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JANUARY 15th 1966: A MORNING OF MURDER, MAYHEM AND CARNAGE by Chief Femi Fani-Kayode.

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JANUARY 15th 1966: A MORNING OF MURDER, MAYHEM AND CARNAGE by Chief Femi Fani-Kayode.

JANUARY 15th 1966: A MORNING OF MURDER, MAYHEM AND CARNAGE by Chief Femi Fani-Kayode.

 

In the early hours of the morning of January 15th 1966 a coup d’etat took place in Nigeria which resulted in the murder of a number of leading political figures and senior army officers.

 

This was the first coup in the history of our country and 98 per cent of the officers that planned and led it were from a particular ethnic nationality in the country.

 

According to Max Siollun, a notable and respected historian whose primary source of information was the Police report compiled by the Police’s Special Branch after the failure of the coup, during the course of the investigation and after the mutineers had been arrested and detained, names of the leaders of the mutiny were as follows:

Major Emmanuel Arinze Ifeajuna,

Major Chukwuemeka Kaduna Nzeogwu,

 

Major Chris Anuforo,

Major Tim Onwutuegwu,

Major Chudi Sokei,

Major Adewale Ademoyega,

Major Don Okafor,

Major John Obieno,

Captain Ben Gbuli,

Captain Emmanuel Nwobosi,

Captain Chukwuka,

and Lt. Oguchi.

 

It is important to point out that I saw the Special Branch report myself and I can confirm Siollun’s findings.

 

These were indeed the names of ALL the leaders of the January 15th 1966 mutiny and all other lists are FAKE.

 

The names of those that they murdered in cold blood or abducted were as follows.

 

Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, the Prime Minister of Nigeria (murdered),

Sir Ahmadu Bello, the Sardauna of Sokoto and the Premier of the Old Northern Region (murdered),

Sir Kashim Ibrahim, the Shettima of Borno and the Governor of the Old Northern Region (abducted),

Chief Samuel Ladoke Akintola, the Aare Ana Kakanfo of Yorubaland and the Premier of the Old Western Region (murdered),

Chief Remilekun Adetokunboh Fani-Kayode Q.C., the Balogun of Ife, the Deputy Premier of the Old Western Region and my beloved father (abducted),

 

Chief Festus Samuel Okotie-Eboh, the Oguwa of the Itsekiris and the Minister of Finance of Nigeria (murdered),

 

Brigadier Samuel Adesujo Ademulegun, Commander of the 1st Brigade, Nigerian Army (murdered),

Brigadier Zakariya Maimalari, Commander of the 2nd Brigade, Nigerian Army (murdered),

Colonel James Pam (murdered),

Colonel Ralph Sodeinde (murdered),

Colonel Arthur Unegbe (murdered),

 

Colonel Kur Mohammed (murdered),

 

Lt. Colonel Abogo Largema (murdered),

 

Alhaja Hafsatu Bello, the wife of the Sardauna of Sokoto (murdered),

 

Alhaji Zarumi, traditional bodyguard of the Sardauna of Sokoto (murdered),

 

Mrs. Lateefat Ademulegun, the wife of Brigadier Ademulegun who was 8 months pregnant at the time (murdered),

Ahmed B. Musa (murdered),

Ahmed Pategi (murdered),

Sgt. Daramola Oyegoke (murdered),

 

Police Constable Yohana Garkawa (murdered),

 

Police Constable Musa Nimzo (murdered),

Police Constable Akpan Anduka (murdered),

Police Constable Hagai Lai (murdered),

and Police Constable Philip Lewande (murdered).

 

In order to reflect the callousness of the mutineers permit me to share under what circumstances some of their victims were murdered and abducted.

 

Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa was abducted from his home, beaten, mocked, tortured, forced to drink alcohol, humiliated and murdered after which his body was dumped in a bush along the Lagos-Abeokuta road.

 

Sir Ahmadu Bello was killed in the sanctity of his own home with his wife Hafsatu and his loyal security assistant Zurumi.

 

Zurumi drew his sword to defend his principal whilst Hafsatu threw her body over her dear husband in an attempt to protect him from the bullets.

 

Chief S. L. Akintola was gunned down as he stepped out of his house in the presence of his family and Chief Festus Okotie-Eboh was beaten, brutalised, abducted from his home, maimed and murdered and his body was dumped in a bush.

