Business
EXCLUSIVE INTERVIEW: ‘BRITISH Government: A Thief & Dictator’-Steve Franklin, President, Nigerian American Press Association
HE is originally from Europe, an American widely traveled journalist, a historian, opinionated writer, an author, President of Nigerian American Press Association (NAPA) a famous media association of Nigerians and American journalists with over 100 memberships. He’s a very outspoken media professional who passionately follow events in Africa. He hates cheat, lies and dictatorship. In this 30 Minutes interactive session with SAMSON SHOAGA, NAIJA STANDARD EDITOR, Steve Franklin give reasons why he condemns British Government as a Thief and Dictator. He chronicles several vices imbibed in Britain as they continually squanders Nigeria’s Stolen Wealth kept in Britain’s Bank Account for their own rapid development. Also, he talked about the latest show of shame by David Cameron in UK Anti-Corruption Summit.
Q: How do you view the on-going Anti-Corruption Summit in Britain?
A: As far as I am concerned, I know that from the outset of United Kingdom Anti-Corruption Summit, David Cameron, British Prime Minister had convened that meeting to embarrass and disgrace Nigeria, which was why he referred to ‘Nigeria and Afghanistan’ as two most corrupt nations in the world during his pre-summit chat with Queen Elizabeth II. Were it not the video camera that captured that scathing and derogatory statement, Cameron could have denied he did not utter it. Britain is not a saint, but very corrupt. In the present list of Transparency International Corruption Index, UK occupied 10thposition with Germany, Luxembourg.
You are aware in the UK Anti Corruption Summit, Cobus de Swardt, Managing Director of Transparency International reacted to Cameron comments regarding Nigeria, Afghanistan as ‘Most Corrupt’ when he said: ‘There is no doubt that historically, Nigeria and Afghanistan have had very high levels of corruption, and that continues to this day. But the leaders of those countries have sent strong signals that they want things to change, and the London Anti-Corruption Summit creates an opportunity for all the countries present to sign up to a new era. This affects the UK as much as other countries we should not forget that by providing a safe haven for corrupt assets, the UK and its Overseas Territories and Crown Dependencies are a big part of the world’s corruption problem.’
I can tell you that majority of British politicians and Nigerians are presently condemning Cameron for trying to place Britain as a saint, immunized from stealing. In Africa, I have heard lots of people say ‘A Pot cannot be calling the Kettle Black.’ May be you don’t know yet, British opposition politicians and anti-corruption campaigners have said Cameron was ill-placed to criticize Nigeria when Britain’s own record on combating corruption was less than glorious.
Unilaterally, they have said that corrupt politicians and business people from Nigeria and many other countries have laundered their ill-gotten gains in Britain’s property market, while London also has ties to numerous tax havens routinely used to hide stolen money to develop their country. There will be an Agreement to be signed at the end of the summit on Reparation of Nigeria’ stolen funds in United Kingdom.
Q: Are you sure after Nigeria may have signed the Agreement on Stolen Funds Reparation, the UK Government will return the money?
A:Based on Britain’s body language, I am sure they are not ready to return Nigeria’s stolen funds stashed in various banks which I will reveal shortly soon. They act and see themselves as Dictator, suffering from Colonial Master’s Syndrome. They want to use Nigeria’s stolen funds to build and rapidly develop their own nation to their optimal satisfaction. When they are through, they will then recycle same stolen funds into their banks and begin to give to Nigeria in piece meal after a long waiting period. They will then attach stringent conditions for Nigeria to follow in implementing the piece meal funds reparation. If they feel that the returned funds is not well executed according to British laid down rules, they will delay releasing other stolen funds.
My position is further confirmed by a reported statement from British High Commissioner to Nigeria, Paul Arkwright, who said that the UK government had no plan to keep the money, but there are certain legal requirements that Nigeria had not met to ease the recovering of the money. He agreed the money belong to the Nigerian people but left a caveat that they ‘need to make sure that the money is well spent when it returns to Nigeria’. They need to make sure they ‘can do that in a proper way, which is fully in compliance with the British law.’ What an insult. Nigeria is a Sovereign nation like Britain, with laid down rules on procedures. Britain must do away with its Master-servant mentality. They cannot enforce British laws on Nigerian laws. That is why I call them Dictator of the highest order. Nigeria had her independence since October 1, 1960, yet you are not willing to let the country grow, progress forward. What a shame…
Q: Can you mention those British Banks where Nigerian politicians in the know of British Government hides Nigeria’s stolen funds?
