society
IGBO PRESIDENCY PROJECT:(WHERE WE ARE COMING FROM, WHERE WE ARE, AND WHERE WE ARE GOING TO)
IGBO PRESIDENCY PROJECT:(WHERE WE ARE COMING FROM, WHERE WE ARE, AND WHERE WE ARE GOING TO)
Since the formation of political parties in Nigeria in early forties, the igbos have been very active, particularly in respect of the struggle for self- government and eventual independence. Inso doing, they looked at Nigeria as one unit, hence they were very accommodating to all Nigerians, irrespective of tribe, religion and ethnicity.
During Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe’s leadership tenure of then national council of Nigeria and the Cameroon which later became the National Council of Nigeria citizens towards Nigeria’s Independence ( when southern cameroon joined Nothern Cameroon) all tribal groups in the N.C.N.C were equitably represented. The party under his leadership had from the North, people like Alhaji Zaria Buka Dipcharima and his colleagues while Chief Olu Akinfosile, Alhaji Adegoke Adelabu, T.O.S Benson( to mention a few)we’re from Western Nigeria. Chief Adeniran Ogunsanya from Lagos was also a top leader. It had top leaders from all over then Eastern Nigeria. This geographical spread demonstrated the igbos belief in one indivisible Nigeria.
It is on record that this leadership accepted all Nigerians as brothers. It will be recalled that the first leader of Government Business in the then Eastern Nigeria in the early fifties was Professor Eyo Ita, an Efik or Ibibio man. Also the first and only Mayor of Enugu was Alhaji Umaru Altine- an indigene of Katsina. Dr. Balogun, a Yoruba indigene, was the Deputy Mayor of Port Harcourt in Eastern Nigeria. There are many more of this demonstration of oneness on the part of the Igbo-controlled political institution in Nigeria. But sometime in 1951 or thereabout, Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe and the N.C.N.C. won elections to the Western House of Assembly, which would have made him the Leader of Government Business in Western Nigeria. What happened? Tribalism came into play, and he was denied his victory by his two prominent party members at the eleventh hour, who switched their votes to Chief Obafemi Awolowo, their fellow Yoruba. The two N.C.N.C. members who betrayed Zik and voted for the would-be opposition leader, who now emerged as the Leader of Government Business, were the first and only mayor of Lagos, Dr. Olorunimbe and Prince Adesola Adedoyin.
In 1957, the British government offered self-government status to the three regions, if two out of the three accepted self-government which would lead to independence. Chief Obafemi Awolowo’s Western Nigeria opted for it; the Sardauna declared that the North was not yet ripe for self-government. The balance of scale rested with Dr. Azikiwe, the sole leader whose decision would make or mar the offer.
This offer stemmed from the political progress mounted by the Igbos in Eastern and Western Nigeria. The late leader, Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, in keeping with the Igbo belief and principle of one Nigeria, rejected the offer. His reason being that the North should not be left behind. But buttressing his argument, he stated that if one of a fleet of ships was left behind in a voyage, it would be vulnerable to attack by pirates, therefore the rest would wait.
Again, in 1959 after general elections leading to independence, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, seeing that his party, the Action Group, if joined with Dr. Azikiwe’s N.C.N.C., would secure a parliamentary majority in the National Assembly, sought coalition with Azikiwe’s N.C.N.C. offering him (Azikiwe) the post of Prime Minister, while he (Awolowo) would be Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Finance. This was during the parliamentary system.
Dr. Azikiwe again rejected the offer, stating that if two Southern political parties joined together against a Northern one, it would create a political crisis of great dimension. Instead, he accepted the coalition offer from the N.P.C. Party, the Sardauna’s, which secured majority votes in the North to balance the North and South participation in the Federal Government. Dr. Azikiwe then accepted the post of Senate President and later the post of Governor-General of Nigeria when the British occupant of the post, Sir James Robertson, left.
In reply to an unwarranted attack on Dr. Azikiwe as Governor-General by one Alhaji Galadima Pategi— then N.P.C. general secretary and minister in the Northern Nigeria government — Dr. Azikiwe stated that he accepted the position of a “prisoner in a gilded cage” in order that the ship of state sailed smoothly, in preference to the powerful Prime Minister position that would have created misgivings from the North. On behalf of the erring minister, the then Premier ahmadu Bello, the Sardaunna of Sokoto apologized to Dr Azikiwe, acknowledging his leadership sacrifices for one Nigeria. These are few amongst the countless sacrifices the Igbo made in the interest of peace and stability in Nigeria.