 

Brigadier Zakariya Maimalari had held a cocktail party in his home the evening before which was attended by some of the young officers that went back to his house early the following morning and murdered him.

Brigadier Samuel Ademulegun was shot to death at home, in his bedroom and in his matrimonial bed along with his eight-month pregnant wife Lateefat.

 

Colonel Shodeinde was murdered in Ikoyi hotel whilst Col. Pam was abducted from his home and murdered in a bush.

Most of the individuals that were killed that morning were subjected to a degree of humiliation, shame and torture that was so horrendous that I am constrained to decline from sharing them in this contribution.

 

The mutineers came to our home as well which at that time was the official residence of the Deputy Premier of the Old Western Region and which remains there till today.

 

After storming our house and almost killing my brother, sister and me, they beat, brutalised and abducted my father Chief Remi Fani-Kayode.

 

What I witnessed that morning was traumatic and devastating and, of course, what the entire nation witnessed was horrific.

 

It was a morning of carnage, barbarity and terror.

 

Those events set in motion a cycle of carnage which changed our entire history and the consequences remain with us till this day.

 

It was a sad and terrible morning and one of blood and slaughter.

 

My recollection of the events in our home is as follows.

 

At around 2.00 a.m. my mother, Mrs. Adia Aduni Fani-Kayode, came into the bedroom which I shared with my older brother, Rotimi and my younger sister Toyin. I was six years old at the time.

 

The lights had been cut off by the mutineers so we were in complete darkness and all we could see and hear were the headlights from three or four large and heavy trucks with big loud engines.

 

The official residence of the Deputy Premier had a very long drive so it took the vehicles a while to reach us.

 

We saw four sets of headlights and heard the engines of four lorries drive up the drive-way.

 

The occupants of the lorries, who were uniformed men who carried torches, positioned themselves and prepared to storm our home whilst calling my fathers name and ordering him to come out.

 

My father courageously went out to meet them after he had called us together, prayed for us and explained to us that since it was him they wanted he must go out there.

 

He explained that he would rather go out to meet them and, if necessary, meet his death than let them come into the house to shoot or harm us all.

 

The minute he stepped out they brutalised him. I witnessed this. They beat him, tied him up and threw him into one of the lorries.

 

The first thing they said to him as he stepped out was “where are your thugs now Fani-Power?”

 

My father’s response was typical of him, sharp and to the point. He said, “I don’t have thugs, only gentlemen.”

 

I think this annoyed them and made them brutalise him even more. They tied him up, threw him in the back of the lorry and then stormed the house.

 

When they got into the house they ransacked every nook and cranny, shooting into the ceiling and wardrobes.

 

They were very brutal and frightful and we were terrified.

 

My mother was screaming and crying from the balcony because all she could do was focus on her husband who was in the back of the truck downstairs. There is little doubt that she loved him more than life itself.

“Don’t kill him, don’t kill him!!” she kept screaming at them. I can still visualise this and hear her voice pleading, screaming and crying.

 

I didn’t know where my brother or sister were at this point because the house was in total chaos.

 

I was just six years old and I was standing there in the middle of the passage upstairs in the house by my parents bedroom, surrounded by uniformed men who were ransacking the whole place and terrorising my family.

 

Then out of the blue something extraordinary happened. All of a sudden one of the soldiers came up to me, put his hand on my head and said: “don’t worry, we won’t kill your father, stop crying.”

 

He said this to me three times. After he said it the third time I looked in his eyes and I stopped crying.

 

This was because he gave me hope and he spoke with kindness and compassion. At that point all the fear and trepidation left me.

 

With new-found confidence I went rushing to my mother who was still screaming on the balcony and told her to stop crying because the soldier had promised that they would not kill my father and that everything would be okay.

 

I held on to the words of that soldier and that morning, despite all that was going on around me, I never cried again.

Four years ago when he was still alive I made contact with and spoke to Captain Nwobosi, the mutineer who led the team to our house and that led the Ibadan operation that night about these events.

He confirmed my recollection of what happened in our house saying that he remembered listening to my mother screaming and watching me cry.

He claimed that he was the officer that had comforted me and assured me that my father would not be killed.

I have no way of confirming if it was really him but I have no reason to doubt his words.

 

He later asked me to write the foreword of his book which sadly he never launched or released because he passed away a few months later.

 

The mutineers took my father away and as the lorry drove off my mother kept on wailing and crying and so was everyone else in the house except for me.

