society
Drug Abuse Among People With Disabilities: The Hidden Crisis Nigeria Is Yet to Address
Drug Abuse Among People With Disabilities: The Hidden Crisis Nigeria Is Yet to Address.
By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by saharaweeklyng.com
“Neglect, stigma and policy gaps are fueling substance misuse among Nigeria’s most vulnerable and silence is costing lives.”
Nigeria likes to talk about inclusion, but talk without action has a human cost and one that is rarely counted. Behind closed doors and in the margins of health statistics, drug and substance misuse is wreaking havoc on people with disabilities (PWDs) across the country. This is not an unfortunate footnote; it is a predictable outcome of exclusion (social, medical and legal) that we have chosen to ignore.
Global and local evidence points to the same uncomfortable truth: people with disabilities are at higher risk of substance use and are less likely to receive appropriate treatment. International studies show that adults with disabilities report disproportionately high rates of substance use and adverse mental health symptoms compared with their non-disabled peers. These patterns are mediated by chronic pain, untreated mental-health disorders, social isolation and poverty with all conditions common among Nigerian PWDs.
Why this happens is painfully simple. Many people with disabilities live with chronic pain or long-term health conditions for which medication is necessary; others face untreated depression, anxiety and trauma. When health systems are inaccessible, poorly resourced, or openly hostile, self-medication becomes an easy (and dangerous) option. Add stigma and social exclusion and the risk escalates: illicit substances, alcohol, codeine-laden cough syrups and diverted prescription drugs become stopgap “TREATMENTS” for pain, loneliness and despair. The World Health Organization explicitly warns that persons with disabilities are more likely to face risk factors for tobacco, alcohol and drug use because they are often left out of public health interventions.
In Nigeria the problem has particular features. National-level surveys and UN estimates indicate that drug use is widespread in the country: a sizeable share of Nigerians between 15 and 64 (measured in millions) are affected by drug misuse, and substances such as tramadol and codeine-based syrups have become common in both urban and rural settings. Meanwhile, enforcement-focused headlines about drug seizures and legislative crackdowns obscure the human reality: far too many people who need treatment cannot access it. UN reporting notes that globally only about one in eleven people with drug use disorders receive treatment — an equity gap that hits PWDs especially hard.
There are three converging failures driving this hidden crisis in Nigeria.
1. Health systems and services are inaccessible or ill-equipped.
Rehabilitation, mental-health care and substance-use treatment services in Nigeria are chronically underfunded and concentrated in a handful of urban centres. Even where services exist, they are rarely adapted for persons with sensory, cognitive or mobility impairments — meaning that facilities, intake procedures, therapy methods and communication approaches exclude those who most need help. Research in multiple settings has shown that substance-use screening and treatment must include disability accommodations and comprehensive pain management; otherwise, PWDs fall through the cracks.
2. Stigma and social isolation push vulnerable people into substance use.
Violence, neglect and discrimination against children and adults with disabilities are well documented. International studies report alarmingly high rates of abuse and neglect of disabled children and teenagers — environments that predispose survivors to substance misuse later in life. In Nigeria, cultural stigma combined with poverty and lack of social protection amplifies the risk: ostracised individuals may turn to substances to cope with trauma and exclusion.
3. Policy and legal frameworks exist but are not implemented or aligned.
Nigeria’s Discrimination Against Persons with Disabilities (Prohibition) Act 2018 created legal obligations to integrate and protect PWDs. That law, however, has not been matched by robust investment in disability-aware mental-health services, nor by targeted substance-use programs for PWDs. At the same time, the country’s current public conversation often leans toward punitive measures against drug offenders rather than public-health strategies that address addiction as a medical and social problem. Recent moves in the legislature to stiffen criminal penalties for trafficking, while addressing supply-side harms, risk further marginalising people who need treatment rather than punishment.
What must be done is clear, if politically uncomfortable: treat this as a public-health and human-rights emergency, not an embarrassing exception to be hidden.
First, expand access to disability-inclusive treatment. Health facilities and substance-use programs must be made physically and clinically accessible. That means ramps and sign-language interpretation, yes — but also adapting clinical screening tools, counseling approaches and pain-management strategies to different impairment types. International evidence shows that substance-use interventions that account for pain and comorbid mental disorders reduce misuse and improve outcomes; Nigeria must tailor these approaches and scale them beyond elite urban clinics.
Second, invest in community-based prevention and social protection. Poverty, unemployment and social isolation are key drivers. Cash transfers, supported employment schemes, community rehabilitation programs and family support can reduce the conditions that lead people to self-medicate. Civil-society organisations and disabled-persons organisations (DPOs) are best placed to guide culturally appropriate prevention work — they must be funded and partnered with, not sidelined.
