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EXCLUSIVE INTERVIEW: ‘BRITISH Government: A Thief & Dictator’-Steve Franklin, President, Nigerian American Press Association

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HE is originally from Europe, an American widely traveled journalist, a historian, opinionated writer, an author, President of Nigerian American Press Association (NAPA) a famous media association of Nigerians and American journalists with over 100 memberships. He’s a very outspoken media professional who passionately follow events in Africa. He hates cheat, lies and dictatorship. In this 30 Minutes interactive session with SAMSON SHOAGA, NAIJA STANDARD EDITOR, Steve Franklin give reasons why he condemns British Government as a Thief and Dictator. He chronicles several vices imbibed in Britain as they continually squanders Nigeria’s Stolen Wealth kept in Britain’s Bank Account for their own rapid development. Also, he talked about the latest show of shame by David Cameron in UK Anti-Corruption Summit.

 

Q: How do you view the on-going Anti-Corruption Summit in Britain?

A: As far as I am concerned, I know that from the outset of United Kingdom Anti-Corruption Summit, David Cameron, British Prime Minister had convened that meeting to embarrass and disgrace Nigeria, which was why he referred to ‘Nigeria and Afghanistan’ as two most corrupt nations in the world during his pre-summit chat with Queen Elizabeth II. Were it not the video camera that captured that scathing and derogatory statement, Cameron could have denied he did not utter it. Britain is not a saint, but very corrupt. In the present list of Transparency International Corruption Index, UK occupied 10thposition with Germany, Luxembourg.

You are aware in the UK Anti Corruption Summit, Cobus de Swardt, Managing Director of Transparency International reacted to Cameron comments regarding Nigeria, Afghanistan as ‘Most Corrupt’ when he said: ‘There is no doubt that historically, Nigeria and Afghanistan have had very high levels of corruption, and that continues to this day. But the leaders of those countries have sent strong signals that they want things to change, and the London Anti-Corruption Summit creates an opportunity for all the countries present to sign up to a new era. This affects the UK as much as other countries we should not forget that by providing a safe haven for corrupt assets, the UK and its Overseas Territories and Crown Dependencies are a big part of the world’s corruption problem.’

 

I can tell you that majority of British politicians and Nigerians are presently condemning Cameron for trying to place Britain as a saint, immunized from stealing. In Africa, I have heard lots of people say ‘A Pot cannot be calling the Kettle Black.’ May be you don’t know yet, British opposition politicians and anti-corruption campaigners have said Cameron was ill-placed to criticize Nigeria when Britain’s own record on combating corruption was less than glorious.

Unilaterally, they have said that corrupt politicians and business people from Nigeria and many other countries have laundered their ill-gotten gains in Britain’s property market, while London also has ties to numerous tax havens routinely used to hide stolen money to develop their country. There will be an Agreement to be signed at the end of the summit on Reparation of Nigeria’ stolen funds in United Kingdom.

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Q: Are you sure after Nigeria may have signed the Agreement on Stolen Funds Reparation, the UK Government will return the money?

A:Based on Britain’s body language, I am sure they are not ready to return Nigeria’s stolen funds stashed in various banks which I will reveal shortly soon. They act and see themselves as Dictator, suffering from Colonial Master’s Syndrome. They want to use Nigeria’s stolen funds to build and rapidly develop their own nation to their optimal satisfaction. When they are through, they will then recycle same stolen funds into their banks and begin to give to Nigeria in piece meal after a long waiting period. They will then attach stringent conditions for Nigeria to follow in implementing the piece meal funds reparation. If they feel that the returned funds is not well executed according to British laid down rules, they will delay releasing other stolen funds.

 

My position is further confirmed by a reported statement from British High Commissioner to Nigeria, Paul Arkwright, who said that the UK government had no plan to keep the money, but there are certain legal requirements that Nigeria had not met to ease the recovering of the money. He agreed the money belong to the Nigerian people but left a caveat that they ‘need to make sure that the money is well spent when it returns to Nigeria’. They need to make sure they ‘can do that in a proper way, which is fully in compliance with the British law.’ What an insult. Nigeria is a Sovereign nation like Britain, with laid down rules on procedures. Britain must do away with its Master-servant mentality. They cannot enforce British laws on Nigerian laws. That is why I call them Dictator of the highest order. Nigeria had her independence since October 1, 1960, yet you are not willing to let the country grow, progress forward. What a shame…

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Q: Can you mention those British Banks where Nigerian politicians in the know of British Government hides Nigeria’s stolen funds?

