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Ministerial List: Real Reasons Tinubu Delayed Kano, Lagos, 9 Other States

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CPPM COMMENDS ECOWAS DECISION ON NIGER REPUBLIC

Ministerial List: Real Reasons Tinubu Delayed Kano, Lagos, 9 Other States

 

The long-awaited ministerial list was on Thursday sent by President Bola Tinubu to the Senate for screening and confirmation.

 

 

 

However, the list, which came barely 24 hours before the constitutionally provided deadline contains nominees from only 25 states, excluding 11 others, among them the president’s home state, Lagos and also Kano. Others excluded from the list are Adamawa, Bayelsa, Gombe, Kebbi, Plateau, Osun, Yobe, and Zamfara.

 

 

 

Those that made the list were major members of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC), some technocrats like Professor Ali Pate (an academic and health expert); Wale Edun (an economist); and Waheed Adelabu (a banker); as well as Nyesom Wike (leader of the G-5 governors that rebelled against PDP).

 

Ministerial List: Real Reasons Tinubu Delayed Kano, Lagos, 9 Other States

 

 

Three states – Bauchi, Katsina and Cross River have two nominees. The Chief of Staff to the president, Femi Gbajabiamila told journalists last night that there is the likelihood of creating additional ministries in line with the vision of Tinubu.

 

Daily Trust reports that Tinubu who was inaugurated on May 29 had till today (Friday, July 28), to submit the list to the Senate in line with section 42(a) of the constitution, which states that “The nomination of any person to the office of a minister for confirmation by the Senate shall be done within sixty days after the date the president has taken the oath of office”.

 

The delay by the president to unveil his cabinet had heightened expectations from Nigerians, who were keenly waiting for the list of ministers that would assist the president to deliver his Renewed Hope Agenda.

 

Competent sources informed Daily Trust that high-wire politics, technocracy, party politics and compensation were among the key factors considered by the president in coming up with the list

 

Those who made it to the released list included four former governors: David Umahi (Ebonyi); Nyesom Wike (Rivers); Mohammed Badaru (Jigawa), and Nasir El-Rufai (Kaduna).

 

Other nominees are: Abubakar Momoh (Edo State); Yusuf Maitama Tuggar (Bauchi); Ahmad Dangiwa (Katsina); Hannatu Musawa (Katsina); Uche Nnaji (Enugu); Betta Edu (Cross River); Doris Uzoka (Imo); Ekperikpe Ekpo (Akwa Ibom), Nkiru Onyejiocha (Abia), Olubunmi Tunji-Ojo ( Ondo), Stella Okotete (Delta), Uju Ohaneye (Anambra), Bello Mohammed Goronyo (Sokoto), Alake (Ekiti), Lateef Fagbemi (Kwara), Mohammed Idris (Niger), Edun (Ogun), Adebayo Adelabu (Oyo), Imaan Sulaiman-Ibrahim (Nasarawa), Pate (Bauchi), Joseph Utsev (Benue), Abubakar Kyari (Borno), John Enoh (Cross River), and Sani Abubakar Danladi (Taraba).

 

Why Tinubu omitted Kano, Lagos, others

 

Daily Trust checks revealed that the omission of Kano State in the 28-man list of ministerial nominees submitted to the National Assembly on Thursday by the president may not be unconnected to the uncertainty surrounding the former governor of the state, Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, who it was gathered is the president’s favourite candidate from the North-West state.

 

It was also gathered that the post-election romance between the president and presidential candidate of NNPP, Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, and the resignation of the APC national chairman, Abdullahi Adamu, which now creates a vacuum, are factors believed to be responsible for the non-inclusion of Kano in the released ministerial list.

 

Days after Adamu resigned, it was gathered that the president was said to have tipped Ganduje to succeed him, which many believe might be the reason for his absence in the ministerial list forwarded to the National Assembly.

 

A chieftain of the party in Kano had told Daily Trust last week that they had been informed that the former governor did not make the ministerial list.

 

He said what they were told was that Ganduje would be given the opportunity to fill in the vacant position of the ruling party’s chairmanship.

 

“For us, this is even better news because as the party chairman, Baba (Ganduje) will be directly involved with not just the party but also maintain his cordial relationship with the president,” he said.

 

The permutations among party leaders in the state had however been zeroed on the fears that the recent overtures from the president to Kwankwaso, a former governor of the state, whose party now controls the state, might affect the slot(s) to be given to the state, with several of them insisting that this would negatively affect the party and would aggravate the discord in the state with the superiority battle that might follow. A source said beyond the ministerial position, Tinubu was also considering electoral value ahead of 2027.

