society
Femi Fani-Kayode, Kemi Badenoch And An Old Fart From Leicester* by Mohammed Bello Doka
*Femi Fani-Kayode, Kemi Badenoch And An Old Fart From Leicester* by Mohammed Bello Doka
In a desperate attempt to remain relevant, Dr. Olusola Oni, a self-proclaimed Yoruba nationalist residing in Leicester, United Kingdom, has published a lengthy tirade ( titled Fani Kayode’s Fake Outrage About Kemi Badenoch 14/11/2024) defending Kemi Badenoch’s recent ascent in British politics while launching an unprovoked attack on Chief Femi Fani-Kayode.
If there’s one thing Oni’s diatribe accomplishes, it’s confirming that he’s little more than an “old fart” grasping for significance in the political world he abandoned decades ago. His absurd attempt to glorify Badenoch while denigrating Nigeria reeks of nostalgia, detached from the harsh realities faced by his fellow citizens back home.
*Misguided Nostalgia and Misplaced Allegiances*
Dr. Oni’s nostalgia shines through his meandering history lesson on Badenoch’s family background. He devotes an inordinate amount of space recounting irrelevant anecdotes about schools like Queen’s School in Ede and Ibadan Grammar School, desperately trying to paint Badenoch’s roots as noble and Yoruba-centered. But let’s get real: Badenoch’s success has nothing to do with these irrelevant family histories and everything to do with the British Conservative Party’s agenda—a reality Oni conveniently glosses over. He even had the audacity to dismiss the criticisms as “misguided Nigerians” who refuse to celebrate Badenoch’s “success.”
Here’s the reality Dr. Oni refuses to accept: Kemi Badenoch’s policy positions, including her dismissal of reparations for slavery and her selective immigration stances, have drawn criticism for good reason. They are not about “protecting the UK from becoming another Nigeria,” as Oni implies, but are reflective of a hardline political stance that marginalizes minorities, including Nigerians.
*Convenient Amnesia About Nigeria’s Realities*
In his barely coherent rant, Oni lambast Chief Femi Fani-Kayode for criticizing Badenoch, suggesting that he is somehow stuck in the past. According to Oni, “Fani-Kayode thinks it is ok to live in a country where Fulani barbarians and savages use cattle to destroy Yoruba farmlands,” shamelessly generalizing the entire Fulani population to fit his narrow narrative. The truth is, Fani-Kayode’s criticisms are about holding public figures accountable, regardless of their ethnic or cultural background—a principle Oni seems to have abandoned in his blind allegiance to a fellow Yoruba.
Oni’s absurd declaration that “Fani-Kayode is angry because Kemi Badenoch does not want the UK to transform into another Nigeria” is laughable. He criticizes the entire Nigerian system while comfortably residing in the UK, enjoying the privileges and comforts afforded by his long-abandoned citizenship. Yet, he condemns Nigerians like Fani-Kayode who choose to remain and challenge the status quo.
*Hypocrisy and Double Standards*
Oni’s hypocrisy knows no bounds. While he praises Badenoch for her achievements, he criticizes Abike Dabiri-Erewa for seeking to engage with the diaspora, dismissing her efforts as “an alarming emptiness” and deriding her attempts to connect with Nigerians abroad. The arrogance of such a statement is staggering, coming from someone who admits he has never spoken to Badenoch but feels qualified to speak on her behalf simply because he “knew her parents.” Oni’s notion of Yorubaness is limited to the privileges and accomplishments of those who, like him, abandoned Nigeria for greener pastures.
The attempt to undermine Dabiri-Erewa’s role by asserting that the UK High Commission alone should handle such engagements is an excuse to delegitimize any effort that doesn’t come from his narrow definition of authority. He writes: “Dabiri-Erewa has no standing and no mandate to demand audience with the UK Leader of Opposition.” Dr. Oni, the reality is that engaging Nigerians abroad goes beyond your outdated notions of bureaucracy—it’s about fostering meaningful connections with the diaspora.
*Selective History and Misinformation*
In Oni’s world, Kemi Badenoch is the embodiment of Yoruba pride, yet he offers little to substantiate his claims apart from vague recollections of Badenoch’s father’s nationalist leanings. He even dredges up old treaties from the 19th century, like the “1888 Britain-Yorubaland Treaty,” to bolster his fanciful claim that “Yorubaland is a state within the confines of the country called Nigeria.” This distorted view of history conveniently ignores the realities of Nigeria’s current federal structure, which Badenoch, if anything, is less interested in engaging with than the average British politician.