A: Let me say here that British Government is government built mostly on stolen funds from the money pilfered by some politicians in those countries and kept in their banks. It is strange that UK knows those funds were stolen from Nigeria yet they instruct their banks to collect such funds, so that they may use the funds through backdoor and play it around in a circle, when tired they return the funds into the banks. It is that simple. It will shock you to hear that British banks being used by UK Government to hide Nigeria’s funds are: HSBC, Barclays, Natwest, & Royal Bank of Scotland. Till date, noBritish bank has been publicly fined or even named by the regulators for taking corrupt funds, whether willingly or through negligence.

Recently, an International corruption watchdog said high street banks in the United Kingdom could have helped fuel corruption in Nigeria by accepting millions of dollars in deposits from dubious politicians in the west African nation.

How come five leading UK banks have failed to adequately investigate the source of tens of millions of dollars taken from two Nigerian governors accused of corruption in the past. Robert Palmer, a campaigner at Global Witness corroborated my position when he said ‘Banks are quick to penalise ordinary customers for minor infractions but seem to be less concerned about dirty money passing through their accounts.

He also said ‘Large scale corruption is simply not possible without a bank willing to process payments from dodgy sources, or hold accounts for corrupt politicians in the knowledge of the government.

I strongly share in the belief that Financial Services Authority (FSA) have failed woefully to do more to prevent money laundering through British banks. The fact that they reportedly acknowledged that in accepting the money, Barclays, NatWest, Royal Bank of Scotland (RBS) and HSBC, as well as Switzerland’s UBS, might not have broken the law, is a shame on British Government.

In Britain, banks helps in facilitating corruption. Name one British bank that has been publicly fined or even named by the regulators for taking corrupt funds, whether willingly or through negligence or sacked. In United States, banks that breach the law have been fined hundreds of millions of dollars for handling dirty money. Barclays, HSBC and UBS are all members of the Wolfsberg Group, an international body set up in 2000 to try to improve global anti-money laundering procedures. This revelation was made by Robert based on court documents from cases the Nigerian government has brought in London in an attempt to get funds returned that it said were stolen by two former state governors: Diepreye Alamieyeseigha of Bayelsa state and Joshua Dariye of Plateau state.

Alamieyeseigha was accused of corruption after he was caught with about $1.6m in cash at his London home. He was briefly jailed in Nigeria after pleading guilty to embezzlement and money laundering charges two years later. Dariye was arrested in 2004 in London and was found to have purchased properties worth millions of dollars even though his legitimate earnings amounted to the equivalent of $63,500 a year. James Ibori, a-two time former Governor of oil rich Delta State was arrested for corruption, pleaded guilty and sentenced to 13 year in British prison. Don’t you know Ibori’s stolen fund in UK banks are parts of the money Britain is using for their country’s development?

 

How about Nigeria’s former minister of Petroleum, Diezani Allison Madueke, who took off to UK to cool off and kept varying staggering amount in UK banks? Though I read in Nigerian papers that she will be prosecuted by the Nigerian Government on how she looted Nigerian National Petroleum Cooperation (NNPC). The questions are: What is happening to those huge funds she stole and kept in British banks? Who manage the funds in UK? How long has these stolen funds been hidden in UK banks? What is British Government doing with the bulk of the money of Nigerian politician accused of corruption? It is not only the person that steals money that is corrupt, the country that hid the stolen funds is far corrupt than the person who stole the money because Britain is by their action saying ‘You may go and steal as a politician, but make sure you bank your stolen finds with us, we will help you take good care of it.

 

 

Q: Which other reasons do you have to have labeled Britain a Thief nation?

A: Majority of Nigeria’s stolen artifacts which the UK Government used in decorating their British Museum in London dates back to over 500 years ago. Majority of the artifacts were stolen by British aunthorities on the soil of Nigeria from Benin Kingdom. Very famous Benin bronze plaques stolen in 1897 when the British launched a punitive expedition to the venerable Benin City, heart of an old kingdom headed by a Royal King Oba Ovonramwem. UK Troops sack ed his palace purposely to steal Nigeria’s assets, eventually stole the bronze plaques that detailed the history and customs of the kingdom and exiled him-turning the kingdom into part of modern day Nigeria. How would you describe the British Government in this scenario, is that not a Thief? One of the Nigeria’s stolen famous artifacts is: Okukor.