 

From there they went to the home of Chief S.L. Akintola a great statesman and nationalist and a very dear uncle of mine.

 

My mother had phoned Akintola to inform him of what had happened in our home.

She was sceaming down the phone asking where her husband had been taken and by this time she was quite hysterical.

 

Chief Akintola tried to calm her down assuring her that all would be well.

When they got to Akintola’s house he already knew that they were coming and he was prepared for them.

 

Instead of coming out to meet them, he had stationed some of his policemen inside the house and they started shooting.

 

A gun battle ensued and consequently the mutineers were delayed by at least one hour.

According to the Special Branch reports and the official statements of the mutineers that survived that night and that were involved in the operation their plan had been to pick up my father and Chief Akintola from their homes in Ibadan, take them to Lagos, gather them together with the other political leaders that had been abducted and then execute them all together.

 

The difficulty they had was that Akintola resisted them and he and his policemen ended up wounding two of the soldiers that came to his home.

One of the soldiers, whose name was apparently James, had his fingers blown off and the other had his ear blown off.

After some time Akintola’s ammunition ran out and the shooting stopped.

 

His policemen stood down and they surrendered. He came out waving a white handkerchief and the minute he stepped out they just slaughtered him.

My father witnessed Akintola’s cold-blooded murder in utter shock, disbelief and horror because he was tied up in the back of the lorry from where he could see everything that transpired.

 

The soldiers were apparently enraged by the fact that two of their men had been wounded and that Akintola resisted and delayed them.

 

After they killed him they moved on to Lagos with my father.

 

When they got there they drove to the Officer’s Mess at Dodan Barracks in Ikoyi where they tied him up, sat him on the floor of a room, and placed him under close arrest by surrounding him with six very hostile and abusive soldiers.

 

Thankfully about two hours later he was rescued, after a dramatic gun battle, by loyalist troops led by one Lt. Tokida who stormed the room with his men and who was under the command of Captain Paul Tarfa (as he then was).

 

They had been ordered to free my father by Lt. Col. Yakubu Gowon who was still in control of the majority of troops in Dodan Barracks and who remained loyal to the Federal Government.

 

Bullets flew everywhere in the room during the gunfight that ensued whilst my father was tied up in the middle of the floor with no cover. All that yet not one bullet touched him!

 

This was clearly the Finger of God and once again divine providence as under normal circumstances few could have escaped or survived such an encounter without being killed either by direct fire or a stray bullet. For this I give God the glory.

 

Meanwhile three of the soldiers that had tied my father up and placed him under guard in that room were killed right before his eyes and two of Takoda’s troops that stormed the room to save him lost their lives in the encounter.

 

At this point permit me to mention the fact that outside of my father, providence also smiled favourably upon and delivered Sir Kashim Ibrahim, the Shettima of Borno and the Governor of the Old Northern Region from death that morning.

He was abducted from his home in Kaduna by the mutineers but was later rescued by loyalist troops.

 

When the mutineers took my father away everyone in our home thought he had been killed.

 

The next morning a handful of policemen came and took us to the house of my mother’s first cousin, Justice Atanda Fatai-Williams, who was a judge of the Western Region at the time. He later became the Chief Justice of Nigeria.

From there we were taken to the home of Justice Adenekan Ademola, another High Court judge at the time, who was a very close friend of my father and who later became a Judge of the Court of Appeal.

 

At this point the whole country had been thrown into confusion and no one knew what was going on.

 

We heard lots of stories and did not know what to make of what anymore. There was chaos and confusion and the entire nation was gripped by fear.

 

Two days later my father finally called us on the telephone and he told us that he was okay.

 

When we heard his voice, I kept telling my mother “I told you, I told you.”

 

Justice Ademola and his dear wife who was my mother’s best friend, a Ghanian lady by the name of Aunty Frances, were weeping witgh joy.

 

My mother was also weeping as were my brother and sister and I just kept rejoicing because I knew that he would not be killed and I had told them all.

I believe that whoever that soldier was that promised me that my father would not be killed was used by God to convey a message to me that morning even in the midst of the mayhem and fear. I believe that God spoke through him that night.

 

Whoever he was the man spoke with confidence and authority and this constrains me to believe that he was a commissioned officer or a man in authority.

 

These mutineers who carried out this mutiny and coup were not alone: they got some backing from elements in the political class who identified with them.