Third, collect the right data. You cannot manage what you do not measure. National surveys and drug-control reports must disaggregate by disability status, impairment type and gender. That data gap means policymakers have no reliable estimate of the scale of the problem among PWDs — and therefore no political imperative to act. Recent Nigerian and international studies give us indications; what we need is systematic, routine surveillance integrated into national drug and health surveys.
Fourth, shift from punishment to treatment. Public policy must rebalance from criminalisation toward evidence-based treatment and harm reduction. Where trafficking and organised crime require law enforcement, do so — but not at the cost of denying care to people with addiction who are also living with disabilities. The human-rights implications of mandatory incarceration for people with mental-health comorbidities must be taken seriously.
Finally, we must break the silence. Families, communities and politicians treat disability as a private tragedy. Addiction among PWDs becomes doubly invisible: the stigma of disability plus the stigma of drug use. Nigeria’s media, universities and policy forums must expose this reality and hold leaders accountable for the gap between the law’s promise and the lived experience of millions.
To the policymakers reading this: the Discrimination Against Persons with Disabilities Act 2018 is not a placard to be posted on ministry walls — it is a legal platform that demands resources, enforcement and services. To the NDLEA and health ministries: seize the moment to partner with DPOs, donors and community groups to pilot disability-inclusive treatment models that can be scaled nationwide. To civil society: press for data, for pilots and for funding that reaches grassroots organisations.
Addiction among people with disabilities is not a “special interest” issue — it is a test of our humanity. If a nation claims to value inclusion, then it must protect the most vulnerable from a tide of substances, neglect and institutional failure. Anything less is hypocrisy.
If Nigeria does not act, the toll will grow: more lives shortened, families broken and talents wasted. But if we choose compassion, transparency and evidence, we can transform a hidden crisis into a model of inclusive care. The legislation is on the books; now let our actions prove that we meant it.
society
Court Warns Police: Your Role in Debt Recovery is Illegal; Awards N50m in Favour of Man Detained for 6 Months Over Failed Forex Deal
Court Warns Police: Your Role in Debt Recovery is Illegal; Awards N50m in Favour of Man Detained for 6 Months Over Failed Forex Deal
The Lagos State High Court has declared the six-month detention of businessman Bassey Ikpi Ubi over a failed foreign exchange transaction illegal and unconstitutional, ordering the police and private respondents to pay N50 million in damages for torture and unlawful detention.
Justice O. O. Adewunmi-Oshin held that the Nigeria Police Force has no legal authority to act as a debt recovery agency or to mediate private civil disputes.
The ruling was delivered on Monday, 11 May 2026, at the Lagos Judicial Division, High Court No. 49, in Suit No. LD/18019MFHR/2024.
Mr. Ubi, Managing Director of MC COY IKPI BUSINESS INTERNATIONAL LIMITED, had sued the Inspector General of Police, the Assistant Inspector General Zone 2, the DSS, the EFCC, and 11 private individuals and corporate entities.
He alleged that he was arrested and detained on Friday,16 February 2024, tortured almost to death in custody, denied bail, and had his Samsung Galaxy Z Flip 4 and Tecno phones forcibly taken and hacked.
The applicant told the court that the dispute arose from a failed foreign exchange transaction and that the police were being used by private respondents to recover civil debts.
Justice Adewunmi-Oshin stated unequivocally that “the police are not debt collectors and the detention cell is not a venue for settling private disputes.”
The court observed with concern what it called a recurring trend whereby officers of the Nigeria Police Force arrest and detain citizens under the pretext of criminality while the underlying dispute amounts to nothing more than a breach of contract or a failed commercial transaction.
“This Court observes with concern the recurring trend whereby officers of the Nigeria Police Force arrest and detain Citizens under the pretext of Criminality, while the underlying dispute amounts to nothing more than a breach of contract or a failed commercial transaction,” the judge said.
“Such conduct finds no warrant in law. Sections 4 of the Police Act 2020 above cited does not confer any power to act as debt collectors or to mediate private civil disputes.”
Citing _Fawehimi V Inspector General of Police_ (2002) 7 NWLR pt 767 pg 606, the court reiterated that
“the Police must not allow themselves to be used as tools for the enforcement of Civil obligations.”
The judge also referenced Section 6 of the Administration of Criminal Justice Act 2015, which makes clear that arrest shall only be made for a reasonable suspicion of a criminal offence, not for the recovery of debts or enforcement of contractual obligations.
On the applicant’s detention, the court found that holding him for six months without bringing him before a court violated Sections 33, 34, 35, 36, 37 and 41 of the 1999 Constitution, as well as Articles 4, 5, 6 and 7 of the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights.
The judge further declared that the seizure and hacking of the applicant’s phones by the 4th respondent infringed his right to privacy and personal liberty guaranteed under Sections 35 and 37 of the Constitution.