DAVID_7[1]Let me remind you that after the sacking of Benin Kingdom, the bronzes were taken by the British to pay for the expedition. The Foreign and Commonwealth Office sold them off, and around 900 ended up in the world’s greatest museums, including the British Museum, which has one of the largest sets. One of the sculptures, the bronze cockerel known as Okukor, ended up at Jesus College after it was donated by Captain George William Neville, a former British Army officer whose son had been a student there. The gift was fitting; the cockerel is the mascot of the college, after the surname of its founder, Bishop John Alcock.

The sculpture in question depicts a proud, strong animal – an embodiment of power. Though its value is not clear because so few bronzes have been sold recently, in 1989 a bronze memorial head from Benin was auctioned at Christie’s in London for more than £1 million. The Benin Bronzes are a set of artworks created by the Edo people for centuries starting from the 13th Century to celebrate the Benin Kingdom. When colonialists first discovered the pieces adorning the Oba’s royal palace, they were amazed that such incredible artwork could be created by people so ‘primitive’. Also stolen is Elgin Marbles, a Greek statute, which the British Government manipulating to claim.

When the Benin Bronzes first arrived in Europe, they transformed the way people saw Africa. Europeans were surprised that Africans — a people whom they assumed to be backward — could make such refined artwork. Till date, they remain some of the most celebrated artworks to emerge from Africa, but much like Greece’s Elgin Marbles, they are mired in controversy due to the circumstances in which they were acquired. Can you now tell me if Britain is not a Thief?

 

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MREIF is Better: FirstBank’s Mortgage Loan Is the Game-Changer for Home Ownership in Nigeria

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FirstBank Set to Launch Tailored Financial Services for Blind and Physically Challenged Customers  

MREIF is Better: FirstBank’s Mortgage Loan Is the Game-Changer for Home Ownership in Nigeria

 

 

 

Anyone who has tried to get a loan to buy a house in Nigeria knows the drill: endless forms, property valuation, and eventual down payment of a minimum 25% or more on the property. Sometimes, interest rates could go as high as 30% per annum, while the typical loan limit is N50 million.

 

 

 

Now, FirstBank is making homeownership more attractive.

 

 

 

FirstBank, in partnership with the Ministry of Finance Incorporated (MOFI), has introduced the MREIF Home Loan. MREIF loan is a game-changer, offering a single-digit interest rate of 9.75% per annum, with a loan amount of up to ₦100 million and a repayment period of up to 20 years. This is perfect for salaried individuals, including Nigerians in the diaspora, looking to purchase homes in approved locations.

 

The MREIF loan stands out with its lower interest rate, higher loan amount, and flexible equity contribution as low as 10%. This makes it an attractive option for those seeking affordable homeownership.

 

 

 

You are one quick decision away from being a landlord.

 

 

 

If you’ve been waiting for the right time to buy a home, FirstBank’s MREIF Home Loan is the smartest route to owning property in Nigeria today. Visit the FirstBank website https://www.firstbanknigeria.com/personal/loans/mreif-home-loan/ to get started.

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Nigeria’s Booming Growth Leaves Citizens Trapped in Deeper Poverty

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Nigeria’s Booming Growth Leaves Citizens Trapped in Deeper Poverty

BY BLAISE UDUNZEq

 

With the chanting of the ‘Renewed Hope’, it appears to be Uhuru in Nigeria, following the recent World Economic Outlook presented by the International Monetary Fund, which projected that Nigeria’s economy would expand by 4.1 percent in 2026. Though this specifically shows an economy faster than economies like the United States and the United Kingdom, as it handed the administration of President Bola Tinubu a powerful narrative. No doubt, the projection happens to be a narrative of progress, of reform, of a nation supposedly turning the corner after years of instability and setting the kind of moment that reassures investors, quiets critics and signals competence.

 

But once its statistical sheen is put aside, the weight of reality takes center stage. The truth is while Nigeria may be growing on paper, it is simultaneously shrinking and does not in any way reflect the lived experience of its citizens, as the populace can attest to. With the current lived experience, nowhere is this contradiction more glaring than in the widening gulf between macroeconomic projections and the daily economic suffering of over 200 million people.

