, which was a 62 percent increase over the 2019 budget. Ultimately, the National Assembly approved N355 billion for the exercise, though the commission spent N313.4 billion as of September 2023.
For the 2027 general election, INEC Chairman Prof. Joash Amupitan proposed a total budget of N873.78 billion to the National Assembly in February 2026. This proposal includes N375.75 billion for election operations, N209.21 billion for technology, and N92.31 billion for administrative costs. The Bola Ahmed Tinubu led APC regime had previously allocated N1.01 trillion to INEC in the 2026 budget presented in January 2026.
Ladies and gentlemen, INEC’s election budget ballooned from N355 billion in 2023 to a whopping N873.78 billion for a re-election season in 2027? This is approximately a percentage increase of 146.13%. This is unacceptable, opprobrious, and insalubrious.
If we entrench in the Nigerian 1999 Constitution (as amended), zoning the presidency among the six geo-political zones for a single term of five or six years, this proposed N873.78 billion to coduct the 2027 re-election season would have been eliminated.
What Can N873.78 billion Do For Nigerians In Terms Of Infrastructural Developmental Projects?
If hypothetically redirected or matched in scale for infrastructure development, N873.78 billion could significantly advance Nigeria’s infrastructure across key sectors:
1. Roads and Transportation: This amount could fund the rehabilitation of over 10,000 kilometers (6213.712 miles) of rural and urban roads, especially when combined with technical support from institutions like the World Bank’s RAAMP-SU project.
It could complete critical projects like the Lagos-Ibadan Expressway or support the Lagos-Calabar Coastal Highway, enhancing regional connectivity and trade.
2. Railway Development: Based on past projects, N873 billion could finance a new 600–800 km (373-497 miles) standard gauge rail line, similar to the Abuja-Kaduna or Lagos-Ibadan lines, which were partially funded by Chinese loans.
Rail expansion would boost freight movement, reduce road congestion, and create thousands of jobs.
3. Power and Energy: The sum could support renewable energy projects, such as solar mini-grids for 10,000 rural communities, or fund transmission infrastructure to reduce power losses.
For context, Power Africa facilitated $63 million in renewable energy investments over 26 months—N873 billion could scale such efforts dramatically.
4. Water and Sanitation: Funds could build or upgrade water treatment plants, boreholes, and sanitation systems in underserved urban and rural areas, improving public health and reducing waterborne diseases.
5. Agricultural Infrastructure: The NSIA’s Multipurpose Industrial Platform Ltd (MIPL) in Akwa Ibom, including an ammonia and fertilizer plant, is a multi-billion-dollar project. N873 billion could fund multiple such agro-industrial hubs, boosting food security and reducing import dependence.
Analyzing The Current Infrastructure Spending In Nigeria In Relation To N873.78 Billion?
For comparison, Nigeria’s actual infrastructure allocations are much lower than the humongous money INEC is proposing to conduct the shaky 2027 general elections in Nigeria.
The 2025 Federal Budget allocated ₦4.06 trillion ($2.7 billion) for infrastructure—about 7.4% of total spending.
The National Integrated Infrastructure Master Plan (NIIMP) aims to raise infrastructure stock to 70% of GDP by 2043, requiring $100 billion annually—far above current spending levels.
Pension funds invested ₦262.57 billion in infrastructure in the first 10 months of 2025. This is below N873.78 billion being earmarked for the 2027 elections.
Without mincing words, let me aver that the N873.78 billion could transform infrastructural developmental projects in Nigeria, But the fact that this amount is proposed for elections, not infrastructural developmental projects, highlights a mismatch between public needs and government spending priorities in Nigeria, especially under the disastrous APC regime of Bola Tinubu.
Conclusion
While N873.78 billion is earmarked for elections, its scale underscores what Nigeria could achieve in infrastructure if similar resources were consistently invested. Redirecting even a fraction of election budgets toward roads, power, rail, water, and agriculture could accelerate economic growth, create jobs, and improve quality of life in Nigeria. However, transparency, accountability, and long-term planning are essential to ensure such investments yield lasting benefits.
Finally, ladies and gentlemen, let’s consider the substantial ingredients of this political seminal and fix this mess of power rotation at the center among Nigeria’s six geo-political zones for a single term of five or six years. Let’s stop wasting scarce resources in Nigeria conducting re-elections at the center and across state levels. Let’s stop wasting everybody’s time in Nigeria.
Ikenna Asomba is a political scientist and journalist. He writes from the State of Illinois, United States.
Politics
2027 BOMBSHELL: Dismantling The Myth Around Kwankwaso’s So-Called Electoral Dominance In Kano
2027 BOMBSHELL: Dismantling The Myth Around Kwankwaso’s So-Called Electoral Dominance In Kano
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