society
From Freedom Fighter to Xenophobic Tyrant: How South Africa Betrays Africa”
“From Freedom Fighter to Xenophobic Tyrant: How South Africa Betrays Africa”
By George Omagbemi Sylvester
In an age where Africa must rally around unity, economic collaboration, and cross-border development, it is both tragic and outrageous that a political leader in South Africa has emerged to champion a campaign that echoes the darkest ideologies of the past. Gayton McKenzie, the Mayor of Central Karoo and leader of the Patriotic Alliance, has become the face of xenophobic populism in South Africa. His “Abahambe” doctrine; which means “Let them leave” in Zulu meaning is not just a rallying cry; it is a ticking time bomb threatening the very fabric of African brotherhood.
By targeting African migrants, particularly Nigerians and Zimbabweans, McKenzie is doing more than playing politics. He is weaponizing fear, scapegoating economic migrants who, contrary to his claims, often create their own jobs, employ others, and contribute to the local economy. This is not a movement of patriotism. It is a movement of prejudice, one that resembles, in language and tone, the early stages of fascist regimes.
Dangerous Rhetoric, Dangerous Consequences
History offers sobering lessons. Leaders who have failed to deliver prosperity often manufacture enemies. Adolf Hitler, in the 1930s, blamed Germany’s woes on Jews and used propaganda to dehumanize them. We all know where that road led.
McKenzie’s playbook is eerily similar. Rather than confront South Africa’s systemic failures and rampant corruption, deteriorating infrastructure, and chronic unemployment, he blames African migrants. This redirection of public anger is a cynical political strategy. It is easier to inflame crowds than to fix roads, hospitals, or schools. But such strategies come with deadly consequences.
This is no longer just a political platform. It is incitement. His speeches have inspired violence: shops looted, homes burnt, and lives lost. These are not isolated incidents they are the direct results of a narrative that paints migrants as enemies, not neighbors.
African Migrants: Job Creators, Not Job Thieves
Contrary to McKenzie’s inflammatory claims, the overwhelming majority of African migrants in South Africa are self-employed. They run salons, corner shops, logistics companies, restaurants, and even tech startups. They work tirelessly, not because South Africa gave them jobs, but because they were forced by circumstances to create their own. They compete not for state resources, but for survival.
Studies by the Human Sciences Research Council and other institutions have repeatedly shown that immigrants are more likely to be entrepreneurs than locals; a fact also observed across Europe and the United States. In inner cities across Johannesburg and Cape Town, it is often foreign-owned businesses that provide services and employment in neglected areas.
So when McKenzie screams “Abahambe,” he is not just targeting undocumented migrants. He is threatening people who pay rent, taxes, school fees — and employ South Africans too.
Nigeria’s Historic Role: A Debt South Africa Must Honor
That Nigerians are a central target of this campaign is not only unjust; it is profoundly insulting. Nigeria was one of the fiercest opponents of apartheid. From 1960 to 1994, the country invested billions in today’s value, over $60 billion in supporting South Africa’s liberation. The Nigerian government funded the African National Congress (ANC), hosted its exiles, trained its soldiers, and spearheaded global sanctions against the apartheid regime.
Nigerians paid a “Mandela Tax” to fund the anti-apartheid movement. They were barred from international events, ostracized diplomatically, and made enormous economic sacrifices, all in the name of African freedom.
As Desmond Tutu once said, “We are because you are. Our liberation was your victory too.”
To now see Nigerians vilified in South Africa is to watch the knife twist in a wound still healing from the scars of colonialism and racial segregation.
South African Businesses Thrive in Nigeria
While McKenzie accuses foreigners of exploitation, the economic relationship between Nigeria and South Africa tells a different story. South African companies have thrived in Nigeria without facing the kind of hatred that migrants now endure in South Africa.
MTN Nigeria—the crown jewel of the MTN Group contributes more than a third of the group’s global profit. Shoprite, DSTV (Multichoice), Stanbic IBTC, and others have enjoyed a warm reception in Nigeria. They’ve grown into household names, making millions in a competitive but welcoming market.
Would McKenzie prefer these companies to be driven out of Nigeria in retaliation? Can he account for the jobs that would be lost both in Nigeria and South Africa if this economic partnership collapses?
In diplomacy, as in economics, respect must be mutual.
A Threat to Pan-African Progress
McKenzie’s divisive politics do not only endanger MIGRANTS, they threaten the very soul of Africa. At a time when the African Union is pushing for deeper integration through the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), when regional blocks are forming to combat poverty, disease, and terrorism, McKenzie’s ideology is a setback. It is a rejection of unity in favor of isolation. It is a throwback to the colonial mindset of “divide and rule.”