 

The truth is uncomfortable, but it must be said plainly that a country where poverty is deepening, inflation is persistent, debt is rising, and basic survival is becoming more difficult cannot meaningfully claim economic success, no matter what the growth figures suggest.

The most damning evidence against the “fastest-growing economy” narrative as enumerated by the Special Adviser to President Tinubu on Policy Communication, Daniel Bwala comes not from opposition voices or political critics, but this time it is coming from the World Bank itself. Alarming to this is that according to its latest Nigeria Development Update, poverty in the country rose to 63 percent barely months back, translating to roughly 140 million Nigerians living below the poverty line. This is not just a statistic; it is a humanitarian crisis unfolding in real time, which in a real sense calls for quick interventions.

 

Even more troubling is the trend. Poverty has not plateaued; it is accelerating, worsening and not stablising at all. From 56 percent in 2023 to 61 percent in 2024, and now 63 percent in 2025, the trajectory is unmistakable, as can be seen the data shows a clear upward trend over time that calls for concern. And projections from PwC suggest that the numbers will climb even higher, with an estimated 141 million Nigerians expected to be poor in 2026.

 

It would surprise many that these figures expose a fundamental contradiction; it is a total irony that an economy is growing while its people are becoming poorer, hence, while no one would hesitate to say that the type of growth taking place is flawed. Well, without jumping to a hasty conclusion, the answer lies in that growth. To say that the economic growth taking place is imbalanced, it is uneven, exclusionary, and not absolutely linked or largely disconnected from the sectors that sustain the majority of Nigerians. Growth driven by services and capital-intensive industries does little for a population whose livelihoods depend heavily on agriculture and informal enterprise. When growth bypasses the poor, it ceases to be development and becomes mere arithmetic.

 

The government’s defence often leans on the argument that inflation is easing and that reforms are beginning to stabilise the economy. But even this claim is increasingly fragile, as reported that the recent data from the National Bureau of Statistics shows that inflation has begun to rise again. This now shows that the headline inflation is ticking up to 15.38 percent in March 2026, alongside a sharp month-on-month increase of 4.18 percent. The pain Consumer Price Index climbed to 135.4, underscoring sustained pressure on household spending.

 

Another aspect that raises further questions is that the most critical component for ordinary Nigerians, which is the food inflation skyrocketed to 14.31 percent, with also a similar month-on-month surge. It must be made known that these are not just numbers on a chart; they represent the escalating cost of survival, mostly for the common man. The ripple effect of this, which is yet to change, is that families are compelled to pay more for basic meals, more for transportation, and more for the essentials of daily life.

 

Noteworthy is that even when inflation showed signs of moderation in previous months, the fact is that it did little to reverse the damage already inflicted. The World Bank has been clear on this point when it said that household incomes have not kept pace with price increases. The underlying point is that the earlier spikes in inflation eroded purchasing power to such an extent that any subsequent easing has been insufficient to restore real income levels and this is where the figures churned out were misleading.

 

This explains the inconsistency at the heart of Nigeria’s economy, where nominal indicators are improving, but real conditions are deteriorating. Nigerians are earning more in absolute terms but are able to afford less. This is further confirmed by data showing that while nominal household spending increased significantly, real consumption declined, while it would be said that people are spending more money, but they are consuming less. That is not growth; but the right word for it is economic suffocation.

 

The structural consequences of ongoing reforms compound the situation. The removal of fuel subsidies, which was the gift to Nigerians for electing President Tinubu and the liberalisation of the foreign exchange market were framed as necessary steps toward long-term stability. And in theory, they are defensible policies. But in practice, the result has been an extraordinary cost-of-living crisis, especially for the larger section of struggling Nigerians.

 

Speaking of the fuel subsidy removal, which has driven up transportation costs across the country, affecting both urban commuters and rural farmers, as the pain has been further intensified by the geopolitical conflict in the Middle East. The second policy shift which was the exchange rate liberalisation, has led to currency depreciation with the experiences biting hard across board, making imported goods more expensive and fueling inflationary pressures. These policy choices, which were perhaps deemed necessary, and without further ado have imposed immediate and severe burdens on households that were already vulnerable.

 

The International Monetary Fund has warned that these pressures are far from over. Rising global tensions, particularly in the Middle East, are pushing up the cost of energy, food, and transportation. For Nigerians, especially those at the lower rung in society, this translates into even higher living costs and deeper economic strain to contend with.