A: Let me say here that British Government is government built mostly on stolen funds from the money pilfered by some politicians in those countries and kept in their banks. It is strange that UK knows those funds were stolen from Nigeria yet they instruct their banks to collect such funds, so that they may use the funds through backdoor and play it around in a circle, when tired they return the funds into the banks. It is that simple. It will shock you to hear that British banks being used by UK Government to hide Nigeria’s funds are: HSBC, Barclays, Natwest, & Royal Bank of Scotland. Till date, noBritish bank has been publicly fined or even named by the regulators for taking corrupt funds, whether willingly or through negligence.
Recently, an International corruption watchdog said high street banks in the United Kingdom could have helped fuel corruption in Nigeria by accepting millions of dollars in deposits from dubious politicians in the west African nation.
How come five leading UK banks have failed to adequately investigate the source of tens of millions of dollars taken from two Nigerian governors accused of corruption in the past. Robert Palmer, a campaigner at Global Witness corroborated my position when he said ‘Banks are quick to penalise ordinary customers for minor infractions but seem to be less concerned about dirty money passing through their accounts.
He also said ‘Large scale corruption is simply not possible without a bank willing to process payments from dodgy sources, or hold accounts for corrupt politicians in the knowledge of the government.
I strongly share in the belief that Financial Services Authority (FSA) have failed woefully to do more to prevent money laundering through British banks. The fact that they reportedly acknowledged that in accepting the money, Barclays, NatWest, Royal Bank of Scotland (RBS) and HSBC, as well as Switzerland’s UBS, might not have broken the law, is a shame on British Government.
In Britain, banks helps in facilitating corruption. Name one British bank that has been publicly fined or even named by the regulators for taking corrupt funds, whether willingly or through negligence or sacked. In United States, banks that breach the law have been fined hundreds of millions of dollars for handling dirty money. Barclays, HSBC and UBS are all members of the Wolfsberg Group, an international body set up in 2000 to try to improve global anti-money laundering procedures. This revelation was made by Robert based on court documents from cases the Nigerian government has brought in London in an attempt to get funds returned that it said were stolen by two former state governors: Diepreye Alamieyeseigha of Bayelsa state and Joshua Dariye of Plateau state.
Alamieyeseigha was accused of corruption after he was caught with about $1.6m in cash at his London home. He was briefly jailed in Nigeria after pleading guilty to embezzlement and money laundering charges two years later. Dariye was arrested in 2004 in London and was found to have purchased properties worth millions of dollars even though his legitimate earnings amounted to the equivalent of $63,500 a year. James Ibori, a-two time former Governor of oil rich Delta State was arrested for corruption, pleaded guilty and sentenced to 13 year in British prison. Don’t you know Ibori’s stolen fund in UK banks are parts of the money Britain is using for their country’s development?
How about Nigeria’s former minister of Petroleum, Diezani Allison Madueke, who took off to UK to cool off and kept varying staggering amount in UK banks? Though I read in Nigerian papers that she will be prosecuted by the Nigerian Government on how she looted Nigerian National Petroleum Cooperation (NNPC). The questions are: What is happening to those huge funds she stole and kept in British banks? Who manage the funds in UK? How long has these stolen funds been hidden in UK banks? What is British Government doing with the bulk of the money of Nigerian politician accused of corruption? It is not only the person that steals money that is corrupt, the country that hid the stolen funds is far corrupt than the person who stole the money because Britain is by their action saying ‘You may go and steal as a politician, but make sure you bank your stolen finds with us, we will help you take good care of it.
Q: Which other reasons do you have to have labeled Britain a Thief nation?
A: Majority of Nigeria’s stolen artifacts which the UK Government used in decorating their British Museum in London dates back to over 500 years ago. Majority of the artifacts were stolen by British aunthorities on the soil of Nigeria from Benin Kingdom. Very famous Benin bronze plaques stolen in 1897 when the British launched a punitive expedition to the venerable Benin City, heart of an old kingdom headed by a Royal King Oba Ovonramwem. UK Troops sack ed his palace purposely to steal Nigeria’s assets, eventually stole the bronze plaques that detailed the history and customs of the kingdom and exiled him-turning the kingdom into part of modern day Nigeria. How would you describe the British Government in this scenario, is that not a Thief? One of the Nigeria’s stolen famous artifacts is: Okukor.