WHERE WE ARE
Having made these sacrifices, what has the Igbo been rewarded with? Starting from the end of the civil war, the Igbo people have not only been marginalized but have always been treated below the status of second class citizens in a country they contributed a lot to build. Let it be known that apart from Nigeria, there is no other country the Igbos live as citizens of such country. Any Igbo in any part of the world migrated from Nigeria to that part of the world. This is not the case with other major tribes where their tribes in Nigeria where their tribes constitute origins of the countries they live in. In Benin Republic, Cameroon, Guinea, Bukina-faso and even Ghana, one finds these Nigerian tribes as bonafide citizens of these countries. The Igbos can only be found as citizens in Nigeria and no where else.
After the civil War, the Igbos who had accounts in the banks, and who operated them in the then Biafran enclave, were given a paltry twenty pounds sterling even though many had millions in their accounts. This was followed by declaring their landed properties, including buildings as “abandoned properties” all over Nigeria. In Rivers State in particular, the federal government not only set up the so-called Abandoned properties Authority that collected the state government-stipulated monthly ₦1.50(one naira fifty Kobo) rent per room, which was not paid to the owners of such houses, the federal government went further by authorizing the selling, by the Abandoned Properties Authority, of such houses at government stipulated undervalued prices, but went further to state that only buyers who were origins of Rivers State would be allowed to buy them.
In other parts like Lagos, West and the North, money was paid to the Igbo owners as rent collected and the properties given back to their owners.
There was a case where the government of Lagos State ejected the owner of the property at Vilaska in Ikoyi area of the State. The man’s belongings were thrown out and the owner sat by the side of his household belongings.
This man approached a high court in Lagos for redress. Fortunately for the plaintiff, the judiciary then was alive to it’s responsibilities, unlike now. The court ruled in favour of the plaintiff-and he regained his property. The plaintiff was Emeka Odumegwu Ojukwu, the defendant was the Lagos State government of Commodore Mudasiru Lawal. During the 1979 elections, NPP led by Nnamdi Azikiwe went into coalition with shagari’s NPN to form the federal government. When Shagari felt he had stood, he unilaterally terminated the coalition agreement. It is on record that both the UPN and the NPN approached NPP for a coalition, leading to Zika describing the NPP as a “beautiful bride” Sought for by many suitors. While terminating the accord, Shagari described the NPP as a “baren bride ” to which Dr. Azikiwe responded by describing the NPN leadership as a groom that could not perform. This was the end of that accord.
Immediately after the second second tenure swearing in of Shehu Shagari in 1983, a coup by Buhari and his group of Northern officers took over power. This was meant to thwart Dr. Ekwueme from taking over from Shagari after his second tenure. In his median broadcast Buhari stated that Nigerian government hospitals were mere consulting clinics. Yet both in his twenty months military regime and the recently concluded eight years of disastrous Presidential leadership, the hospitals became worse. A situation where two Nigerian former heads of State were admitted at the same period in a hospital outside Nigeria is a price to pay for crucifying merit on the alter of mediocrity/hypocrisy and incompetence.
When Babangida sent Buhari away through the process by which he (Buhari) took power, he (Babangida) appointed Commodore Ebitu Ukiwe(an Igbo man) as his deputy with the designation of Chief of General Staff. There were behind the scene activities to remove him. Notwithstanding the fact that he was next to General Babangida in the order of protocol, these behind the scene wire pullers ignored protocol order and procedures and usurped Commodore Ukiwe’s position. The climax came when one of the cabals went and occupied an accommodation reserved for Commodore Ebitu Ukiwe in Abuja during the yearly national day celebration. The end of this intrigue was his removal as Chief of general staff and retirement from the Navy.
Igbo traders in Lagos are always relocated to interior places in Lagos and when such places became developed, the Lagos State government offered one excuse to dispossess them of the place and relocate them to another interior place and this has become a norm. Sometimes ago, in Kwara State, the Igbo traders had an arrangement with the Kwara State government agency responsible for tax collection. The accord had been going on for years. All of a sudden the Kwara State government unilaterally increased the individual traders tax beyond what they could afford.