 

In this context, the government’s insistence on celebrating growth projections begins to appear not just disconnected, but insensitive. Because for millions of Nigerians, the economy is not an abstract concept measured in percentages. It is a daily struggle defined by whether they can afford food, transport, and shelter.

 

Compounding these challenges is Nigeria’s growing debt burden. Unexpectedly, public debt has climbed to over N159 trillion, with projections indicating a continued rise in the coming years because of the government’s appetite for borrowing. While the debt-to-GDP ratio may appear moderate compared to global averages, this comparison is totally misleading. The question is why the debt is ballooning when Nigeria’s revenue base is narrow, heavily reliant on oil, and constrained by a large informal sector that contributes little to tax income.

 

The current position of things is that debt servicing consumes a disproportionate share of government revenue, leaving limited fiscal space for investment in infrastructure, healthcare, education, and social protection, which has continued to expose the majority of Nigerians to untold hardship. It is a precarious position, one where the government is borrowing more while having less capacity to translate that borrowing into meaningful development outcomes and the part that is also critical is that Nigeria’s rising debt profile is entering discomforting quarters, as concerns shift from the sheer size of borrowings to the growing risks associated with refinancing existing obligations.

 

Even more troubling are the emerging questions around fiscal transparency and governance. Only recently, there were allegations by Peter Obi on the missing N34 trillion in federation revenue that remains unaccounted. This, according to him, has intensified concerns about systemic leakages and institutional corruption. The fact is, even though these claims remain contested, they resonate deeply in a country where public trust in government financial management is already fragile and has remained a subject of discussion for many Nigerians.

 

The truth is that if even a fraction of such resources were effectively managed and invested, the impact on infrastructure, social services, and poverty reduction could be transformative but this is yet to be embarked upon. Instead, the persistence of such allegations reinforces the perception of an economy where wealth exists but is inaccessible to the majority, which brings to bare if there will ever be a respite in a situation like this.

 

Adding another layer to this complexity is the excessive contradiction of oil revenue. With global crude prices that were once sold above $113 per barrel and currently hovering around $85-$90, which is still far exceeding Nigeria’s budget benchmark, and the country stands to hugely benefit from a significant windfall, as was the case in the past. You know that history is more revealing than ever; it suggests that such opportunities are often squandered.

 

Analysts repeatedly have continued to warn that without disciplined fiscal management, these revenues may be absorbed by debt servicing or recurrent expenditure rather than being invested in productive sectors. The risk is that Nigeria once again experiences a boom without transformation, a cycle that has defined its economic history for decades.

 

Meanwhile, the irony in all of this is that, despite having plenty, every day Nigerian continues to bear the brunt of systemic inefficiencies. As the people bear the brunt, the country’s transportation costs are rising, food prices remain volatile, and access to basic services is increasingly strained, while the rural areas are not left out of the equation, as insecurity continues to disrupt agricultural production. This has further constrained food supply and driven up prices. In urban centres, the cost of living is pushing more households into financial distress.

 

The cumulative, as well as the ripple effects of these pressures is a society under strain. Lest we mistake this, economic hardship is not just a financial issue; it has social and psychological consequences, while unbeknownst to many, its resultant effect fuels frustration, erodes trust in institutions, which also leads to fertile ground for instability.

 

What makes the current situation particularly troubling is the widening disconnect between official narratives and lived reality. There are two instances in which it was noted that, on the one hand, the government points to IMF projections and macroeconomic indicators as evidence of progress. On the other hand, citizens experience rising poverty, declining purchasing power, and limited opportunities. Another good example stems from when President Tinubu declared in September of last year that the federal government had met its 2025 non-oil income goal by August.

 

However, the former Minister of Finance, Wale Edun stated that the Federal Government lacked sufficient funds to appropriately fund its capital budget during a public hearing at the National Assembly late last year. The minister stated that in order to pay the N54.9 trillion “budget of restoration,” which was intended to stabilize the economy, ensure peace, and create prosperity, the federal government had estimated N40.8 trillion in income for 2025.

These two reports sounded and appeared contradictory and it probably was first of many factors responsible for the fallout.

 

This disconnect is more than a communication gap, it is a credibility crisis. When people’s lived experiences contradict official claims, trust erodes. And without trust, even well-intentioned policies struggle to gain acceptance.