 

“There is also the issue of the election petition tribunal. Tinubu wants strong personalities in the states, not just Kano, so that if there would be a rerun, they would deliver votes for him.”

 

The vice chairman of the APC in the state, Shehu Maigari told Daily Trust that the state has strong personalities that contributed immensely to the emergence of Tinubu as president.

 

“We have people like Ahmed Tijjani Gwarzo, a former deputy governor of the state who has been with Asiwaju since their days in ACN and who I can boldly say apart from our leader (Ganduje), no one else contributed more to the success than him. We also have Rabiu Suleiman Bichi, a former Secretary to the State Government, and also Abdulrahman Dambazau, former Minister of Interior. These are just a few among qualified persons that should be considered,” he said.

 

Working to harmonise interests in Lagos

 

In Lagos, Daily Trust learnt that political struggles and the need to harmonise interests prevented it from being represented in the 28-member ministerial list even though Lagos-based politicians were well-represented.

 

Both Dele Alake and Wale Edun have their political base in Lagos and are known foot soldiers of Tinubu, who served in his cabinet when he was the governor of the state.

 

However, there are rumours that Tinubu, who has maintained a stronghold of the state since he became governor in 1999, is considering his former Chief of Staff, Babatunde Fashola; Lagos East Senator, Tokunbo Abiru and former Lagos State governor, Akinwunmi Ambode as potential nominees from the state. The National Youth leader of the party, Dayo Israel is also said to be eyeing a ministerial slot.

 

Similarly, it was learnt that Tinubu is yet to settle for anybody in Bayelsa, owing to the struggle in the state. Political gladiators in the state are said to be scheming for the exalted position.

 

Former President Goodluck Jonathan, recently, denied any involvement in nominating a ministerial nominee from the state.

 

While Cross River had two nominees- APC national woman leader, Dr. Betty Edu, and Senator John Owan-Eno, the omission of the former governor, Ben Ayade is said to be unsettling politicians in the state.

 

Slot between Lawan, Machina in Yobe

 

In Yobe, our correspondent gathered the names of former Senate President Ahmad Lawan and Bashir Sheriff Machina are being mentioned.

 

While Lawan had lost out to Tinubu during the primary election of the APC, he also had a legal battle with Machina over the Yobe North senatorial seat ticket.

 

We’ll certainly have our preferred choice – Kebbi

 

Elsewhere, officials in Kebbi State said they were certain the best would be chosen as minister to represent them.

 

The Special Adviser to Governor Nasiru Idris on Political Affairs, Alhaji Kabiru Sani Giant said Kebbi had contributed immensely to the success of Mr. President in the presidential election.

 

“He will surely appoint a minister from Kebbi State like he has done in other states but is yet to exhaust his list”, he said.

 

On whether the face-off between Senator Adamu Aliero and former governor Abubakar Atiku Bagudu might be responsible for why there is no ministerial nominee yet from Kebbi, Alhaji Giant said Aliero has no power to stop or influence the president on the choice of who is to be appointed as minister in Kebbi State. Before now, two former governors of the state, Abubakar Atiku Bagudu and Sa’idu Nasamu Dakingari were being touted for the ministerial position in the state.

 

It was believed that Bagudu by virtue of his position as former APC Governors Forum and being the chairman of the convention where Tinubu emerged the APC presidential flag bearer has a better chance without prejudice to Dakingari who was the director general for the governorship campaign in the state.

 

Daily Trust gathered that unresolved permutations resulted in a delay in announcing a ministerial nominee from Gombe State by President Tinubu.

 

Last minute politics ‘robbed’ Gombe in first list

 

A chieftain of the APC in the state, who craves anonymity, said President Tinubu had earlier settled for his associate, a Kaduna-based businessman, Alhaji Umar Abdullahi.

 

According to him, Abdullahi, popularly known as ‘Umaru Dan Adda,’ is a long-time associate of the president and participated in the 2023 presidential campaign that brought Tinubu to power.

 

He was a one-time staff of the New Nigeria Development Company (NNDC) and served as board member for several parastatals after his retirement.

 

However, another contender for the ministerial seat, Abubakar Inuwa Kari, the immediate past Chief of Staff to Governor Inuwa Yahaya and ally to President Tinubu, also pushed harder for the seat.

 

He was one of the returning officers of Tinubu during the APC’s Presidential election. He was not reappointed as chief of staff by Governor Yahaya in anticipation of his likely nomination as a ministerial nominee.