There was an uproar. The Igbos were not the only traders in the market. So why were they singled out for increased taxation?
The creation of states since the overthrow of General Ironsi has been the exclusive preserve of Northern Nigerian military heads of state, starting from General Gowon to Babangida and Abacha. It is on record that apart from the South-East zone, which has only five states, the remaining five zones have six states each, with the North-West having seven, apart from the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja, which enjoys the status of a state.
The leader of MACBAN, Bello, is always in the news threatening. On one occasion, he was arrested and later released, while his herdsmen continued with their mission of killing, raping, and morally dispossessing people.
Since Igboho is back and free, the Nigerian courts and the ECOWAS Court have declared Nnamdi Kanu’s detention unlawful and ordered his release. Yet, the democratic and law-abiding government of Nigeria is still holding him. He is an Igbo.
Government agencies keep jumping from branch to branch in a forest of confused prosecution and persecution to justify his detention.
Sheikh Gumi, the self-appointed federal government ambassador to the territories and caves, gathers information from terrorists, gives it to the federal government, and vice versa. Gumi even sought federal government approval to build an institution in the bush to train terrorists.
A governor from the West sent a terrorist commander, his ADC, unarmed, to negotiate directly with a terrorist leader. If an Igbo man or people of Igbo extraction were doing what these people are doing, the entire armed forces would have been unleashed on them — “a dot in a circle.”
(Apologies to Buhari.)
A notorious kidnapping kingpin was arrested after years of terror. The police officers who caught him were killed on their way back. Wadume was said to have been taken away by a Nigerian Army captain who killed the policemen, after which Wadume fled. Nothing has been heard since then.
If this happened during Muhammadu Buhari’s administration, who is the captain?
A terrorist negotiator was arraigned for trial for over a year, yet nothing has been done. The question is: if these were Igbos, would they have been left free to move from territory to camp, mingling at will, without being given “the treatment” — a dot in a circle?
These Igbos are considered unfit to be Chief Justice of Nigeria, Inspector-General of Police, or Chief of Army Staff. Even when an Igbo is next in line to succeed an incumbent, the incumbent’s tenure is extended so that the Igbo person retires before the time.
The recent scenario concerning the Comptroller-General of Customs is a clear case of marginalization and nepotism against the Igbos in Nigeria and its MDAs..
An Igbo lady appointed to head the Climate Change Agency has not spent up to one year in that office before she was replaced by another woman of Yoruba extraction. This action negates the Federal Character principle, the “no victor, no vanquished” declaration, and the policy of rehabilitation, reconstruction, and reconciliation. Though tribes and tongues may differ, in brotherhood we stand — lyrics as contained in the old and newly reconstructed National Anthem. This is most unfortunate.
These same rejected Igbos have continued to prove their mettle in every endeavour they engage in — commerce, industry, and manufacturing. A foreign head of state once introduced Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala to a Nigerian head of state. We all know her capacity. She contributed immensely to Nigeria’s debt forgiveness, among other roles.
The fastest computer in the world was invented by an Anambra-born Philip Emeagwali. Dr. Ezekiel Izuogu started the production of Completely Knocked Down (CKD) parts of motor vehicles. Had this been encouraged, it would have been the first indigenous vehicle manufactured in Nigeria. Innoson Motors has competed favourably in manufacturing, but have the federal and state governments patronized him? If so, to what extent, considering that he is an Igbo man?
There was a time when two Igbo students in a tertiary institution produced a rocket that flew beyond expectations. Were they encouraged? What about the one who produced a helicopter prototype that successfully flew? Another Igbo child produced a radio broadcasting station known as NBC Radio Station. Yet another produced a small prototype of a tipping truck. These inventors were not encouraged; hence their innovations were lost or abandoned. If they belonged to another extraction, the story would have been different.
Nigeria talks about consuming what is made in Nigeria. China, under Mao Zedong, adopted a policy of producing what the Chinese consumed and consuming what China produced. This policy, coupled with teaching people how to fish rather than giving them fish, contrasts sharply with Nigeria’s charity-driven dependence on imports.