 

Some have said that it was an Igbo coup whilst others have said that it was an UPGA (referring to the political alliance between the Action Group and the NCNC) coup but that is a story for another day.

 

Whatever anyone calls it or believes two things are clear: the consequences of the action that those young officers took that night were far-reaching and the way and manner in which they killed their victims was deplorable and barbaric.

 

Such savagery had never been witnessed in our shores. There has never been another night like that and the results of that night have been devastating and profound.

 

In my view not enough Nigerians appreciate this fact.

 

Some in our country cannot forgive those who participated in the mutiny and though I do not share that sentiment or disposition this is understandable.

 

Others believe that those young men (they were all in their 20’s) did the right thing and claim that those killings were necessary and heroic.

 

This is a sentiment which I not only despise but which I also find unacceptable and appalling.

 

There is nothing heroic about rebellion and the cold blooded murder of innocent and defenceless men and women.

 

The coup affected the country in an equally profound manner because the events of that night led to a counter-coup six months later. It was a devastating and disproportionate response.

 

Sadly after that came the horrendous pogroms and slaughter of the Igbo in the North which eventually led to the civil war in which millions of people died, including innocent children. This was also horrendous and deplorable.

Yet the bitter truth is that if the new Head of State, General Johnson Aguiyi-Ironsi who himself happened to be Igbo, had done the right thing and actually prosecuted the ringleaders of the coup namely Major Kaduna Nzeogwu, Major Anufuro, Major Ademoyega, Major Timothy Onwuatuegwu, Captain Emmanuel Nwobosi, Captain Okafor, Captain Ben Gbulie and all the other young officers that planned and executed the mutiny of January 15th 1966 after it was crushed, there would have been no northern revenge coup six months later.

 

I have not added Major Emmanuel Ifeajuna (who was actually the leader of the coup) to the list because he could not have been locked up or prosecuted by General Aguiy-Ironsi simply because he ran away to Ghana immediately after the mutiny in Lagos failed and after he and his co-mutineers were routed by Lt. Col. Jack Yakubu Gowon and his gallant officers.

 

For some curious reason after the coup was successfully crushed, General Aguiyi-Ironsi just locked these young mutineers up and he refused to prosecute them.

 

This bred suspicion from the ranks of the northern officers given the fact that Aguiyi-Ironsi himself was an Igbo.

 

The suspicion was that he had some level of sympathy for the mutineers and the fact that they did not kill him during the course of the mutiny only fuelled that suspicion.

 

The northern officers also felt deeply aggrieved about the wholesale slaughter of their key political figures that night.

 

In my view that, together with Aguiyi-Ironsi’s insistence on promulgating the Unification Decree which abolished the federal system of government and sought to turn Nigeria into a unitary state, made the revenge coup of July 29th 1966 inevitable.

 

The revenge coup was planned and led by Major Murtala Ramat Mohammed (as he then was) and it was supported and executed by other young northern officers like Major T.Y. Danjuma (as he then was), Major Martins Adamu and many others.

 

This is the coup that was to put Lt. Col. Jack Gowon (as he then was) in power and when they struck it was a very bloody and brutal affair.

 

The response of the northern officers to the mutiny and terrible killings that took place on the night of January 15th 1966 and to General Aguiyi-Ironsi’s apparent procrastination and reluctance to ensure that justice was served to the mutineers was not only devastating but also frightful.

 

300 hundred Army officers of Igbo extraction who were perceived to be sympathetic to the January 15th mutineers were killed that night including the Head of State General Aguiyi-Ironsi and the Military Governor of the old Western Region who was hosting him, the courageous Colonel Adekunle Fajuyi. This was very sad and unfortunate.

 

What happened on the night of January 15th 1966 was indefensible, unjustifiable, unacceptable, unnecessary, unprovoked and utterly and completely barbaric.

 

I beg to differ with those that believe that there was anything good about such a mutinous bloodbath and this is especially so given the fact that it was carried out by a small handful of ungrateful, cowardly and treacherous men.

 

Blood calls for blood: when you shed blood, other people want to shed your own blood as well and sadly this is the way of the world.

 

The minute the shedding of blood in the quest of power becomes the norm we are all diminished and dehumanised: and this applies to both the perpetrators and the victims.

 

The January 15th coup set off a cycle of events which had cataclysmic consequences for our country and which we are still reeling from today.

