Politics
Democracy as a Prerequisite to Development: A Complex Relationship
Democracy as a Prerequisite to Development: A Complex Relationship
By George Omagbemi Sylvester
The age-old debate on whether democracy is a prerequisite for development continues to divide political thinkers, economists, and development practitioners across the globe. While some argue that democratic governance is indispensable for meaningful and inclusive development, others point to the dramatic economic transformation of non-democratic states as evidence that democracy, though desirable, is not necessarily a precondition for prosperity. What is undeniable, however, is that the relationship between democracy and development is anything but linear—it is deeply complex, context-dependent, and riddled with contradictions.
The Case For Democracy as a Prerequisite to Development
1. Accountability and Transparency
At the heart of democratic governance is accountability. Elected leaders, conscious of the electorate’s power to remove them from office, are often compelled to act in the interest of the people. Transparency becomes not just an ideal but a necessity. Institutions such as the judiciary, legislature, press, and civil society act as watchdogs, exposing corruption and ensuring checks and balances.
As former UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan once noted:
“Good governance is perhaps the single most important factor in eradicating poverty and promoting development.”
This is evident in nations like Finland, Canada, and New Zealand—consistently ranked among the least corrupt and most developed countries in the world. The World Bank’s Worldwide Governance Indicators (2023) show a direct correlation between democratic accountability and control of corruption.
2. Protection of Human Rights
Democracy provides the institutional framework for safeguarding human rights, including civil liberties, freedom of speech, gender equality, and access to healthcare and education. These rights are not just moral imperatives; they are development accelerators.
Political philosopher Amartya Sen, Nobel Laureate in Economics, argues:
“Development requires the removal of major sources of unfreedom… the denial of political liberty, the neglect of public facilities, and the intolerance or overactivity of repressive states.”
In other words, democracy isn’t just a value; it’s a vehicle for human progress. Countries such as Sweden, Norway, and Denmark—where democratic institutions ensure access to social services and rule of law—consistently top the Human Development Index.
3. Innovation and Entrepreneurship
Democracies tend to foster environments where innovation thrives. Freedom of thought, speech, and association—hallmarks of democratic systems—encourage creativity and entrepreneurship. Start-ups, think tanks, and civil society groups flourish in open societies where information flows freely and the rule of law is upheld.
Joseph Stiglitz, Nobel-winning economist, emphasized this dynamic:
“A vibrant civil society is necessary for economic development, and it is best supported by democratic institutions.”
The United States, with its open democratic environment, remains a hub of technological innovation. According to the Global Innovation Index 2023, democratic countries dominate the top ten, linking political freedom with innovative capacity.
4. Social Justice and Equality
Democracy, when functional, allows historically marginalized voices to be heard. Through electoral representation, legislative action, and judicial recourse, democracies work—however slowly—toward greater inclusion.
South Africa’s post-apartheid transition is a clear example. Nelson Mandela, in his inaugural speech, reminded the world:
“Let there be justice for all. Let there be peace for all. Let there be work, bread, water and salt for all.”
While the country still struggles with inequality, democracy has provided the tools for continuous reform and dialogue—a contrast to authoritarian regimes where dissent is often criminalized.
The Case Against Democracy as a Prerequisite to Development
1. Economic Growth Without Democracy
History is replete with examples of nations that achieved spectacular economic growth without democratic governance. The People’s Republic of China is perhaps the most cited. Since initiating economic reforms in 1978, China has lifted over 800 million people out of poverty, according to the World Bank.
Lee Kuan Yew, Singapore’s founding father, famously stated:
“I do not believe that democracy necessarily leads to development. I believe what a country needs to develop is discipline more than democracy.”
Singapore, under his leadership, transformed from a struggling port to one of the most efficient and developed economies globally—without full political liberalism.
2. Authoritarian Efficiency
Proponents of authoritarian development argue that such regimes can implement long-term policies without the disruptions of electoral politics. They can bypass political gridlock and enforce discipline in public administration.
This sentiment is echoed by political scientist Fareed Zakaria, who warned:
“Democracy is flourishing; liberty is not. Many democracies have become illiberal, where elections are held but civil liberties are absent.”