Furthermore, Oni’s defense of Badenoch’s refusal to support reparations is rooted in a flimsy argument. He justifies it by pointing out that “David Lammy, the British Foreign Secretary, a descendant of slaves, does not support ‘reparation’.” Yet he fails to grasp that reparations are not merely about “cash compensation” but about acknowledging historical injustices and taking concrete steps toward equity. His claim that “up to 90% of Black people in the UK are ambivalent about ‘reparation’” is an exaggeration unsupported by any factual evidence.
*An Old Man’s Attempt to Rewrite History*
Oni’s final assault on Fani-Kayode’s father, whom he labels a “political prostitute,” is a transparent effort to discredit the younger Fani-Kayode’s standing by invoking the sins of the father. His claim that Fani Power’s actions “arguably led to the 1966 coup d’état” is an exercise in historical revisionism, twisting facts to serve his present-day agenda. The reality is that Oni, having lived comfortably abroad for decades, is in no position to pass judgment on those who continue to fight for Nigeria’s future.
Oni’s concluding plea for a “Yoruba Homeland” in response to reparations reveals his true intentions—a separatist agenda wrapped in the guise of Yoruba nationalism, divorced from the complexities of modern Nigeria. His portrayal of Yorubaland as a distinct state within Nigeria is nothing more than the wishful thinking of an old man yearning for a past that never was.
*A Hollow Defense*
Dr. Oni’s tirade is nothing more than a hollow defense of Kemi Badenoch—a woman he admits to never meeting—while dismissing the valid concerns of Nigerians like Fani-Kayode, who remain on the ground. Oni has chosen to glorify Badenoch’s achievements as if they somehow absolve her of accountability for her controversial political stances, and he has done so by disparaging those who dare to question her. In reality, his defense is a transparent attempt to remain relevant by attaching himself to a rising political star.
On a final note it is worth noting that, “The worst part of this old farts essay was his attempt to disparage the memory and legacy of Chief Femi Fani-Kayode’s father with all manner of lies and historical revisionism in an attempt to defend Kemi Badenoch.
Thankfully he failed because we know Chief Femi Fani-Kayode’s distinguished father who, like FFK himself, was a great and proud patriot and illustrious Nigerian who believed in our country and people passionately and who has established an enviable legacy.
His name was Chief Remilekun Adetokunboh Fani-Kayode Q.C. SAN, CON who most politicians referred to as ‘Fani Power’ in his day!
He was a brilliant, courageous and distinguished elder statesman and nationalist who was amongst those that fought for Nigeria’s independence from the British, who successfully moved the motion for that independence in Parliament in 1958, who was the third Nigerian lawyer to be made Q.C., who was the third Nigerian lawyer to become a SAN, who studied law at Downing College Cambridge University in 1941, who came top in the whole of the old British Commonwealth in the British Bar Exams and was called to the British Bar in 1945, who set up the first indigenous law firm in Nigeria with Chief FRA Williams and Chief Bode Thomas, who was the Balogun of Ile Ife, who was Deputy Premier of the old Western Region in the First Republic, who was Regional Minister for Local Government and Chieftaincy Affairs in the First Republic and who played a leading role in the politics of the First and Second Republic in our country.
We also know Chief Femi Fani-Kayode’s grandfather, Justice Victor Adedapo Kayode, who studied law at Selwyn College, Cambridge University in 1917, who was called to the British Bar in 1922 and who was the third Nigerian to be appointed as a Judge.
We also know Chief Femi Fani-Kayode’s great grandfather Rev. Emmanuel Adebiyi Kayode who got a degree and a masters degree in Theology at Furrogh Bay College in Sierra Leone (which at that time was an extended campus of Durham University in the UK) in 1897, who was ordained as an Anglican priest, who established the first Anglican Church in the ancient town of Ile-Ife, who went on to build and Pastor Churches in the old Ondo and Ijebu provinces for many years, who dedicated his entire life to Christian ministry and spreading of the Gospel of Jesus Christ and who was a well-respected, deeply courageous and highly inspirational preacher.
It is pertinent to mention the fact that Chief Femi Fani-Kayode himself studied law at both London University (SOAS) and Pembroke College, Cambridge University in the early 1980’s and was called to the Nigerian Bar in 1985.