 

I repeat with greater detail, this included the Northern ‘Revenge’ coup of July 29th 1966 in which 300 Igbo officers and an Igbo Head of State (Gen. Aguyi-Ironsi) were killed, the pogroms in the North in which over 30,000 Igbo civilians were killed and a civil war in which 3 million Igbos (including 1 million children) and hundreds of thousands of Nigerians were cut short.

What a tragedy!

 

Coups may have happened in other countries in Africa but that did not mean that it had to happen here.

In any case the amount of blood that was shed on the morning of January 15th 1966 and the number of innocent people that were killed was unacceptable.

 

It arrested our development as a people and our political evolution as a country.

 

Had it not happened our history would have been very different. May we never see such a thing again.

 

Yet regardless of the pain of the past I believe that we should do all we can to put these matters behind us.

 

We must not allow ourselves to become prisoners of history. Rather than being propelled by pain and bitterness and becoming victims of history, we must learn from it, be guided by it and move on.

 

We must learn to forgive, even if we do not forget and, equally importantly, we must first establish the truth about those ugly events and understand what actually transpired.

 

What happened that night traumatised the nation. None of us has been the same since.

 

I can identify with that because I was a part of it, I witnessed it and i was a victim of it.

 

Yet by God’s grace and divine providence my father’s life was spared: not because he was special but simply by the grace of God.

 

Every day I think about those that were killed that night and I remember their families.

 

We share a common bond and we are all partakers of an ugly and frightful history.

 

I tell myself: “were it not for divine providence, my father would have also died and I would not have been what I am today, because he was the one who educated me and did everything for me.”

 

If nothing else I know there was a purpose for that.

 

We must resolve among ourselves that never again will people be attacked in their homes, dragged out, abducted and shot like dogs in the middle of the night.

 

Never again will women, wives, children and the unborn be slaughtered in this way.

 

Never again shall we witness such barbarity and wickedness in our quest for power.

 

Never again must any Nigerian suffer such brutality and callousness.

 

May the souls of all those that were murdered on January 15th 1966 continue to rest in peace and may God make Nigeria great again.

 

 

(Chief Femi Fani-Kayode is the Sadaukin Shinkafi, the Wakilin Doka Fika, a former Minister of Culture and Tourism and a former Minister of Aviation)

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Trapped Between Nigeria’s Failure and South Africa’s Xenophobic Violence

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Trapped Between Nigeria’s Failure and South Africa’s Xenophobic Violence

BY BLAISE UDUNZE

 

 

 

When the word “xenophobic” is talked about, most affected African countries tend to focus on the pains being experienced by their citizens in South Africa. For a moment, it calls for Nigeria and the rest of the African continent to pause and ask, how did we get here?

 

 

 

The recent happenings across the streets of Johannesburg, Pretoria, and Durban, a painful pattern continues to unfold with frightening and fearful regularity, as Nigerian-owned businesses are looted, migrants hunted, families displaced, and African nationals reduced to targets of rage. If asked, the majority would chorus that the recurring images of xenophobic violence in South Africa are disturbing enough, and no doubt, yes, but the deeper tragedy is beyond the flames and bloodshed. It lies in the silent failures back home that forced many Nigerians into vulnerable exile in the first place.

 

 

 

The reality, as a matter of fact, is that to understand the suffering of Nigerians in South Africa, one must first confront the uncomfortable truth that xenophobia is not merely a South African problem. It is also a Nigerian governance problem exported abroad.

 

 

 

Nigeria, often celebrated as the “Giant of Africa,” has now become the “Mama Africa” who has failed to nurture her many children, with the fact that behind every Nigerian fleeing hardship for survival, known as the “japa” syndrome, in another African country is a story shaped by economic frustration, failed institutions, poor leadership, unemployment, and a financial system disconnected from the realities of ordinary citizens.

 

 

 

One apt way to confirm these inimical factors, the South African president, Cyril Ramaphosa, recently acknowledged this uncomfortable reality when he urged African leaders to address the domestic failures driving mass migration across the continent. Speaking amid renewed anti-foreigner tensions, Ramaphosa identified “misgovernance” as one of the factors forcing Africans to seek refuge in countries like South Africa. Of a truth, his comments may have generated debate, and some “patriotic Nigerians” may also want to prove him wrong, but they reflected a painful reality many African governments would rather avoid.