Those who are of Igbo extraction are not — and have never been — encouraged because they do not “belong.” Unfortunately, many Igbos do not realize this attitude toward them. Where we want to be and should be, one must assert themselves before someone else dictates where you belong.
This marginalization and negligence of Igbo potential can only be corrected through collective and deliberate efforts of all Igbos, particularly in politics. In this regard, efforts should be directed toward aligning with other groups to form a strong political party that will not only rescue Nigeria from its unfortunate and degrading status as a “capital of poverty” but also restore the dignity of this “clay-footed giant of Africa.” The potential and capacity to achieve this are present, but deliberate refusal to tap into this abundance — potentially a result of ignorance-born hatred — has hindered greatness.
As long as the politics of “we” versus the Igbos continue, progress will be one step forward and twenty steps backward. The victims of this retrogressive policy must unite and collaborate with like-minded individuals from the North, West, and South, while cooperating with the East, to change this self-inflicting trend.
It is on record that the Igbos have not been allowed to occupy the topmost political leadership positions of the country, despite their sacrifices during and after the colonial era. The Igbos are not lacking in capable, effective, and productive personnel to occupy these positions.
For the first time in the East of Nigeria, a Nigerian ruled a state for eight years and ended his tenure owing no civil servants, pensions, contractors, or any financial obligations. He cleared all government liabilities and, in addition, left a credit balance of $150 million and about 75 billion Naira, even while the federal government was issuing loans to state governments. His state government did not take any federal loans.
This state is not among the top revenue-generating states, yet it achieved feats that no president, governor, or local government chairman in Nigeria has ever done to date. This political guru and exceptional administrator is Peter Obi. If he could achieve this in Anambra, not known to be among the top revenue states, it is a clear indicator of what he is capable of doing if elected President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.
Peter Obi is naturally equipped to transform Nigeria from a consumer country to a producer country. There is no doubt that he will succeed in this regard.
Therefore, we appeal to all Nigerians, irrespective of tribe, religion, party affiliation, or ethnic group, who are interested in ending the suffering in Nigeria and uplifting the country to a respectable position. Mr. Peter Obi, in his quest to make Nigeria great, presents an opportunity we cannot afford to miss.
Peter Obi is Nigeria’s Liu Kuo-shiung, our own South Korean general; Sechin, our own Frederick Douglass Roosevelt and John F. Kennedy of the United States; and finally, our comrade Adedol of January Mounsuni of China. These men have one thing in common: they rescued their countries and their people when circumstances were tough and hopeless. We must give capable men like Peter Obi a chance.
Moreover, no one from the Igbo ethnic group has been allowed to occupy this post since the inception of the current dispensation. Once again, this appeal is directed to all Nigerians interested in positioning Nigeria appropriately in the community of nations. This leadership post has been vacant due to decades of mismanagement.
This appeal is directed to Nigerians who:
Do not support continued borrowing that mortgages the future of our children, including generations yet unborn;
Do not want Nigerians to remain the world’s poverty capital;
Do not condone the production of large numbers of out-of-school children;
Do not endorse the enthronement of corruption and mediocrity;
Do not wish to elevate leaders who take more than they give, rather than offering solutions to improve Nigeria.
This appeal is for the majority who have been deprived, trampled upon, suppressed, dehumanized, and left to suffer amidst poverty. These six or seven largest oil-producing nations where fuel costs more than a teaspoon highlight the injustice in a nine-pound-producing country like Nigeria.
SIGNED
HON. PRINCE CHINEDU NSOFOR (KPAKPANDO NDIGBO)
NATIONAL COORDINATOR IGBO PRESIDENCY PROJECT AND FOUNDING PRESIDENT IGBO HEROES AND ICONS FOUNDATION
society
Adron Homes Powers Ibadan Cultural Festival, Strengthens Cultural Influence
Adron Homes Powers Ibadan Cultural Festival, Strengthens Cultural Influence
Adron Homes and Properties Limited delivered a commanding performance at the grand finale of the 2026 Ibadan Cultural Festival, firmly establishing its dominance as Nigeria’s leading real estate brand. At the iconic Lekan Salami Stadium, Adamasingba, the company did not just sponsor the event, it took control of the narrative, transforming the cultural celebration into a powerful showcase of brand strength, innovation, and market authority.