We know all this about his noble heritage and lineage but we know nothing about Kemi Badenoch’s other than the fact that her father is the progenitor of a self-hating monkey-bitch.
As of the Useful Idiot from Leicester called Olusola Oni who attacked Fani-Kayode and attempted to defend Kemi it is clear that his forefathers crawled out of the rubbish dump and got lost in the sewer.
He is indeed the bastard man child who used his left hand to point at his fathers house.
Oni may consider himself the “Leader of The Yoruba Party in the UK,” but in truth, he is a relic of a bygone era—an old fart trying desperately to rewrite history to suit his narrative. His selective outrage is as stale as his attempts at Yoruba nationalism, a nationalism that seems more interested in building castles in the air than addressing the pressing challenges Nigerians face today.
Let me leave you with the words of prominent a Nigerian and loud voice in the UK, Mrs Shola Mos-Shogbamimu:
“Kemi Badenoch is a caricature of the very system we’re saying needs to go; she is the black face of white supremacy.” She adds, “She is a racial gatekeeper; she did everything possible to suppress and oppress Black people… Kemi, at every opportunity she gets, throws Nigeria under the bus. I’ve never seen Rishi, Suella, Priti—none of them—throw their country of heritage under the bus.”
This reflects the genuine sentiments of every right-thinking Nigerian who refuses to trade their conscience for crumbs at the altar of political relevance.
*(Mohammed* *Bello Doka is a journalist and a blogger,*
*Abuja Network News.)*
society
Atiku, Obi, Kwankwaso, Makinde, Ajadi, Others Converge in Ibadan for Historic Opposition Summit Ahead of 2027
Atiku, Obi, Kwankwaso, Makinde, Ajadi, Others Converge in Ibadan for Historic Opposition Summit Ahead of 2027
In a significant political convergence that could reshape Nigeria’s democratic landscape ahead of the 2027 general elections, prominent opposition leaders, including Atiku Abubakar, Peter Obi, Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, and Oyo State Governor, Seyi Makinde, gathered in Ibadan on Saturday for the National Summit of Opposition Political Parties Leaders.
The high-level summit, held at the Banquet Hall of the Government House Ibadan, also drew the participation of leading gubernatorial aspirant in Oyo State under the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Ambassador Olufemi Ajadi Oguntoyinbo, alongside several political heavyweights and stakeholders across party lines.
Convened under the theme, “That We May Work Together for a United Opposition to Sustain Our Democracy,” the summit brought together representatives from major opposition platforms including the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Labour Party, New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP), African Democratic Congress (ADC), and the Peoples Redemption Party (PRP).
Other notable figures at the summit included former Senate President David Mark, former Osun State Governor Rauf Aregbesola, former Rivers State Governor Rotimi Amaechi, and former Sokoto State Governor Aminu Tambuwal.
Also in attendance were elder statesman Olagunsoye Oyinlola, former Niger State Governor Babangida Aliyu, political economist Pat Utomi, social activist Aisha Yesufu, and former APC National Secretary John Akpanudoedehe, among others.
Speakers and stakeholders at the summit examined critical national issues, including electoral reforms, national security, economic recovery, and the need for stronger democratic institutions, as part of efforts to forge a united opposition front ahead of 2027.
Ambassador Olufemi Ajadi Oguntoyinbo, who actively participated in the summit, spoke with journalists shortly after stepping out of the Banquet Hall. Addressing newsmen, Ajadi described the gathering as a turning point for opposition politics in Nigeria.
“This summit represents a new beginning for the opposition in Nigeria. What we are seeing is a deliberate effort to put aside differences and work towards a common goal,” Ajadi said.
He noted that the collaboration among diverse political actors signals a renewed commitment to national development and democratic consolidation.
Nigerians are looking for direction and credible leadership. The responsibility is on us as opposition leaders to provide that alternative and restore confidence in governance,” he added.
Analysts say the Ibadan summit marks one of the most coordinated efforts by opposition forces in recent years, signaling early realignments and possible coalition-building ahead of the next general elections.
As deliberations continue, political observers believe the outcomes of the summit could significantly influence Nigeria’s political direction, particularly if the unity advocated by participants translates into concrete alliances.
society
Made-in-Nigeria Exhibition 2026: Abuja and Lagos Set the Stage for a New Era of Local Innovation and Enterprise
Made-in-Nigeria Exhibition 2026: Abuja and Lagos Set the Stage for a New Era of Local Innovation and Enterprise
Abuja and Lagos are poised to surge with energy, enterprise, and cultural expression as the Made-in-Nigeria Exhibition 2026 takes centre stage—an event designed not merely to display products, but to redefine perception.