 

 

 

Nigeria, despite its vast human and natural resources, has increasingly become a country where millions no longer see a future at home. This is a critical irony and the height of it all because a nation blessed with oil wealth and entrepreneurial energy and one of the youngest populations in the world is yet burdened by systemic corruption, policy inconsistency, infrastructural collapse, and a leadership class that has often prioritised politics over productivity, especially with the imminence of an election.

 

 

 

It is so detestable and at the same time fearful that the result is a generation of young Nigerians trapped between hopelessness and migration.

 

 

 

One regrettable experience that has continued to haunt the country for decades, is that successive governments have squandered opportunities that could have transformed Nigeria into an industrial and economic powerhouse. Public resources that should have been invested in power, roads, healthcare, manufacturing, education and enterprise development have either disappeared into private pockets or become trapped in wasteful bureaucratic structures.

 

 

 

Reports indicating that over $214 billion in public funds may have been lost, diverted, or trapped in opaque fiscal systems over the last decade capture the scale of Nigeria’s accountability crisis. Whether exact or conservative, such figures reveal a country losing resources or funds rapidly from severe bleeding that could have changed millions of lives.

 

 

 

Looking intently at these developments, one would know that the tragedy is not merely corruption itself but the opportunities corruption destroyed.

 

 

 

Come to think of this fact that with proper governance and strategic economic planning, Nigeria could have developed a thriving SME ecosystem capable of employing millions of citizens. Instead, unemployment and underemployment have become defining realities of national life. The World Economic Forum recently identified unemployment and lack of economic opportunity as Nigeria’s greatest economic threat, yet the country continues to struggle with coherent employment data and long-term economic direction.

 

 

 

This economic suffocation explains why migration has become less of a choice and more of a survival strategy for many Nigerians.

 

 

 

At the centre of this crisis is another troubling contradiction, which is that Nigeria’s banking sector appears increasingly profitable while the real economy continues to deteriorate.

 

Ordinarily, banks in developing economies are expected to function as engines of growth by financing productive sectors, supporting innovation, and empowering small businesses. Across the world, SMEs are recognised as the backbone of grassroots economic development, and the tangible result is that they create jobs, stimulate local production, and expand economic participation.

 

 

 

In Nigeria, SMEs account for over 70 per cent of registered businesses, contribute nearly half of the country’s GDP and generate between 84 to 90 per cent of employment. Yet, despite their enormous economic importance, SMEs receive barely between 0.5 per cent and one per cent of total commercial bank lending.

 

 

 

This is not just a policy failure; it is an economic tragedy. Rather than financing entrepreneurs and productive enterprises, Nigerian banks have increasingly found comfort in investing heavily in government treasury securities. In 2025 alone, major Nigerian banks reportedly generated N6.68 trillion from total investment securities and treasury bills, benefiting from high-yield government debt instruments instead of supporting businesses capable of creating jobs.

 

 

 

The banking sector’s recapitalisation exercise, which successfully raised N4.56 trillion, was celebrated as a regulatory achievement. But the critical question remains. The recapitalisation is for what purpose?

 

 

 

 

 

If stronger banks continue to avoid the productive economy while SMEs remain starved of affordable credit, recapitalisation merely strengthens financial institutions without strengthening national development.

 

 

 

Today, private sector credit in Nigeria remains significantly low compared to many African economies. High interest rates, excessive collateral demands, weak credit infrastructure and risk-averse banking practices have created an environment where small businesses struggle to survive, and these implications are devastating.

 

Every denied SME loan is a denied employment opportunity. Every failed business is another frustrated entrepreneur. Every frustrated entrepreneur is another Nigerian considering migration.

 

 

 

This is how economic dysfunction transforms into human displacement. In a situation like this, it is noteworthy to state that South Africa naturally becomes an attractive destination because of its relatively advanced infrastructure and larger economy. Today, this has informed Nigerians and other African countries alike to migrate there, not because they hate their country but because they are searching for dignity through work and enterprise.

 

 

 

Yet, in a cruel twist, many become targets of xenophobic violence. Foreign nationals are accused of “taking jobs,” dominating businesses, and contributing to crime. Shops are attacked. Businesses are burned. Lives are lost.

 

 

 

It is not a surprise anymore that the disturbing rhetoric surrounding xenophobia has become increasingly normalised and perceived as fighting against saboteurs. Another major concern is that social media posts celebrating violence against Nigerians reveal a frightening and fearful dehumanisation of fellow Africans. This has continued to be heralded unaddressed, as some extremist anti-migrant groups now openly mobilise hostility against foreign nationals under the guise of economic nationalism.