Authoritarian regimes often tout their efficiency, but that efficiency can come at the cost of liberty, human dignity, and sustainability.
3. Cultural and Historical Context
Not all societies are culturally or historically aligned with Western democratic values. Attempts to impose democratic structures on societies with complex traditional governance systems often yield chaos instead of order.
As African scholar Mahmood Mamdani puts it:
“Democratization without decolonization is a form of recolonization.”
Countries like Iraq, Libya, and Afghanistan demonstrate how fragile and dangerous externally imposed democracy can be when not aligned with indigenous socio-political realities.
Democratic Successes and Authoritarian Exceptions
There is no shortage of success stories on either side of the divide. Norway, ranked first on the Human Development Index (UNDP 2023), exemplifies the best of democratic governance: transparency, prosperity, and equality. Its wealth, including oil revenue, is managed through one of the most transparent sovereign wealth funds globally.
Conversely, China’s economic miracle—despite its authoritarian political structure—cannot be dismissed. President Xi Jinping asserts that China’s model represents an alternative path:
“We have found a development path that suits China’s national conditions and reflects the will of the Chinese people.”
Still, authoritarian regimes often face hidden vulnerabilities. Venezuela, under Hugo Chávez and Nicolás Maduro, squandered its oil wealth and plunged into hyperinflation and humanitarian crisis—proof that centralized control without accountability can be devastating.
Conclusion: Context Is King
To assert that democracy is always a prerequisite to development is to ignore the intricate and diverse pathways nations take. Yet to discard democracy as irrelevant is to flirt with the erosion of rights, freedoms, and dignity.
Democracy—when it works—is the best system for balancing growth with human freedom, equity, and justice. But it must be supported by strong institutions, civic culture, legal integrity, and responsible leadership.
In the words of former U.S. President Barack Obama:
“Development depends on good governance. That is the ingredient which has been missing in far too many places for far too long. That’s the change that can unlock Africa’s potential.”
In the final analysis, development requires more than roads and GDP growth. It requires justice, participation, and freedom. Whether under democratic rule or otherwise, what ultimately matters is whether power is used to serve the people—not oppress them.
Politics
Hon. Olusegun Amore Clears APC Screening for Ogun Assembly Race, Promises Purposeful Representation for Yewa South
Hon. Olusegun Amore Clears APC Screening for Ogun Assembly Race, Promises Purposeful Representation for Yewa South
ABEOKUTA, OGUN STATE, NIGERIA – In a bold and strategic move towards deepening quality representation, grassroots development, and people-oriented governance, Hon. Olusegun Olugbemileke Amore has officially obtained and successfully passed the screening exercise of the All Progressives Congress (APC) to contest for the Yewa South Local Government State Constituency seat at the Ogun State House of Assembly.
This development has continued to generate excitement, hope, and widespread acceptance among party faithful, political stakeholders, youths, women groups, and residents across Yewa South, many of whom see Hon. Amore as a vibrant, visionary, and grassroots-oriented leader with the competence, capacity, and character required to deliver purposeful representation.
Hon. Amore, who is widely respected for his humility, accessibility, leadership qualities, and unwavering commitment to community development, explained that his decision to join the race was driven by his passion to serve the people, attract meaningful development, and become a strong voice for the aspirations of Yewa South at the state legislative level.
According to him, the time has come for a new era of responsive representation anchored on youth inclusion, infrastructural advancement, educational support, empowerment initiatives, and people-centered legislation capable of positively impacting every ward and community within the constituency.
Speaking shortly after successfully scaling through the APC screening exercise, Hon. Amore expressed appreciation to party leaders, members, supporters, political associates, and well-wishers for their encouragement, trust, and overwhelming support.
He reaffirmed his loyalty and commitment to the ideals and progressive philosophy of the APC, while promising to run an issue-based, peaceful, and inclusive campaign that would further unite the people and strengthen the party ahead of the forthcoming elections.