More than a conventional exhibition, this gathering signals a confident assertion of Nigeria’s productive strength. Entrepreneurs, manufacturers, creatives, and industry leaders from across the nation will assemble to present a compelling spectrum of locally made goods. From premium leather craftsmanship and cutting-edge fashion to beauty innovations, agro-based solutions, and artisanal creations, each showcase reflects ingenuity shaped by resilience and ambition.
At the heart of the exhibition lies a deliberate push to elevate emerging brands. Many small businesses operate with limited visibility, often constrained by access and exposure. This platform disrupts that pattern. By offering opportunities such as complimentary booth spaces for selected participants, it opens the door for underrepresented talents to step into the spotlight—not just to sell, but to be seen, evaluated, and remembered.
According to Bola Awosika, the driving force behind the initiative, “This exhibition is about shifting mindsets. Nigerian products are not just alternatives—they are competitive, innovative, and globally relevant. We are creating a space where local brands can be experienced, trusted, and elevated.”
The exhibition will hold biannually in both Abuja and Lagos:
Abuja Edition
• First Edition: 27th–28th June 2026
• Second Edition: 12th–13th December 2026
Lagos Edition
• First Edition: 25th–26th July 2026
• Second Edition: 19th–20th December 2026
Each edition will draw a dynamic mix of participants—buyers scouting quality, investors searching for scalable ideas, media documenting emerging trends, and everyday Nigerians engaging with products that reflect their identity. Conversations sparked within the exhibition halls are expected to extend beyond introductions, evolving into partnerships and long-term collaborations.
The experience itself goes beyond static displays.
Attendees will encounter live demonstrations, immersive product storytelling, interactive sessions, and curated networking opportunities. It becomes less about walking through aisles and more about engaging directly with the pulse of Nigerian creativity and enterprise.
Yet, the exhibition carries a broader economic and cultural message. It challenges consumer habits, urging Nigerians to support domestic production while reinforcing confidence in local capabilities. Every transaction becomes a statement—one that contributes to national growth and industrial sustainability.
For many participants, this platform could mark a pivotal shift. A relatively unknown brand may secure national recognition. A hidden talent could attract strategic investment. An early-stage idea might evolve into a scalable enterprise. The ripple effects are designed to outlast the exhibition itself.
As the momentum builds business owners have started making enquiries and booking stands for each edition, what remains is not just a successful event, but a strengthened narrative—one that positions Nigerian products as credible, competitive, and ready for global markets.
Call to Participate: Affordable Access, Strategic Opportunity
As preparations intensify, the Convener, Bola Awosika, has extended a direct invitation to entrepreneurs, brands, and industry players to seize the opportunity presented by the exhibition.
“We have deliberately structured this exhibition to be inclusive and accessible. With pocket-friendly stand rates, we are removing the usual barriers that prevent many businesses from participating. Vendors can secure their booths at ₦150,000 and ₦200,000 respectively. This is not just a cost—it is an investment in visibility, credibility, and growth. We encourage businesses across Nigeria to take advantage of this platform to position their brands for new markets and opportunities,” she stated.
Beyond vendor participation, she emphasized the importance of collaboration in delivering a world-class event.
“it will be an annual event. We are also calling on corporate organisations, development institutions, and forward-thinking brands to come on board as sponsors and partners. This exhibition is a national platform with significant economic impact, and there is immense value for organisations looking to align with innovation, enterprise, and local content development.”
Interested exhibitors, sponsors, and partners can access more information and secure participation via the official website: www.nigeriaexportsexhibition.com.ng
The exhibition is currently supported by notable institutions including Bank of Industry, Lagos State Internal Revenue Service, and Sahcol, with additional sponsors and partners expected to join as momentum builds.
Powered by Bevents Logistics Synergy, the Made-in-Nigeria Exhibition 2026 stands not as a fleeting showcase, but as a sustained movement—one that redefines how Nigeria sees its own potential and how the world engages with it.
Rebalancing The Force: Why Police Visibility Must Reach The Ordinary Citizen
In every functioning society, the true test of policing is not what happens in elite corridors of influence, but what the ordinary citizen experiences on the street.