 

Also, a heavy-weight politician, Jamilu Isyaku Gwamna was contending to get the ministerial slot for Gombe to represent the state at the Federal Executive Council. Gwamna was a gubernatorial aspirant under the PDP, but returned to APC, after he lost the party’s ticket and contributed immensely towards the victory of the party. According to the source, the failure to reconcile and pick one from the three contenders made it impossible for a ministerial nominee from the state to be in the first batch unveiled by Senate President Godswill Akpabio yesterday.

 

In Plateau, pundits have expressed surprise that immediate past governor, Simon Lalong, was not named among the list. They were equally surprised that Plateau was excluded from the first list even though Lalong served as Tinubu’s Presidential Campaign Director General.

 

Daily Trust gathered that the state had earlier submitted three names, including Lalong, the current APC chairman in the state, Rufus Bature and Prof. Dakas C. Dakas. But pundits say the non-inclusion of Plateau on the list may not be unconnected with the pending suit instituted by Lalong and the APC.

 

Senate to commence screening Monday – Spokesperson

 

The Chairman of the Senate Committee on Media and Public Affairs, Senator Yemi Adaramodu (APC, Ekiti) said the screening of the ministerial nominees will commence on Monday.

 

Briefing journalists after yesterday’s plenary, Adaramodu assured that the nominees would be thoroughly grilled.

 

He said, “This time around, the Senate will examine the character, background and achievement of all nominees, and Nigerians will not be disappointed with the 10th Senate.

 

“It is until they come forward with their resume because it won’t be a shadow screening where you have a good resume and you don’t have a good character. They must have good character,” he said.

 

New ministries on the way

 

Gbajabiamila while fielding questions from State House reporters after the ministerial list was submitted to the National Assembly, said “Mr President intends to separate portfolios or restructure the ministries in such a way you might be hearing of new ministries that were not standalone ministries before. So, the process continues.”

 

He said a second part comprising 13 names would be sent to the Senate, adding that this was part of the process of having a cabinet for the administration.

 

“As you know, he had 60 days from the time of inauguration, as stipulated in the constitution. He has fulfilled that requirement of the constitution by submitting 28 names today.

 

“As his letter stated, and was read on the floor of the Senate, the remaining names, not sure how many, probably about 12, maybe 13, will be forwarded to the Senate in the coming days.

 

“As far as the nominees themselves are concerned, and like I said, Mr President took his time to sift through those names,” he said.

 

He also said the president decided to toe the line of tradition by not attaching the portfolio of the nominees in the letter to the senate in order to give room for reviews.

 

“As good as that sounds, it straitjackets the president to pigeonhole one person in an office or the other. What happens then if you change your mind, do you then bring the person back for screening again, because the president is at liberty to change your mind.

 

“For instance, if I decide I want somebody as minister of labour, and then after sending the name, later on, I decide that this person would actually be better with another portfolio. And meanwhile, the Senate has screened that person for that particular initial portfolio?

 

“What happens then? Do you now re-screen the person? So, a lot of these things have their merits and demerits,” the Chief of Staff said

Politics

2027 BATTLE: How Much Nigeria Can Save, Invest In Infrastructure By Rotating Power Among Six Geo-political Zones For A Single Term Of Five Or Six Years

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2027 BATTLE: How Much Nigeria Can Save, Invest In Infrastructure By Rotating Power Among Six Geo-political Zones For A Single Term Of Five Or Six Years

As a Southernern, particularly from the South East Geo-Political Zone, I believe the most potent argument for us in 2027 is that the North/South zoning arrangement of political power at the center is a scam. It’s a scam because it has only benefitted the South West and the North West geo-political zones since the return of ‘democracy’ (civil rule) in Nigeria on May 29, 1999. Nigeria, it must be clarified has six geo-political zones, not two.

Nigeria was divided into six geo-political zones in 1996 by the military government of General Sanni Abacha. This new zoning arrangement was a brainchild of the 1994/1995 Constitutional Conference chaired by the late Justice Adolphus Karibi-Whyte and empaneled by General Sanni Abacha.

At that Conference, no less a person than former Vice President Chief Alex Ekwueme and a group called Mkpoko Igbo proposed that since Nigeria will now be divided into six geo-political zones, to give all zones a sense of belonging within the Nigerian State, that power at the center should rotate among the six geo-political zones for a single term of five or six years. In their thinking, if power was rotated among the six geo-political zones for a single term of five or six years, within 30 years or 36 years, all six zones would have had one of their own leading Nigeria, particularly, from their first 11 (primus inter pares). The North and the South West delegations at that conference pooh-poohed Chief Alex Ekwueme and summarily shut down that all-important proposal. The rest they say is history.