With the presence of the Olubadan of Ibadanland, His Imperial Majesty, Oba Rashidi Adewolu Ladoja, alongside a distinguished assembly of traditional rulers, high chiefs, and top government dignitaries, Adron Homes leveraged the high-profile platform to reinforce its influence at the intersection of culture, community, and modern development. The royal commendation from the Olubadan, who openly praised the company’s contribution, further cemented Adron’s growing stature as a key driver of cultural and socio-economic advancement.
Speaking at the event, the Group Managing Director, Mrs. Adenike Ajobo, projected a bold and uncompromising vision, emphasizing that Adron Homes is not just building houses but creating ecosystems where heritage, lifestyle, and modern living seamlessly converge. She reaffirmed that the company’s presence in Ibadan is strategically positioned to redefine the city’s residential landscape while embedding the brand deeply within the cultural fabric of its people.
Adron Homes’ activation proved to be one of the most dominant features of the festival. The “Adron Experience” zone became the epicenter of engagement, attracting massive crowds through immersive brand interactions, including the viral 360-degree video booth that drove widespread digital visibility. Simultaneously, the Ibadan Sales Team executed a results-driven engagement strategy, converting high foot traffic into real business opportunities while showcasing Adron’s expanding portfolio of modern, world-class estates transforming the city’s iconic skyline.
By seamlessly integrating its “Home Festival” concept into the cultural celebration, Adron Homes blurred the line between tradition and innovation, delivering an unmatched brand experience that competitors could not rival. As the festival drew to a close, one message was unmistakable, Adron Homes did not just participate; it dominated, setting a new benchmark for corporate cultural investment and reinforcing its position as the brand defining the future of real estate in Nigeria.
society
A Generation Under Siege as Nigeria’s Drug Crisis Deepens
A Generation Under Siege as Nigeria’s Drug Crisis Deepens
BY BLAISE UDUNZE
This piece speaks directly to the current consciousness of many Nigerians as some crises erupt with noise, explosions of violence, economic shocks, political upheavals and then some unfold quietly, steadily, almost invisibly, until their consequences become impossible to ignore. Nigeria today is living through the latter. Today, this hardly or rarely dominates the front pages of newspapers with the same sustained urgency. Still, the truth is that it depends on whether it is reshaping communities, distorting futures, and hollowing out the very foundation of the nation’s promise.
With the rate at which drug abuse has festered among young Nigerians, it is no longer a social concern. It is a national emergency, silent, systemic, and dangerously underestimated.
The big picture of a bright future led by the youth of today and leaders of tomorrow is gradually fading away, thanks to the menace of drugs. Unfortunately, it is a national problem linked to all other criminal activities, but the system does not consider it critical. A generation of people is gradually being wiped out. The implications of these are too dire even to contemplate.
It is now alarming, as the numbers alone are staggering. Looking closely at the report by the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime reveals that 14.4 percent of Nigerians between the ages of 15 and 64, roughly 14.3 million people, use psychoactive substances, nearly three times the global average. Even more troubling, which calls for public concern, is that one in five of these users suffers from drug-related disorders requiring urgent treatment. The implication is clear since this is not casual use; it is a deepening public health crisis.
To many Nigerians, these statistics, as revealed, appear alarming, but the underlying fact is that they are only a scratch on the surface of a much darker reality, which the eyes cannot see.
Across Lagos, Kano, Onitsha, and countless towns in between, drug abuse is no longer hidden. It is visible in motor parks where tramadol is sold as casually as bottled water, in university hostels where “home mixes” circulate as social currency, and in street corners where teenagers inhale toxic concoctions in search of escape. Substances that were once tightly regulated, codeine, opioids, and benzodiazepines, are now frighteningly accessible. Others, far more dangerous, are improvised through mixtures of gutter water, chemicals, and pharmaceuticals designed not for healing, but for oblivion.
What is emerging is not just a culture of drug use, but an ecosystem of addiction.
Let us consider the disturbing normalisation of concoctions like “Omi Gutter” (gutter water) or “Jiko”, lethal blends of tramadol, codeine, cannabis, and other substances, just to mention a few. The fear in all of this is that these are not isolated experiments; they are part of a growing subculture among young people seeking relief from pressures they can neither articulate nor escape. Let us see the irony from the point that the deaths incurred from overdoses, seizures, and organ failure are increasingly reported, yet rarely provoke sustained national outrage.