The real enemies of South Africa are not the foreign-born Africans struggling to make ends meet. The enemies are inequality, corruption, misgovernance, and disinvestment. No Nigerian or Zimbabwean created Eskom’s energy crisis. No Ethiopian migrant siphoned billions through state capture. The problems are internal. The solutions, too, must be.
Voices of Reason Must Rise
As former Ghanaian President Kwame Nkrumah famously said, “The forces that unite us are intrinsic and greater than the superimposed influences that keep us apart.” Those words ring true now more than ever. Africa needs leaders who speak of unity, who understand the value of cooperation not populists who exploit pain for power.
South African civil society, journalists, trade unions, and faith-based organizations must rise and reject McKenzie’s brand of hatred. Silence is complicity, and complicity is guilt. Xenophobia, if unchecked, will destroy not only the lives of migrants but also the moral standing of South Africa as a leader on the continent.
International organizations, too, must speak up. The African Union must investigate whether the “Abahambe” campaign amounts to incitement under international law. The United Nations should monitor the human rights situation in affected communities. Hate speech is not free speech especially when it costs lives.
A Future Worth Building Together
Africa’s youth; its greatest resource must understand that collaboration, not confrontation, is the key to prosperity. With a shared market of 1.3 billion people and untapped resources, the future is bright only if we work together. We must reject demagogues who preach division and embrace leaders who champion innovation, education, and entrepreneurship.
As Nelson Mandela once said, “No one is born hating another person because of the color of his skin, or his background, or his religion. People must learn to hate. If they can learn to hate, they can be taught to love.”
Let us teach that love now through policy, protest, and unity.
In conclusion: Africa’s Moral Test
Gayton McKenzie is not just a politician. He is a test; for South Africa’s democracy, for Africa’s unity, and for the conscience of every black person on the continent. If we allow his hate-filled rhetoric to spread unchecked, we risk not just more violence, but the unraveling of everything Africa has worked to build since independence.
But if we meet his hatred with courage, unity, and law, then we will have turned this dangerous chapter into a moment of reckoning. Let McKenzie’s campaign be remembered not as the movement that broke Africa, but as the spark that finally woke it up.
Africa must choose: hatred or hope, division or dignity.
Let us choose wisely.
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1914 Amalgamation: The Unseen Hand That Scripted Nigeria’s Identity Crisis
By George Omagbemi Sylvester
In the beginning, there was no “Nigeria.” There was no shared anthem, no common tongue, no unified sense of nationhood. Instead, there were sovereign ethnic nations; the Yoruba in the West, the Igbo in the East, the Hausa-Fulani in the North and over 250 other distinct ethnicities scattered across the landmass now known as Nigeria. Each group had its own system of governance, religion, language and worldview. What tied them together was not history or consent; but a single act of colonial convenience on January 1, 1914: the amalgamation of the Northern and Southern Protectorates by the British colonial administration.
This unification, executed under the imperial direction of Lord Frederick Lugard and endorsed by the British Crown, was not an act of benevolence or foresight. It was an economic and administrative maneuver to cut costs and consolidate power. And in doing so, it laid the groundwork for over a century of conflict, suspicion and structural imbalance. The consequences of this act continue to haunt Nigeria like a recurring nightmare.
Over 110 years later, the fundamental question remains: Who signed the amalgamation on behalf of the Nigerian people?
The answer, quite disturbingly, is no one.
Let us look at the historical timeline.
Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, later the first President of Nigeria, was born in 1904. He was only 10 years old in 1914.
Chief Obafemi Awolowo, premier of the Western Region, was born in 1909; just 5 years old.
Sir Ahmadu Bello, the Sardauna of Sokoto and Premier of the Northern Region, was born in 1910; only 4 years old.
Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, Nigeria’s first Prime Minister, was born in 1912; a mere toddler of 2 years.
Michael Okpara, premier of the Eastern Region, hadn’t even been born yet; he came into the world in 1920.
These men, hailed as Nigeria’s founding fathers, had no hand in the creation of Nigeria. The 1914 amalgamation was not a pact between equal peoples or a dialogue of nations. It was a colonial decree; signed in London, drawn on British maps, and executed on African soil without consent, consultation or compassion.
Herbert Macaulay, born in 1864 and often revered as the father of Nigerian nationalism, was alive at the time but held no official power or authority to challenge the imperial decree. His protests, although prescient, were brushed aside. The amalgamation, thus, was no democratic creation. It was not a union forged by love, common purpose or mutual benefit; but by British imperial fiat.