Hon. Amore further stressed that Yewa South deserves quality representation that will prioritize youth empowerment and employment opportunities, improved educational support and scholarship initiatives, better road infrastructure and rural development, agricultural and economic advancement, enhanced healthcare delivery, and effective legislative advocacy capable of attracting greater government presence and developmental projects to the constituency.
As consultations, mobilization, and political engagements continue across Yewa South, many supporters have expressed confidence that Hon. Olusegun Olugbemileke Amore possessed the experience, credibility, leadership capacity, and political will needed to effectively represent the interests of the constituency and contribute meaningfully to the continued progress and development of Ogun State.
Indeed, the journey towards a greater, stronger, and more prosperous Yewa South appears to have gained renewed momentum with the emergence of Hon. Olusegun Olugbemileke Amore as a formidable aspirant under the progressive banner of the APC.
Political observers and supporters have also described Hon. Amore’s aspiration as a welcome development, citing his longstanding relationship with the grassroots, dedication to humanitarian causes, and passion for community growth and political inclusiveness.
The Ogun State House of Assembly remains the legislative arm responsible for lawmaking, oversight functions, and the promotion of effective governance across the state.
Politics
2027 BATTLE: How Much Nigeria Can Save, Invest In Infrastructure By Rotating Power Among Six Geo-political Zones For A Single Term Of Five Or Six Years
2027 BATTLE: How Much Nigeria Can Save, Invest In Infrastructure By Rotating Power Among Six Geo-political Zones For A Single Term Of Five Or Six Years
As a Southernern, particularly from the South East Geo-Political Zone, I believe the most potent argument for us in 2027 is that the North/South zoning arrangement of political power at the center is a scam. It’s a scam because it has only benefitted the South West and the North West geo-political zones since the return of ‘democracy’ (civil rule) in Nigeria on May 29, 1999. Nigeria, it must be clarified has six geo-political zones, not two.
Nigeria was divided into six geo-political zones in 1996 by the military government of General Sanni Abacha. This new zoning arrangement was a brainchild of the 1994/1995 Constitutional Conference chaired by the late Justice Adolphus Karibi-Whyte and empaneled by General Sanni Abacha.
At that Conference, no less a person than former Vice President Chief Alex Ekwueme and a group called Mkpoko Igbo proposed that since Nigeria will now be divided into six geo-political zones, to give all zones a sense of belonging within the Nigerian State, that power at the center should rotate among the six geo-political zones for a single term of five or six years. In their thinking, if power was rotated among the six geo-political zones for a single term of five or six years, within 30 years or 36 years, all six zones would have had one of their own leading Nigeria, particularly, from their first 11 (primus inter pares). The North and the South West delegations at that conference pooh-poohed Chief Alex Ekwueme and summarily shut down that all-important proposal. The rest they say is history.
More than 30 years later, there is yet no national peace, national cohesion, national political stability, national unity, and national loyalty to the Nigerian State. Had the proposal of Chief Alex Ekwueme and Mkpoko Igbo been adopted and implemented since 1999, at least, the 5th Geo-Political Zone would have had one of their own in Aso Villa today, and by 2035, the last geo-political zone would have being sending us one of their own to contest the Presidency across Nigeria’s current 18 political parties. This mathematics is if we had gone with a single term of six years (the maximum limit) as proposed by Dr. Ekwueme and the South East and South South delegates in that 1994/1995 Constitutional Conference.
Fast forward to today, in his recent Arise TV interview, and in some other public and private fora, H.E. Atiku Abubakar asked for Dr. Ekwueme’s forgiveness as he was among key Northern delegates in that Constitutional Conference from the Shehu Musa Yar’Adua group that opposed the rotational presidency among Nigeria’s geo-political zones. Waziri Adamawa had disclosed that he even apologized to Alex Ekwueme when he visited Oko, Anambra State, to pay homage to the former late vice president sometime in 2017/2018.
By and large, for 2027, I believe that the most potent argument that will sell in the South East is that the North East where Waziri Adamawa hails from, just like the South East (our region), had also been marginalized in the scheme of things in Nigeria. Aside from Alhaji Tafawa Balewa from Bauchi State (North East), nobody from the region/zone has been head of national government, head of state, or even president since 1966.