This silence is part of the problem and what society has failed to recognize is that they are yet to understand the scale of the crisis; one must go beyond the streets and into the systems that have failed to contain it.
What must be known today is that Nigeria’s drug epidemic is deeply intertwined with a mental health crisis that remains largely unaddressed, which appears difficult to deal with because the system’s attention is divided by other trivialities. According to the World Health Organization, one in four Nigerians, an estimated 50 million people, suffer from some form of mental illness. This is such a fearful trend, whilst among adolescents, the situation is even more fragile. Today to the trend in Nigeria, globally, is also on record that 14 percent of young people experience mental health challenges, with suicide ranking among the leading causes of death for those aged 15 to 29.
In Nigeria, however, these issues are compounded by stigma, neglect, and systemic absence.
A study conducted in a Borstal Institution in North-Central Nigeria found that 82.5 per cent of adolescent boys had psychiatric disorders. The breakdown actually revealed that disruptive behaviour disorders accounted for 40.8 per cent, substance use disorders 15.8 per cent, anxiety disorders 14.2 per cent, psychosis 6.7 per cent, and mood disorders five per cent. These are not marginal figures; they point to a generation grappling with profound psychological distress.
Many of these boys, according to the timely warning from Professor Olurotimi Coker of the Lagos State University Teaching Hospital, which he revealed, is that they suffer in silence. This, he discloses, is constrained by societal expectations that equate vulnerability with weakness. In a culture where young men are expected to “be strong,” emotional struggles are buried, not addressed. Drugs, in this context, become both refuge and rebellion, a way to cope, to escape, and sometimes, to belong.
The tragedy is that what begins as coping often ends in captivity. The clear fact, which the system must not ignore is that the crisis does not exist in isolation, yes! because it feeds into and is fed by Nigeria’s broader challenges of insecurity and alongside economic instability. Research by scholars from Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu University highlights a dangerous nexus between substance abuse and national security. Drug trafficking networks do not merely distribute substances; they sustain criminal economies, fund violent groups, and perpetuate cycles of instability.
A review of some of the developments will drive us to the activities in the Lake Chad Basin, for instance, an open secret is that insurgent groups such as Boko Haram and Islamic State West Africa Province have been linked to drug trafficking operations. According to regional security analyses, these groups rely on narcotics, from tramadol to cocaine, to finance operations, recruit fighters, and embolden combatants. The use of drugs to suppress fear and heighten aggression among fighters underscores a chilling reality, which obviously shows that Nigeria’s drug crisis is not just a health issue; it is a security threat. To confirm this, only recently, during an interview with Arise TV, General Christopher Musa, the Minister of Defence, concurred that when many of these terrorists are arrested, they are often found to be under the influence of drugs.” He stated that they use different substances, including injectables, which affect their thinking and reduce their fear or sense of pain. In General Musa’s words: “You are dealing with somebody whose mind is made up that if he dies, he doesn’t care. Most times when we arrest them, they are on drugs, so they don’t care, they don’t even feel it, they have Injectables, you get them with all those drugs. So that is how they operate.”
This convergence of addiction and violence creates a vicious cycle. History has shown that drugs fuel crime; crime sustains drug networks and for this reason, young people, caught in the middle, are both victims and instruments, recruited as couriers, enforcers, and, in some cases, political thugs. One recent example that occurred earlier this month is that of a teenager aged 15 named Tijjani. He was arrested by the Nigerian Army in connection with the Boko Haram deadly attack on military positions in Borno that claimed the life of Brigadier-General Oseni Braimah and other soldiers.
In the political space, history offers a warning because this brings to mind the scenario that played out during the 2011 post-election violence in Nigeria, which claimed over 800 lives in just three days, with the same pattern occurring in the 2023 elections. What Nigerians must know is that these trends expose how easily unemployed, disillusioned youths can be mobilized for violence. In most cases, this happens under the influence of substances and of concern is that similar patterns are re-emerging currently, raising urgent questions about the future of Nigeria’s democracy.