Let me remind you that after the sacking of Benin Kingdom, the bronzes were taken by the British to pay for the expedition. The Foreign and Commonwealth Office sold them off, and around 900 ended up in the world’s greatest museums, including the British Museum, which has one of the largest sets. One of the sculptures, the bronze cockerel known as Okukor, ended up at Jesus College after it was donated by Captain George William Neville, a former British Army officer whose son had been a student there. The gift was fitting; the cockerel is the mascot of the college, after the surname of its founder, Bishop John Alcock.
The sculpture in question depicts a proud, strong animal – an embodiment of power. Though its value is not clear because so few bronzes have been sold recently, in 1989 a bronze memorial head from Benin was auctioned at Christie’s in London for more than £1 million. The Benin Bronzes are a set of artworks created by the Edo people for centuries starting from the 13th Century to celebrate the Benin Kingdom. When colonialists first discovered the pieces adorning the Oba’s royal palace, they were amazed that such incredible artwork could be created by people so ‘primitive’. Also stolen is Elgin Marbles, a Greek statute, which the British Government manipulating to claim.
When the Benin Bronzes first arrived in Europe, they transformed the way people saw Africa. Europeans were surprised that Africans — a people whom they assumed to be backward — could make such refined artwork. Till date, they remain some of the most celebrated artworks to emerge from Africa, but much like Greece’s Elgin Marbles, they are mired in controversy due to the circumstances in which they were acquired. Can you now tell me if Britain is not a Thief?
Business
GTCO Launches “Take on Squad” Hackathon 3.0, Opens Call for Applications
GTCO Launches “Take on Squad” Hackathon 3.0, Opens Call for Applications
Guaranty Trust Holding Company Plc (“GTCO” or the “Group”) has announced the launch of “Take on Squad” Hackathon 3.0, reaffirming its commitment to fostering innovation, empowering talent, and supporting the development of technology-driven solutions that address real-world challenges across Africa.
Now in its third edition, the Hackathon brings together developers, designers and entrepreneurs across Nigeria in a collaborative environment to build practical solutions across key sectors including financial services, healthcare, commerce and digital inclusion. Under the theme “Smart Systems: The Intelligent Economy,” participants are challenged to design and build intelligent, data-driven solutions that transform how communities engage with money.
Applications are now open, and interested teams can find full guidelines and registration details on the official portal at https://squadco.com/hackathon.
Speaking on the initiative, Eduophon Japhet, Managing Director of HabariPay, stated: “Today’s dynamic, digitally driven world demands continuous innovation, which is shaping how economies grow, how businesses scale, and how societies evolve. Through “Take on Squad” Hackathon, we are deliberately investing in the ideas and talent that will define the future. Our objective is not simply to encourage innovation, but to enable its translation into scalable solutions that deliver real and measurable impact. This reflects GTCO’s role as a financial services platform that connects capital, capability, and creativity to drive sustainable progress.”
The social coding event remains a cornerstone of HabariPay’s mission to foster creativity and problem-solving among emerging tech talents. Competing teams will leverage Squad’s advanced APIs to create scalable digital tools that address everyday challenges faced by businesses and individuals.
Through initiatives such as this, GTCO continues to position itself at the intersection of finance, technology and enterprise, actively shaping the future of digital transformation in Africa.
About HabariPay
HabariPay Ltd is the fintech subsidiary of Guaranty Trust Holding Company Plc (GTCO), one of the largest financial services institutions in Africa with direct and indirect investments in a network of operating entities located in 10 countries across Africa and the United Kingdom.
Licensed by the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), our goal is to support SMEs, micro merchants, large corporations and other fintechs (Tech Stars) with the tools they need to thrive in an evolving digital economy and expand beyond their current market reach. HabariPay’s solutions include Squad, a full-scale digital payments toolkit to make in-person and online payments simpler, HabariPay Storefront, an e-commerce website to facilitate online purchases, Value-Added Services to help merchants access cost-effective and flexible airtime and data bundles to run their businesses, as well as a switching infrastructure that enables tech-focused businesses to optimise cost and make transactions more efficient.