So, H.E. Atiku Abubakar is right in contesting the Presidential election billed for January 16, 2027, to right this wrong, and return Nigeria’s presidency to an equitable distribution of power at the center. When elected, and it’s entrenched in the Nigerian 1999 Constitution (as amended), that power rotates among the six geo-political zones for a single term of five or six years, this new formula will bring about national peace, national cohesion, national unity, and tremendously commandeer national loyalty among Nigerians from across the six geo-political zones for their beloved country, the Nigerian State.
As a budding political scientist of repute and ardent student of contemporary Nigerian history and politics, let me tell us what this formular would do for the Nigerian State. The battle for the soul of the Nigerian State will be ferocious at the zonal level, while the center will become unattractive. So, let’s say it is the turn of the North East Geo-Political Zone to produce the Presidency in 2027, the battle to gift Nigerians their First 11 (primus inter pares) will be ferocious across the States in the region. The people of Adamawa, Bauchi, Borno, Gombe, Taraba, and Yobe will now be more interested in partisan politics, thus being proactive participants within the current 18 political parties in Nigeria.
Giving Nigeria’s configurations and peculiarities, one of the positives of this political proactiveness is that it’s a win-win situation for the entire region if a man from Adamawa becomes President of Nigeria in 2027. The people from Yobe, Borno, Taraba, Gombe, and Bauchi will be largely happy, contented, hold their peace, love Nigeria better, and be more loyal to the Nigerian State because one of their own is now the GCFR, the primus inter pares, and the No. 1 Citizen of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. The steep insecurity that has ravaged the North East Geo-Political Zone since 2009, largely owing to perceived agelong marginalisation, oppression, injustices, would largely die down.
This will be the same case for the South East Geo-Political Zone. Biafra secessionist agitations, IPOB, ESN led by Nnamdi Kanu, will die a natural death. Justice and equity for all breeds contentment among men, and contentment among men births peace, unity, commandeers loyalty, and tremendously brings about prosperity. I stand to be challenged on this self-evident truth on any national television station.
When it is the turn of another region to produce the Presidency, after the North East has had their turn, all political parties in Nigeria must constitutionally present a Presidential candidate from the region whose turn it is to produce the presidency for a single term of six years. This rotational presidency formula must be entrenched in Nigeria’s 1999 Constitution (as amended) by May 29, 2027.
I avow that rotational presidency among Nigeria’s six geo-political zones for a single term of five or six years is the best political science solution to the agelong hydra-headed problem of Nigeria, especially in the guise of disunity, unpeaceful, and disloyalty problems among Nigerian citizens. Doing this will also largely curtail the executive rascalities, legislative rascalities, and judicial rascalities currently being perpetrated by the Bola Ahmed Tinubu led Executive arm; the Godswill Akpabio led Legislative arm; and the CJN Kudirat Motonmori Olatokunbo Kekere-Ekun led Judiciary arm.
The over desperation of getting re-elected for a second term in office, as shown today by Bola Tinubu, will be eraced for future Nigerian Presidents. The humongous money and depletion of Nigeria’s national treasury just for seeking re-election at all cost, and conducting elections will also be erased.
The Highfalutin, Draining Cost Of Conducting Elections In Nigeria?
For the 2023 general election, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) proposed N305 billion in May 2022, which was a 62 percent increase over the 2019 budget. Ultimately, the National Assembly approved N355 billion for the exercise, though the commission spent N313.4 billion as of September 2023.
For the 2027 general election, INEC Chairman Prof. Joash Amupitan proposed a total budget of N873.78 billion to the National Assembly in February 2026. This proposal includes N375.75 billion for election operations, N209.21 billion for technology, and N92.31 billion for administrative costs. The Bola Ahmed Tinubu led APC regime had previously allocated N1.01 trillion to INEC in the 2026 budget presented in January 2026.
Ladies and gentlemen, INEC’s election budget ballooned from N355 billion in 2023 to a whopping N873.78 billion for a re-election season in 2027? This is approximately a percentage increase of 146.13%. This is unacceptable, opprobrious, and insalubrious.