At the same time, economic realities continue to deepen vulnerability. Youth unemployment and underemployment remain persistently high despite the official rate currently at 5 percent, which appears to be low under the newer methodology, while the alternative estimate was around 22 percent in 2025, leaving millions in limbo today. The fact is that, regrettably, for many, the promise of education has not translated into opportunity. As a matter of fact, in many homes, degrees hang on walls, but jobs remain elusive. And that is why, in this vacuum, drugs offer something the system does not in the case of temporary relief from frustration, anxiety, and stagnation.
Even more alarming is how early exposure begins.
A quick look at some reports in Nigeria reveals that hardly any month passed in 2021 without any significant cases of vast amounts of drugs seized at the import gateways in Nigeria or a Nigerian caught abroad with a large consignment of drugs being smuggled into another country. These seizures have shed light on how the work of trafficking networks is facilitated by a range of actors, including alleged businesspeople, politicians, celebrities, and students. Nigeria’s porous borders, weak institutions, corrupt practices, political patronage, poverty, and ethnic identities enable traffickers to avoid detection by the formal security apparatus. There are even times when the conventional security apparatus itself provides cover for traffickers, giving rise to legitimate concerns about the ability of criminal networks and illicit drug monies to infiltrate security and government agencies, transform or influence the motivations of its members, reorient objectives towards the spoils of drug trafficking activity, thus undermining the democratic processes. Still on the supply side is the new availability of cheap opioids in the open market under different brands names.
In Lagos State alone, a 2024 study by the combined team of the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) and the Federal Ministry of Education found an alarming fact that 13.6 per cent of secondary school students had experimented with drugs, while 6.9 per cent were active users. Unbeknownst to most Nigerians is the fact that these figures represent not just experimentation, but a pipeline into long-term dependency.
This is also confirmed by the Chairman/Chief Executive Officer of the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA), Buba Marwa, who said substance abuse had moved beyond the streets and was now a growing problem within lecture halls and campuses when he spoke on “High Today, Lost Tomorrow: The Real Cost of Drug Abuse on Campus.” Marwa, who further raised concerns over the increasing use of social media platforms for drug distribution, as well as the involvement of students in trafficking, stated that the drug scene had evolved from the use of traditional substances, like cannabis, to more dangerous synthetic opioids and designer drugs, such as Colorado, Loud, and Methamphetamine.
It is more fearful to know that beyond the university students, children as young as 12 are being introduced to substances not through sophisticated cartels, but through peers, neighbourhood influences, and easy market access. Drugs that require prescriptions are sold openly in markets and motor parks, often cheaper than a soft drink. A sachet of tramadol can cost as little as N100.
One surprising revelation is that some of the more dangerous substances, such as petrol fumes, glue, sewage mixtures, are used freely because they are costless. It is now understood that this is not merely a matter of accessibility, but a systemic failure.
Law enforcement efforts, while significant, remain insufficient relative to the scale of the problem as large-scale numbers of drugs have found their way into society. They can still claim to have succeeded as the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency said to have recorded notable successes, though, with over 57,000 arrests, more than 10,000 convictions, and nearly 10 million kilograms of seized drugs in recent years. Even with these records, it is glaring that society has continued to witness thousands of addicts being rehabilitated, and millions of students have been reached through advocacy campaigns.
Yet, as described earlier, these achievements, though commendable, are dwarfed by the magnitude of the crisis, which gives no room for law enforcement to make any holistic claims of sanitizing the system. Seeing the sheer volume of drug inflows, from heroin in Asia, cocaine from South America, cannabis from North Africa, and synthetic drugs from Europe, suggests a system under siege. Enforcement alone cannot outpace demand.
And demand, in Nigeria today, is expanding. Nowhere is the human cost more visible than among the homeless youth population. Along the Oshodi rail corridor in Lagos, thousands of young people live in precarious and questionable conditions, sleeping under bridges and railway platforms, exposed daily to drugs, violence, and exploitation, as they carelessly lose their lives, and some have spent years, even decades, in these environments. Sincerely, there must be this understanding that for many, addiction is both a cause and a consequence of their circumstances.
Some struggling segments of people in society can be linked to broader socio-economic and systemic failures that are associated with widening inequality, lack of social housing, inadequate education, and the absence of structured rehabilitation programs. Another aspect of this that can’t be left out and should be addressed expediently is that these vulnerable youths are reportedly recruited into political violence, reinforcing a dangerous cycle of neglect and exploitation, and it must be established that it has become a norm in society.