Consequently, the court granted 11 orders. It restrained the 1st to 5th respondents from acting as recovery agents or from further arresting and detaining the applicant and officers of his company.
It ordered the 4th respondent to unconditionally release the seized phones. The court awarded N50,000,000 jointly and severally against all respondents for general, aggravated and exemplary damages, to be paid within 30 days.
It also directed the respondents to publish a public apology to the applicant in a full-page advertorial in a national daily newspaper within 14 days, in line with Section 35(6) of the Constitution.
“The practice is condemned in the strongest terms and the leadership of the Nigeria Police Force is expected to take immediate disciplinary and administrative steps to eradicate it,” Justice Adewunmi-Oshin ruled.
The applicant was represented by Kennedy Osunwa with J. Akor, while M. O. Bajela appeared for the 4th respondent. The 18th and 24th respondents had earlier been struck out of the suit.
society
2027 PRESIDENTIAL POLL: Nwosu, Akobundu, Ihedioha, Nwajiuba, Ikeobasi- Political Juggernauts Who Will Lead ADC To Landslide Victory In The South East
2027 PRESIDENTIAL POLL: Nwosu, Akobundu, Ihedioha, Nwajiuba, Ikeobasi- Political Juggernauts Who Will Lead ADC To Landslide Victory In The South East
Barely eight months to the all-important Nigerian presidential election billed for Saturday, January 16, 2027, below are the who is who in the South East, the political heavyweights and juggernauts who will lead the main opposition African Democratic Congress (ADC), to a landslide victory across the five South East States of Abia, Anambra, Ebonyi, Enugu, and Imo States.
1. Chief Ralph Nwosu: He is the founding National Chairman of the main opposition ADC. Nwosu beat Mr. Peter Obi during the 2002 guber primaries of the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA), but was asked to step down for Obi, by the revered leader of the Igbo nation, Chief Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu.
2. Senator Augustine Akobundu: He is Senator representing Abia Central Senatorial District in the Nigerian Senate, since 2023. He has just won the ADC primary ticket ahead of the 2027 Senatorial election billed for January 16, 2027.
3. H.E. Rt. Hon. Emeka Ihedioha: He was the former Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives (2011-2015), and former Governor of Imo State (2019-2020). Ihedioha was illegitimately ousted from office by the Supreme Court led by CJN Kudirat Motonmori Olatokunbo Kekere-Ekun. The Supreme Court illegally smuggled APC candidate Hope Uzodimma who came a distant 4th to become Governor through the backdoor.
4. Chief Emeka Nwajiuba: He was the former Minister of State for Education (2019-2022). He contested the APC Presidential primaries in 2022. Nwajiuba speaks Hausa fluently and is very close to the Buhari/Katsina Northern political bloc.
5. Chief Ikeobasi Mokelu: He was the Minister of Information under the administration of General Sanni Abacha. He is a political juggernaut who is very close to Kashim Imam, Zango Daura, and even His Excellency Atiku Abubakar.
Among other eminent political juggernauts and heavyweights, the abovementioned are the men of timber and caliber who will lead the ADC charge across the South East Geo-Political Zone, going into the 2027 Presidential election.
Our team of eminent young political scientists and investigative journalists have done our backgrounders on these men, and can state unequivocally and emphatically that they got the verified capacity to lead the ADC to a landslide victory across the five South East States, next year.
It’s against this backdrop that we the leaders and members of Afa Igbo Efuna Worldwide call on His Excellency Atiku Abubakar- @atiku, and the Senator David Mark-led @ADCNig leadership to without any iota of doubt shop for a Vice Presidential candidate, among these qualified Igbo leaders from the South East Geo-Political Zone, on or before June 31, 2026.
society
Ahead of 2027: BSA Diaspora Vanguard Backs Sarafadeen Alli for Oyo State Governor
Ahead of 2027: BSA Diaspora Vanguard Backs Sarafadeen Alli for Oyo State Governor
Support for APC chieftain Barrister Sarafadeen Alli’s 2027 governorship ambition is growing both at home and abroad, with the BSA Diaspora Vanguard in North America throwing its weight behind him.
The group, led by Chief Dr. Olayinka Afolabi, Chief Coordinator of the BSA Diaspora Vanguard North America Chapter, said it is committed to mobilizing resources and awareness to ensure Alli emerges as Oyo State’s next governor.
“Barrister Sarafadeen Alli is tested, trusted, and understands what the people of Oyo State need,” Chief Afolabi said. “We in the BSA Diaspora Vanguard North America are determined to complement his efforts by enlightening Oyo indigenes in the diaspora and rallying support to bring this vision to reality.”
The group added that it would intensify outreach across North America to inform the Oyo community about Alli’s track record and plans for the state.
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