More than 30 years later, there is yet no national peace, national cohesion, national political stability, national unity, and national loyalty to the Nigerian State. Had the proposal of Chief Alex Ekwueme and Mkpoko Igbo been adopted and implemented since 1999, at least, the 5th Geo-Political Zone would have had one of their own in Aso Villa today, and by 2035, the last geo-political zone would have being sending us one of their own to contest the Presidency across Nigeria’s current 18 political parties. This mathematics is if we had gone with a single term of six years (the maximum limit) as proposed by Dr. Ekwueme and the South East and South South delegates in that 1994/1995 Constitutional Conference.

Fast forward to today, in his recent Arise TV interview, and in some other public and private fora, H.E. Atiku Abubakar asked for Dr. Ekwueme’s forgiveness as he was among key Northern delegates in that Constitutional Conference from the Shehu Musa Yar’Adua group that opposed the rotational presidency among Nigeria’s geo-political zones. Waziri Adamawa had disclosed that he even apologized to Alex Ekwueme when he visited Oko, Anambra State, to pay homage to the former late vice president sometime in 2017/2018.

By and large, for 2027, I believe that the most potent argument that will sell in the South East is that the North East where Waziri Adamawa hails from, just like the South East (our region), had also been marginalized in the scheme of things in Nigeria. Aside from Alhaji Tafawa Balewa from Bauchi State (North East), nobody from the region/zone has been head of national government, head of state, or even president since 1966.

So, H.E. Atiku Abubakar is right in contesting the Presidential election billed for January 16, 2027, to right this wrong, and return Nigeria’s presidency to an equitable distribution of power at the center. When elected, and it’s entrenched in the Nigerian 1999 Constitution (as amended), that power rotates among the six geo-political zones for a single term of five or six years, this new formula will bring about national peace, national cohesion, national unity, and tremendously commandeer national loyalty among Nigerians from across the six geo-political zones for their beloved country, the Nigerian State.

As a budding political scientist of repute and ardent student of contemporary Nigerian history and politics, let me tell us what this formular would do for the Nigerian State. The battle for the soul of the Nigerian State will be ferocious at the zonal level, while the center will become unattractive. So, let’s say it is the turn of the North East Geo-Political Zone to produce the Presidency in 2027, the battle to gift Nigerians their First 11 (primus inter pares) will be ferocious across the States in the region. The people of Adamawa, Bauchi, Borno, Gombe, Taraba, and Yobe will now be more interested in partisan politics, thus being proactive participants within the current 18 political parties in Nigeria.

Giving Nigeria’s configurations and peculiarities, one of the positives of this political proactiveness is that it’s a win-win situation for the entire region if a man from Adamawa becomes President of Nigeria in 2027. The people from Yobe, Borno, Taraba, Gombe, and Bauchi will be largely happy, contented, hold their peace, love Nigeria better, and be more loyal to the Nigerian State because one of their own is now the GCFR, the primus inter pares, and the No. 1 Citizen of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. The steep insecurity that has ravaged the North East Geo-Political Zone since 2009, largely owing to perceived agelong marginalisation, oppression, injustices, would largely die down.

This will be the same case for the South East Geo-Political Zone. Biafra secessionist agitations, IPOB, ESN led by Nnamdi Kanu, will die a natural death. Justice and equity for all breeds contentment among men, and contentment among men births peace, unity, commandeers loyalty, and tremendously brings about prosperity. I stand to be challenged on this self-evident truth on any national television station.

When it is the turn of another region to produce the Presidency, after the North East has had their turn, all political parties in Nigeria must constitutionally present a Presidential candidate from the region whose turn it is to produce the presidency for a single term of six years. This rotational presidency formula must be entrenched in Nigeria’s 1999 Constitution (as amended) by May 29, 2027.

I avow that rotational presidency among Nigeria’s six geo-political zones for a single term of five or six years is the best political science solution to the agelong hydra-headed problem of Nigeria, especially in the guise of disunity, unpeaceful, and disloyalty problems among Nigerian citizens. Doing this will also largely curtail the executive rascalities, legislative rascalities, and judicial rascalities currently being perpetrated by the Bola Ahmed Tinubu led Executive arm; the Godswill Akpabio led Legislative arm; and the CJN Kudirat Motonmori Olatokunbo Kekere-Ekun led Judiciary arm.

The over desperation of getting re-elected for a second term in office, as shown today by Bola Tinubu, will be eraced for future Nigerian Presidents. The humongous money and depletion of Nigeria’s national treasury just for seeking re-election at all cost, and conducting elections will also be erased.

The Highfalutin, Draining Cost Of Conducting Elections In Nigeria?