As Nobel Laureate Prof. Wole Soyinka aptly put it, “There was no basis for Nigeria’s amalgamation other than administrative convenience. The failure to revisit the terms of that amalgamation is what has fueled most of the crises we face today.”
You cannot mix red oil and engine oil and expect a stable solution. Similarly, you cannot merge ethnic nations with separate histories, economies, cultures and religions and expect unity without negotiation. This is the tragedy of Nigeria: a forced marriage in which no vows were exchanged and no love was pledged.
From that fateful moment in 1914, Nigeria became an experiment in nation-building without the essential ingredients of trust and consensus. The British justified the amalgamation on grounds of administrative efficiency; the North was financially unviable, while the South was economically productive. By merging the regions, the British were able to use the surplus from the South to fund the North; a model of exploitation that persists to this day through lopsided federal allocations and centralized revenue control.
As historian Dr. Usman Bugaje observed, “There was never any document signed by Nigerian representatives to validate the amalgamation. It remains one of the most arbitrary acts in our history; and it set us up for division, not unity.”
Despite more than a century of cohabitation, Nigeria remains a house divided. The fault lines of 1914 have deepened into canyons; tribalism, nepotism, ethnic militancy and religious extremism dominate the political landscape. Unity, where it exists, is often cosmetic and brittle, breaking under the slightest pressure. Mutual distrust has become national currency.
Why?
Because Nigeria was not born in the delivery room of dialogue, but in the operating theatre of imperial surgery. There was no referendum, no negotiation, no cultural reconciliation. There was only the sound of British pens on paper and silence from the people whose lives would be altered forever.
Even our revered leaders admitted the shallowness of this unity.
Chief Awolowo once declared that “Nigeria is not a nation. It is a mere geographical expression.”
Dr. Azikiwe called Nigeria “a political experiment.”
Tafawa Balewa, in a rare moment of candor, confessed: “Since the amalgamation of 1914, Nigeria has existed as one country only on paper.”
Political economist Prof. Pat Utomi underscores this truth: “You cannot build a nation on injustice and expect peace. The failure to renegotiate the Nigerian federation is why we are constantly at war with ourselves.”
Today, Nigeria struggles with poverty in the midst of wealth, hunger amid arable land and darkness despite abundant natural gas. We import toothpicks, fuel and even the pencils used in our classrooms. Our hospitals are death traps, our schools are underfunded, our security forces are underpaid and our brightest minds are fleeing the country. The Nigerian space agency cannot locate missing schoolgirls in Sambisa Forest, yet it claims to monitor satellites orbiting thousands of kilometers above Earth.
What has this forced union achieved?
Rather than build a federal system that respects diversity and autonomy, we cling to a centralized structure that mimics colonial rule. Our so-called federalism is a fraud; a unitary government masquerading as federalism. States go cap in hand to Abuja every month, begging for a share of oil revenues they do not control. Resource control remains a taboo topic, even though it is the bedrock of true federalism.
Legal scholar Prof. Itse Sagay lays it bare: “Nigeria’s constitutional order is a farce. True federalism was abandoned. What we now have is a unitary system dressed up in federal garb and it is unsustainable.”
We must ask uncomfortable questions:
Where is the amalgamation document?
Who signed it?
Why should a forced union be treated as divine revelation?
In a true democracy, unity is not forced, it is negotiated. Identity is not imposed, it is chosen. Nigeria must now revisit its foundations. If the original union was imposed without consent, then today’s citizens must have the right to renegotiate that union.
Let it be clear: this is not a call for secession. It is a call for truth, for justice and for constitutional clarity. If the foundation is cracked, then the building must be reinforced or rebuilt. We must return to the table; not as tribes seeking supremacy, but as peoples seeking coexistence.
As Prof. Jibrin Ibrahim explains, “The Nigerian state was constructed as an extractive colonial machine. Post-independence leaders merely inherited the apparatus and they never deconstructed it.”
The solution lies in genuine restructuring; a return to regional autonomy, fiscal federalism and constitutional renegotiation. Let each region manage its resources, govern its people and contribute to the national purse fairly. Let unity be rooted in equity, not in exploitation.
The British may have scripted Nigeria’s beginning, but we must now take charge of its future. The time has come to reclaim the pen, rewrite the narrative and correct the errors of 1914. As the saying goes, “When the foundation is destroyed, what can the righteous do?” The righteous must rebuild.
Let us remember: empires fall, nations rise, but only truth endures. Nigeria must confront its past to shape its destiny. Until then, we remain a country in search of itself, a union in search of meaning, an identity still unsigned.
Sylvester is a political analyst, he writes from South Africa
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