 

 

 

Yet, as opposition leader Julius Malema rightly asked during one of the recent xenophobic debates. “After attacking foreigners and shutting down their businesses, how many jobs have actually been created?” If you are smart enough to know, it is glaring that this is a question that cuts through the emotional manipulation surrounding xenophobia, which also reflects the fact that destroying a Nigerian-owned shop does not solve unemployment, nor does killing migrants create prosperity. Violence against fellow Africans does not fix structural inequality.

 

 

 

Malema’s argument was blunt but accurate in revealing that xenophobia is not an economic strategy. It must be perceived with the right perspective as the symptom of deeper failures, poverty, inequality, weak governance, and political frustration.

 

 

 

Historically, just like other colonised African countries, South Africa itself carries deep old wounds. The legacy of apartheid left enduring economic inequalities, spatial segregation, unemployment, and psychological scars, but this should not continue to shape social tensions today. What is of concern is that the same people, like other African countries, experienced, were expected to remain forward-looking and forge ahead rather than dwell in the past.

 

 

 

It is even more pathetic that decades after the fall of apartheid, millions of Black South Africans remain trapped in poverty and exclusion; perhaps they are not to be blamed for their failures as they claimed, but the foreigners who didn’t stop them from exerting their skills become the scapegoats.

 

That frustration often seeks an outlet, and immigrants become easy scapegoats. This, however, does not excuse the brutality.

 

 

 

The stories emerging from xenophobic attacks are horrifying and very dastardly and humiliating, as African migrants have reportedly been beaten, burned alive, stoned, and hunted in communities where they once sought refuge, as two Nigerian citizens were said to have been beaten and burnt to death. To say the least, the pain becomes even more ironic when viewed against history.

 

 

 

Because Nigeria played a major role in supporting South Africa’s anti-apartheid struggle, ranging from financial assistance to diplomatic pressure, scholarships, activism, and cultural solidarity, Nigerians stood firmly with Black South Africans during some of apartheid’s darkest years, which was enough to prevent such ugly events. Nigeria did so much to the point that Nigerian students contributed financially to anti-apartheid campaigns. Nigerian musicians used music to mobilise continental resistance. Successive governments invested enormous diplomatic and material resources into the liberation struggle.

 

 

 

The children and grandchildren of those who made such sacrifices are now among those facing hostility in South Africa today.

 

 

 

History makes the tragedy even heavier. Yet, Nigeria must also confront its own failures honestly. The truth is, if Nigeria had invested half the energy it spent supporting external liberation struggles into building a functional domestic economy, perhaps millions of Nigerians would not be fleeing abroad in search of economic survival today.

 

The painful reality is that many Nigerians abroad are not economic adventurers; they are economic exiles.

 

 

 

The ugliest side of it all is that they are exiled by unemployment, exiled by corruption, and exiled by policy failures. Again, they are exiled by a system that has repeatedly failed to convert national wealth into shared prosperity but into embezzlement that still finds its resting place in a foreign account.

 

 

 

This is why solving xenophobia requires more than diplomatic protests or emotional outrage as exuded in the National Assembly by some members like Adams Oshiomhole and others. This calls for the political actors and those in the financial space to fix the conditions that force Nigerians into vulnerable migration in the first place.

 

 

 

One undeniable fact is that, as a country, Nigeria must fundamentally rethink governance and economic management as it takes into consideration the following solutions.

 

First, public accountability must become non-negotiable and should not be compromised anywhere. Corruption and resource mismanagement are critical and have robbed generations of opportunities, and these are the major traits fueling the exile. Infrastructure, industrial development, education, and healthcare must become genuine priorities rather than campaign slogans, as all these must become a reality, not a feeble promise.

 

 

 

Second, the banking sector must reconnect with the real economy. Financial institutions cannot continue generating enormous profits from government securities while productive sectors collapse. The government should hold a roundtable discussion with banks, which must be incentivized and, where necessary, compelled to increase lending to SMEs and productive industries capable of generating employment.

 

 

 

Third, there must be deliberate and conscious investment in skills, innovation, and entrepreneurship. Young Nigerians should not have to leave their homeland merely to survive because it is an aberration for a country that is enormously rich but still has some of its best hands eloping from the country.

 

 

 

Finally, African governments must reject the politics of division and scapegoating. This contradiction is at its height because Africa cannot claim to pursue continental unity while Africans are hunted in other African countries.