HabariPay’s contributions to Accelerating Digital Acceptance in Africa have not gone unnoticed–it received Mastercard’s Innovative Mobile Payment Solution Award at TIA 2022 for its innovative payment solution, SquadPOS.
About Squad
Squad is a complete digital payments solution that is reliable, secure, and affordable, making receiving in-person and online payments simpler and convenient.
Thousands of merchants currently leverage Squad’s payment solutions for their daily business operations. Squad’s current products and service offerings include SquadPOS, Squad Payment Links, Squad Virtual Accounts, USSD, and E-Commerce Storefront.
Find out more at www.squadco.com.
Business
Electric 8-Seater Tula Moto Keke Enters Nigerian Market, Targets Higher Operator Earnings
Electric 8-Seater Tula Moto Keke Enters Nigerian Market, Targets Higher Operator Earnings
LAGOS — A new electric-powered tricycle with an expanded passenger capacity has been introduced into Nigeria’s urban transport sector, offering operators a potentially more profitable and eco-friendly alternative to conventional petrol-driven “keke.”
The newly launched 8-seater electric tricycle, now available in Lagos with plans for nationwide distribution, features a dual-row seating arrangement capable of accommodating up to eight passengers per trip—significantly higher than the standard three-passenger configuration common across the country.
Promoters of the innovation say the increased capacity is designed to boost daily earnings for operators, particularly amid persistent fluctuations in fuel prices. By running entirely on electric power, the vehicle eliminates dependence on petrol, reducing operating costs and shielding drivers from fuel price volatility.
According to the distributors, the tricycle is equipped with a durable battery system capable of covering extended distances on a single charge, making it suitable for commercial operations across high-traffic routes, residential estates, campuses, and marketplaces.
“The concept is straightforward—enable drivers to earn more while spending less,” a company representative stated. “With higher passenger capacity and zero fuel requirements, operators can maximise each trip without the burden of daily fuel expenses.”
Beyond its cost-saving potential, the electric keke is also said to require less maintenance than traditional models, offering additional long-term savings. Its quieter and smoother operation is expected to enhance passenger comfort and overall commuting experience.
Industry analysts note that the introduction of electric mobility solutions reflects a growing shift toward cleaner and more sustainable transportation alternatives in Nigeria, particularly in densely populated urban centres such as Lagos.
The distributors added that the product is currently available under a limited promotional offer, with delivery options across the country.
For inquiries and purchase: 📞 08153432071
📞 08035889103
Office Address:
📍 Plot 9, Block 113, Beulah Plaza,
Lekki–Epe Expressway,
Lekki Phase 1, Lagos
As transportation costs continue to rise and environmental concerns gain prominence, innovations like the electric 8-seater keke may signal an emerging transition toward more efficient and sustainable mobility solutions nationwide.
Business
A Pipeline, a Licence, and a Storm Brewing: Corruption allegations Draw global oil giant, Shell, Into Nigeria’s Reform Test
*A Pipeline, a Licence, and a Storm Brewing: Corruption allegations Draw global oil giant, Shell, Into Nigeria’s Reform Test*
By Deji Johnson and Mustapha Bello
t begins with a pipeline that should have been completed by June 2026. It widens into a regulatory dispute. And it now risks becoming a defining test of Nigeria’s gas reforms under President Bola Ahmed Tinubu.
At the center is a stalled 80 kilometre gas pipeline from Sagamu to Ibadan, a project backed by over 100 million dollars in investment and built on a protected Gas Distribution Licence issued under the Petroleum Industry Act 2021. The licence granted NGML–NIPCO exclusive rights to distribute gas within Ibadan for 25years based on Nigeria’s Petroleum Industry Act.
On paper, the law is clear. On the ground, the situation is anything but.
For more than three months, construction has been halted following a stop work order issued by the Oyo State Government led by former Shell Contractor and engineer, Governor Seyi Makinde. No detailed public justification has been provided that aligns with existing federal approvals already secured for the project.
What might have remained a quiet regulatory disagreement has now escalated into something far more politically charged. How?
In recent remarks, Nigeria’s Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Nyesom Wike, who is of the same political party as Governor Seyi Makinde, made a pointed allegation that has since rippled across political and industry circles. He suggested that the Governor of Oyo State and Shell were in what could be described as an “unholy alliance.”
It is a serious claim. One that, if substantiated, would raise profound questions about the intersection of corporate influence, state level action, and federal law.