If we entrench in the Nigerian 1999 Constitution (as amended), zoning the presidency among the six geo-political zones for a single term of five or six years, this proposed N873.78 billion to coduct the 2027 re-election season would have been eliminated.
What Can N873.78 billion Do For Nigerians In Terms Of Infrastructural Developmental Projects?
If hypothetically redirected or matched in scale for infrastructure development, N873.78 billion could significantly advance Nigeria’s infrastructure across key sectors:
1. Roads and Transportation: This amount could fund the rehabilitation of over 10,000 kilometers (6213.712 miles) of rural and urban roads, especially when combined with technical support from institutions like the World Bank’s RAAMP-SU project.
It could complete critical projects like the Lagos-Ibadan Expressway or support the Lagos-Calabar Coastal Highway, enhancing regional connectivity and trade.
2. Railway Development: Based on past projects, N873 billion could finance a new 600–800 km (373-497 miles) standard gauge rail line, similar to the Abuja-Kaduna or Lagos-Ibadan lines, which were partially funded by Chinese loans.
Rail expansion would boost freight movement, reduce road congestion, and create thousands of jobs.
3. Power and Energy: The sum could support renewable energy projects, such as solar mini-grids for 10,000 rural communities, or fund transmission infrastructure to reduce power losses.
For context, Power Africa facilitated $63 million in renewable energy investments over 26 months—N873 billion could scale such efforts dramatically.
4. Water and Sanitation: Funds could build or upgrade water treatment plants, boreholes, and sanitation systems in underserved urban and rural areas, improving public health and reducing waterborne diseases.
5. Agricultural Infrastructure: The NSIA’s Multipurpose Industrial Platform Ltd (MIPL) in Akwa Ibom, including an ammonia and fertilizer plant, is a multi-billion-dollar project. N873 billion could fund multiple such agro-industrial hubs, boosting food security and reducing import dependence.
Analyzing The Current Infrastructure Spending In Nigeria In Relation To N873.78 Billion?
For comparison, Nigeria’s actual infrastructure allocations are much lower than the humongous money INEC is proposing to conduct the shaky 2027 general elections in Nigeria.
The 2025 Federal Budget allocated ₦4.06 trillion ($2.7 billion) for infrastructure—about 7.4% of total spending.
The National Integrated Infrastructure Master Plan (NIIMP) aims to raise infrastructure stock to 70% of GDP by 2043, requiring $100 billion annually—far above current spending levels.
Pension funds invested ₦262.57 billion in infrastructure in the first 10 months of 2025. This is below N873.78 billion being earmarked for the 2027 elections.
Without mincing words, let me aver that the N873.78 billion could transform infrastructural developmental projects in Nigeria, But the fact that this amount is proposed for elections, not infrastructural developmental projects, highlights a mismatch between public needs and government spending priorities in Nigeria, especially under the disastrous APC regime of Bola Tinubu.
Conclusion
While N873.78 billion is earmarked for elections, its scale underscores what Nigeria could achieve in infrastructure if similar resources were consistently invested. Redirecting even a fraction of election budgets toward roads, power, rail, water, and agriculture could accelerate economic growth, create jobs, and improve quality of life in Nigeria. However, transparency, accountability, and long-term planning are essential to ensure such investments yield lasting benefits.
Finally, ladies and gentlemen, let’s consider the substantial ingredients of this political seminal and fix this mess of power rotation at the center among Nigeria’s six geo-political zones for a single term of five or six years. Let’s stop wasting scarce resources in Nigeria conducting re-elections at the center and across state levels. Let’s stop wasting everybody’s time in Nigeria.
Ikenna Asomba is a political scientist and journalist. He writes from the State of Illinois, United States.
Politics
2027 BOMBSHELL: Dismantling The Myth Around Kwankwaso’s So-Called Electoral Dominance In Kano
2027 BOMBSHELL: Dismantling The Myth Around Kwankwaso’s So-Called Electoral Dominance In Kano
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