 

In all of the deliberation, the truth remains the same, in the sense that the story of Nigerians suffering xenophobic violence in South Africa is ultimately a story about failed systems on both sides, one on the side of economic failures pushing migrants out and the social failures turning migrants into enemies.

 

 

 

Until these structural realities are confronted with honesty and urgency, the cycle will continue. More young Nigerians will leave. More migrants will become vulnerable. More African societies will turn inward against each other.

 

But this trajectory is not irreversible. One gift that can’t be taken away from Nigerians is that Nigeria still possesses the talent, entrepreneurial energy, and human capital necessary to build a prosperous economy that gives its citizens reasons to stay rather than flee. The truth is that what has been lacking is not potential but responsible leadership and economic vision.

 

 

 

The true solution to xenophobia may therefore begin far away from the streets of Johannesburg or Durban. It may begin in Abuja, with governance that works, institutions that serve, banks that invest in people, and leadership that finally understands that national dignity is measured not by speeches but by whether citizens can build meaningful lives at home.

 

 

 

Until then, the “japa” flag will keep flying, as many Nigerians will remain exiled, not merely by borders, but by the failures of the country they still desperately want to believe in.

 

 

 

 

 

Blaise, a journalist and PR professional, writes from Lagos and can be reached via: [email protected]

 

 

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Dr Chris Okafor’s Prophetic Warning Precedes Gas Explosion in Agege Lagos

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Dr Chris Okafor’s Prophetic Warning Precedes Gas Explosion in Agege Lagos

 

 

Barely four days after the Generational Prophet and Senior Pastor of Grace Nation Global, Dr Chris Okafor, warned about a possible gas explosion, an incident involving a gas explosion reportedly occurred around the Ile-Zik Junction Agege motor road, Lagos, on Monday.

 

According to reports, no casualty was recorded from the incident, a development many members of Grace Nation attributed to prayers offered following the prophetic warning issued during the church’s midweek Prophetic, Healing, Deliverance and Solutions (PHDS) service held at the international headquarters of Grace Nation Worldwide in Ojodu Berger, Lagos.

 

During the service, Dr Okafor had cautioned Nigerians, particularly those involved in gas-related businesses, to pray and remain vigilant after disclosing that he foresaw a gas explosion affecting a business environment and nearby properties.

 

Church members described the incident as evidence of the importance of early warning, prayer, and preventive action.

 

They maintained that intercessory prayers helped avert what could have resulted in a major tragedy.

 

The cleric had earlier emphasized that divine revelations are often given to enable people pray and take precautionary measures before disasters occur.

 

He urged business owners and residents to continue observing safety standards while seeking God’s protection.

 

The incident around the Ile-Zik in Agege motor road has since renewed conversations among worshippers about the role of prayer, vigilance, and public safety awareness in preventing disasters.

 

Dr Chris Okafor’s Prophetic Warning Precedes Gas Explosion in Agege Lagos

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Governor Dauda Lawal Hails Troops for Successful Fight against Banditry, Terrorism across Zamfara State

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Governor Dauda Lawal Hails Troops for Successful Fight against Banditry, Terrorism across Zamfara State

 

Governor Dauda Lawal has commended the troops of the Joint Task Force (North West) Operation Fansan Yamma for achieving significant operational successes against bandits in Zamfara State. The troops of the Joint Task Force launched an elaborate and coordinated onslaught in the early hours of Thursday, May 7, 2026, in the Kaura Namoda and Birnin Magaji Local Government Areas of Zamfara State. Following the encounter, troops effectively neutralised three gang leaders and recovered a cache of weapons and ammunition, which included an AK-47 rifle, a machine gun, a locally fabricated handgun, seven rifle magazines and a total of 571 rounds of ammunition.

 

Governor Lawal described the renewed military offensive as timely, particularly due to the successful operation recorded on May 10, 2026, which disrupted a significant gathering of notorious terrorist leaders and neutralised several commanders. The troops acted on an intelligence report that confirmed that the terrorists had converged at a concealed location in Tumfa Village, Shinkafi Local Government Area, with the intention to coordinate attacks and criminal activities targeting innocent communities in the state. The Air Component launched a precision airstrike on the identified terrorist hideout that successfully destroyed the structure, which served as the terrorists’ meeting point. The governor further reiterates Zamfara State Government’s commitment to ongoing support and logistics for the military and other security agencies operating in the state.

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