Neither Shell nor the Oyo State Government has publicly responded in detail to the allegation.
But the silence is now part of the story.
*THE SHELL QUESTION*
For Shell, this moment carries particular weight.
The company has operated in Nigeria for decades, building one of its most significant global portfolios in the Niger Delta. But that history is not without controversy. From corruption claims to environmental damage claims and community disputes amongst others, Shell has faced years of litigation and, in several high profile cases, adverse rulings tied to its operations in the region.
Those cases, many adjudicated in foreign courts, have shaped a negative reputation that continues to follow the company.
Now, a new question emerges.
Is Shell once again operating at the edge of Nigeria’s regulatory framework seeking to exert undue influence in circumventing Nigeria’s petroleum laws, or firmly within it?
Industry sources including a widely reported meeting between their representatives, Oyo State Government representatives and the newly appointed midstream and downstream chief executive, indicate that engagements involving Shell and the Nigerian Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority could enable the company to enter a gas distribution zone already licensed to another operator in breach of the PIA.
If true, the implications are immediate and far reaching.
A licence meant to protect investors and investments in Nigeria’s gas space ceases to be exclusive against the dictates of the guiding laws. A framework begins to look flexible, and a reform risks appearing reversible.
To many, it seems more than just a commercial dispute and is not just about one company versus another.
Nigeria is in the middle of an energy transition where gas is expected to play a central role in powering industries, stabilising electricity supply, and reducing reliance on expensive diesel. President Bola Tinubu has emerged as a global champion of using gas as a transition fuel in Nigeria and Africa whilst rolling out elaborate but clearly defined plans to achieve it. Yet gas availability remains inconsistent, constraining power generation and limiting industrial output.
Projects like the Sagamu to Ibadan pipeline are designed to close that gap. To halt such a project is to delay not just infrastructure, but impact. To undermine its legal basis is to question the system that enabled it and to introduce competing claims within the same licensed zone is to risk regulatory confusion at a time when clarity is most needed.
This is where the issue moves from commercial to national because at stake is not only an investment, but the credibility of the reform architecture itself.
*OYO STATE AND THE FEDERAL QUESTION*
The role of the Oyo State Government adds another layer of complexity.
Energy regulation in Nigeria, particularly in the gas sector, is governed by federal law. Yet implementation often intersects with state authority, creating spaces where jurisdiction can blur.
The stop work order issued on the pipeline has become the clearest manifestation of that tension. Was it a regulatory necessity?
A precautionary measure? Or, as alleged by Minister Wike, part of a broader alignment with external interests? Without transparency, speculation fills the vacuum and the regulator must avoid finding itself mired in such allegations.
*QUESTIONS THAT WILL NOT GO AWAY*
For Shell, the questions are now direct and unavoidable:
Is Shell, a global energy giant, seeking to operate within the Ibadan gas distribution zone already licensed to NGML–NIPCO?
What assurances, if any, has it received from regulators or state actors?
How does it reconcile such actions with the exclusivity provisions of the PIA?
For the regulator, NMDPRA:
Can a Gas Distribution Licence be effectively shared, diluted, or overridden after issuance? According to Nigerian laws, the answer is No.
What precedent does this set for Nigeria’s gas infrastructure market?
For the Oyo State Government:
On what legal grounds does the stop work order stand, given federal approvals already in place?
And how does this action align with national energy priorities or the state’s gas needs?
Nigeria has spent the last two years telling a new story to the world. A story of reform, of discipline, of a country ready to compete for global capital. And it has worked so far with stability returning to Nigeria’s economy and over $20bn of energy investments looking to enter the country in the short to midterm.
But reforms are not tested in policy papers. They are tested in moments like this.
Moments where law meets influence, investment meets interference and promise meets pressure.
For Shell, long mired in issues surrounding ethical operations in Nigeria, this is more than a business decision. It is a reputational crossroads.
For Nigeria, it is something even larger. Whether the country’s laws will hold when they are most challenged or Whether its reforms will stand when they are most inconvenient or even whether Nigeria’s energy investments future will be shaped by the rules of law, adherence to regulatory protections and provisions or by unethical and corrupt relationships.
Until those questions are answered clearly, publicly, and decisively, the pipeline in Ibadan will remain more than steel in the ground.
It will remain a symbol of a country still deciding which path it truly intends to follow. Nigeria must act quickly and decisively because the world is watching.
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