This is where the conversation must shift, from individual responsibility to systemic accountability.
Drug abuse in Nigeria is not simply about bad choices, as most people perceive it; it is about limited choices if properly looked into. Just as well said, the trend shows that it is about a young man who takes tramadol to endure the physical strain of daily labour, and continues using it long after the pain is gone because addiction has taken hold. Sometimes, it can also be about a teenager who experiments out of curiosity and eventually finds herself trapped in dependency. It is about a boy who cannot and is unable to express or confront his emotional pain, so he copes by suppressing or numbing it instead, while also looking at a society that has normalized survival at the expense of well-being.
The policy response, however, has yet to match the urgency of the crisis and with this challenge, it will be said that Nigeria lacks a fully integrated national strategy that connects drug prevention, mental health care, education reform, and economic inclusion.
The consequence is a reactive system in a crisis that demands prevention. What would a meaningful response look like?
First, it would reframe drug abuse as a public health emergency. This means prioritizing treatment, rehabilitation, and prevention alongside enforcement. Addiction must be treated as a medical condition, not merely a criminal offense.
Second, it would integrate mental health into primary healthcare. Access to counseling, therapy, and early intervention must be expanded, particularly for young people. Schools, communities, and digital platforms should become entry points for support, not just discipline.
Third, it would invest in education reform that goes beyond academics. When this is done, life skills, emotional intelligence, and drug awareness must be embedded in curricula. Students need tools to navigate pressure, not just pass exams.
Fourth, it would address economic exclusion. Job creation, vocational training, and entrepreneurship support must be scaled to match the size of Nigeria’s youth population. Opportunity is one of the most powerful antidotes to despair.
Fifth, it would strengthen community-based interventions. Families, religious institutions, and local leaders must be empowered to recognize early warning signs and provide support. Addiction is rarely an individual battle; it is a collective one.
Finally, it would demand accountability. Data must guide policy, and outcomes must be measured. Good intentions are no substitute for measurable impact.
Nigeria stands at a defining moment and must be aware that its youth population remains its greatest asset but also its greatest risk. The fear today that should be in the heart of many and must suffice as a warning is that a generation lost to addiction is not just a social tragedy; it is a national failure.
The warning signs are already here in the statistics, in the streets, in the stories that rarely make headlines. The question is whether the country is willing to listen. Because silence, in this case, is not neutrality. It is complicity.
And if this silent emergency continues unchecked, Nigeria may soon discover that what it is losing is not just its youth but its future.
Blaise, a journalist and PR professional, writes from Lagos and can be reached via: [email protected]
society
Police Track Down Suspect In Viral Defamation Case, Reaffirm Commitment To Justice
Police Track Down Suspect In Viral Defamation Case, Reaffirm Commitment To Justice
The Nigeria Police Force has apprehended a suspect linked to a viral social media video containing serious and unsubstantiated allegations against transport union leader, Musiliu Ayinde Akinsanya.
The arrest followed a formal petition submitted by Akinsanya, popularly known as MC Oluomo, who called for a discreet and thorough investigation into what he described as a deliberate attempt to tarnish his reputation. The petition was prompted by a Facebook video circulated by one Jamiu Akinsanya, also known as Siyan, a factional member of the National Union of Road Transport Workers (NURTW). In the video, the suspect falsely alleged that MC Oluomo was involved in the murder of a pregnant woman in the Oshodi area of Lagos.
Acting swiftly, the Deputy Inspector-General of Police in charge of the Federal Intelligence Department (FID) directed an immediate investigation. Operatives of the FID Intelligence Response Team (IRT), led by CSP Kasumu Rilwan, commenced a coordinated manhunt, which culminated in the suspect’s arrest in the Ikorodu axis of Lagos State.
Police sources disclosed that upon his arrest, the suspect admitted that the allegations contained in the viral video were entirely fabricated. He reportedly expressed remorse and appealed for leniency during interrogation.
Subsequently, the FID/IRT Legal Officer, A.O. Fadipe, obtained a remand order from the Igbosere Magistrate Court to enable further investigation and facilitate the arrest of any other individuals connected to the case.
The suspect has since been remanded at the Ikoyi Correctional Centre.
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