 

The claim that Nigeria is growing faster than advanced economies may be technically accurate, and perhaps it must be seen as an absolute insult to Nigerians and it must be noted that it is fundamentally irrelevant to the country’s core challenges. This key fact must be taken into cognizance that growth rates, in isolation, do not capture the quality, inclusiveness, or sustainability of economic progress and this is because they do not reflect whether growth is creating jobs, reducing poverty, or improving living standards. Note that in Nigeria’s case, the evidence suggests otherwise, in which the reality continues to dominate outcomes and this is not but the fact.

 

For growth to be meaningful, it must translate into tangible improvements in people’s lives. At this point, it is necessary to understand that it must create jobs, raise incomes, and expand opportunities. Another important factor that must not be left out is that it must be inclusive, reaching not just the top tiers of society but the millions at the base of the economic pyramid. At present, Nigeria falls short on all these counts.

 

The path forward requires more than optimistic projections and reform rhetoric. It demands a fundamental rethinking of economic priorities. Policies must be designed not just for macroeconomic stability but for human welfare and while investment must be directed toward sectors that generate employment and improve productivity, particularly agriculture and manufacturing. Social safety nets must be strengthened to protect the most vulnerable from economic shocks which has yet to be considered by the government of the day.

 

Equally important is the need for transparency and accountability in public finance. Without trust in how resources are managed, even the most ambitious economic plans will struggle to gain legitimacy.

Nigeria is not lacking in potential and this is one of the ironies of it all since it has a young population, abundant natural resources, and a dynamic entrepreneurial spirit. But potential, without effective governance and inclusive policies, remains unrealised.

 

The uncomfortable reality is that Nigeria is at risk of normalising a dangerous illusion which connotes that growth on paper is equivalent to progress in practice. The truth is that it is not and cannot be contested. And until this illusion and deception is confronted, the gap between economic narratives and human realities will continue to widen.

 

In the end, the true measure of an economy is not how fast it grows, but how well it serves its people. By that standard, Nigeria’s current trajectory raises serious questions, take it or leave it. Because in a nation where over 140 million people live in poverty, where inflation continues to erode incomes, where debt is rising and where basic survival is becoming more difficult, the claim of being a “fast-growing economy” is not just misleading. Yes, it is a mirage!

 

And for millions of Nigerians struggling to get by each day, it is a mirage that offers no relief, no hope, and no future.

 

Blaise, a journalist and PR professional, writes from Lagos and can be reached via: [email protected]

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WFA APPOINTS GLOBAL BRAND EXECUTIVES TO EXPANDED LEADERSHIP COMMITTEE

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WFA APPOINTS GLOBAL BRAND EXECUTIVES TO EXPANDED LEADERSHIP COMMITTEE

 

STOCKHOLM — The World Federation of Advertisers (WFA) has announced the appointment of senior executives from leading global brands to its Executive Committee, in a move aimed at strengthening its global influence and industry coordination.

The appointments were unveiled during the WFA Global Marketer Week held in Stockholm.

The new members, drawn from top multinational corporations, include executives from Driscoll’s, Haleon, IKEA and Nissan. They join an already influential body comprising marketing and corporate affairs leaders from major companies such as Best Buy, Danone, Diageo, Grab, Kenvue and Tata Group.

Also joining the Executive Committee are representatives of key advertiser bodies, including Josh Faulks, Chief Executive Officer of the Australian Association of National Advertisers; Simon Michaelides, Director General of the Incorporated Society of British Advertisers; and O’tega Ogra, Vice President of the Advertisers Association of Nigeria and Senior Special Assistant to the President of Nigeria on Digital Communications, Engagement and New Media Strategy.

WFA President David Wheldon and Deputy President Philip Myers of Ferrero will continue in their roles, alongside all regional vice presidents.

The newly appointed members are:

Jiunn Shih, Global Chief Marketing Officer, Driscoll’s

Silas-Lewis Meilus, Global Head of Media Operations, Haleon

Joel Renkema, Global Head of Insights, IKEA

José Román, Corporate Executive, Global Sales and Marketing, Nissan

Josh Faulks, CEO, AANA

Simon Michaelides, Director General, ISBA

O’tega Ogra, Vice President, ADVAN

Industry observers say the expanded committee reflects WFA’s commitment to deeper global collaboration and stronger representation across regions and sectors within the marketing and advertising ecosystem.

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