For too long, that balance has been distorted.
Recent criticism surrounding the redeployment of officers from Zone 2 Command in Lagos has been framed in sensational terms: mass transfers, alleged illegality, internal discontent. But beneath the noise lies a far more important and uncomfortable truth: Nigeria’s policing structure, particularly in high-interest zones, has been uneven, inefficient, and in urgent need of correction.
This is the context within which the actions of the Inspector-General of Police, Olatunji Disu, must be understood.
The ongoing exercise is not incidental. It is the direct outcome of a clearly defined restructuring objective under the leadership of the Inspector-General: one that prioritises the even and adequate distribution of personnel for effective policing across the country.
Zone 2 Command, which oversees Lagos and Ogun States, has evolved over time into something beyond its administrative mandate. Rather than functioning strictly as a supervisory and coordination hub, it has become heavily populated, far beyond operational necessity.
In practical terms, this has meant one thing: a concentration of personnel where they are least needed, and a shortage where they are most needed.
While Zone 2 swelled with officers, reportedly far exceeding standard staffing expectations, divisional police stations, community posts, and rural commands have continued to operate below capacity.
The result?
* Slower response times
* Reduced police visibility in neighborhoods
* Overworked officers in understaffed stations
* Communities left feeling exposed
No serious policing system can justify that imbalance.
Security is not theoretical. It is not a concept measured in internal postings or administrative convenience. It is measured in presence: visible, responsive, and accessible.
When citizens say they do not “feel” the police, what they are really saying is simple: the system is not reaching them.
Redistributing personnel is not punishment. It is not arbitrary. It is the essence of operational policing.
This is precisely the thinking driving the current reforms under IGP Olatunji Disu—the deliberate repositioning of the Force to ensure that policing is not concentrated in a few administrative centres, but extended meaningfully to the communities that need it most.
The Inspector-General’s position is therefore not only defensible, it is necessary:
policing must be felt everywhere.
There is also an open secret that cannot be ignored.
Assignments to certain commands, particularly those linked to high-value civil disputes such as land matters, have historically attracted disproportionate interest. The concentration of officers in such zones is not always driven by operational need, but by perceived opportunity.
This distortion has long undermined equitable deployment.
Correcting it requires more than caution; it requires leadership and resolve, both of which are reflected in the current restructuring agenda of the Inspector-General.
Under the Nigeria Police Act, the Inspector-General of Police retains administrative authority over postings and redeployments within the Force.
Transfers are not extraordinary measures. They are routine instruments of:
* Discipline
* Efficiency
* Institutional balance
To label such actions as “illegal” without reference to any breached statute is to substitute sentiment for law.
More importantly, it distracts from the real issue:
Are officers deployed where Nigerians actually need them?
Nigeria is approaching a critical period.
With elections on the horizon, the demand for:
* Crowd control
* Community intelligence
* Rapid response capability
will increase significantly.
A police force clustered in administrative zones cannot meet that demand.
Lagos needs officers.
Ogun needs officers.
Communities need presence, not paperwork.
There is also a deeper dimension often ignored in public discourse; the welfare of officers themselves.
Overconcentration in some commands and understaffing in others creates:
* Burnout in frontline stations
* Irregular shifts
* Mental fatigue
* Reduced effectiveness
A properly distributed force, one of the core objectives of the current restructuring led by IGP Olatunji Disu allows for:
* Structured shifts
* Better rest cycles
* Improved mental health
* Higher operational efficiency
This is not just about deployment. It is about sustainability.
It is worth noting that previous leaderships have attempted to decongest Zone 2. Those efforts faltered, not because they were wrong, but because they lacked the consistency and institutional backing required to see them through.
Reform, by its nature, is disruptive.
But disruption is not dysfunction.
It is often the first step toward order.
The debate, therefore, should not be:
“Why are officers being transferred?”
The real question is:
Why were so many officers concentrated in one administrative zone while communities remained under-policed?
Until that question is answered honestly, resistance to reform will continue to masquerade as concern.
At its core, policing exists for one purpose: to protect the public.
Not selectively.
Not strategically for advantage.
But universally.
If restructuring ensures that:
* more officers are on the streets,
* more communities are covered, and
* more citizens feel safe,
then it is not just justified, it is imperative.
The common man does not measure policing by internal postings.
He measures it by presence.
And under the current reform-driven leadership, that presence is being deliberately, and necessarily, restored.
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