For the 2023 general election, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) proposed N305 billion in May 2022, which was a 62 percent increase over the 2019 budget. Ultimately, the National Assembly approved N355 billion for the exercise, though the commission spent N313.4 billion as of September 2023.

For the 2027 general election, INEC Chairman Prof. Joash Amupitan proposed a total budget of N873.78 billion to the National Assembly in February 2026. This proposal includes N375.75 billion for election operations, N209.21 billion for technology, and N92.31 billion for administrative costs. The Bola Ahmed Tinubu led APC regime had previously allocated N1.01 trillion to INEC in the 2026 budget presented in January 2026.

Ladies and gentlemen, INEC’s election budget ballooned from N355 billion in 2023 to a whopping N873.78 billion for a re-election season in 2027? This is approximately a percentage increase of 146.13%. This is unacceptable, opprobrious, and insalubrious.

If we entrench in the Nigerian 1999 Constitution (as amended), zoning the presidency among the six geo-political zones for a single term of five or six years, this proposed N873.78 billion to coduct the 2027 re-election season would have been eliminated.

What Can N873.78 billion Do For Nigerians In Terms Of Infrastructural Developmental Projects?

If hypothetically redirected or matched in scale for infrastructure development, N873.78 billion could significantly advance Nigeria’s infrastructure across key sectors:

1. Roads and Transportation: This amount could fund the rehabilitation of over 10,000 kilometers (6213.712 miles) of rural and urban roads, especially when combined with technical support from institutions like the World Bank’s RAAMP-SU project.

It could complete critical projects like the Lagos-Ibadan Expressway or support the Lagos-Calabar Coastal Highway, enhancing regional connectivity and trade.

2. Railway Development: Based on past projects, N873 billion could finance a new 600–800 km (373-497 miles) standard gauge rail line, similar to the Abuja-Kaduna or Lagos-Ibadan lines, which were partially funded by Chinese loans.

Rail expansion would boost freight movement, reduce road congestion, and create thousands of jobs.

3. Power and Energy: The sum could support renewable energy projects, such as solar mini-grids for 10,000 rural communities, or fund transmission infrastructure to reduce power losses.

For context, Power Africa facilitated $63 million in renewable energy investments over 26 months—N873 billion could scale such efforts dramatically.

4. Water and Sanitation: Funds could build or upgrade water treatment plants, boreholes, and sanitation systems in underserved urban and rural areas, improving public health and reducing waterborne diseases.

5. Agricultural Infrastructure: The NSIA’s Multipurpose Industrial Platform Ltd (MIPL) in Akwa Ibom, including an ammonia and fertilizer plant, is a multi-billion-dollar project. N873 billion could fund multiple such agro-industrial hubs, boosting food security and reducing import dependence.

Analyzing The Current Infrastructure Spending In Nigeria In Relation To N873.78 Billion?

For comparison, Nigeria’s actual infrastructure allocations are much lower than the humongous money INEC is proposing to conduct the shaky 2027 general elections in Nigeria.

The 2025 Federal Budget allocated ₦4.06 trillion ($2.7 billion) for infrastructure—about 7.4% of total spending.
The National Integrated Infrastructure Master Plan (NIIMP) aims to raise infrastructure stock to 70% of GDP by 2043, requiring $100 billion annually—far above current spending levels.

Pension funds invested ₦262.57 billion in infrastructure in the first 10 months of 2025. This is below N873.78 billion being earmarked for the 2027 elections.

Without mincing words, let me aver that the N873.78 billion could transform infrastructural developmental projects in Nigeria, But the fact that this amount is proposed for elections, not infrastructural developmental projects, highlights a mismatch between public needs and government spending priorities in Nigeria, especially under the disastrous APC regime of Bola Tinubu.

Conclusion

While N873.78 billion is earmarked for elections, its scale underscores what Nigeria could achieve in infrastructure if similar resources were consistently invested. Redirecting even a fraction of election budgets toward roads, power, rail, water, and agriculture could accelerate economic growth, create jobs, and improve quality of life in Nigeria. However, transparency, accountability, and long-term planning are essential to ensure such investments yield lasting benefits.

Finally, ladies and gentlemen, let’s consider the substantial ingredients of this political seminal and fix this mess of power rotation at the center among Nigeria’s six geo-political zones for a single term of five or six years. Let’s stop wasting scarce resources in Nigeria conducting re-elections at the center and across state levels. Let’s stop wasting everybody’s time in Nigeria.

Ikenna Asomba is a political scientist and journalist. He writes from the State of Illinois, United States.

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2027 BOMBSHELL: Dismantling The Myth Around Kwankwaso’s So-Called Electoral Dominance In Kano

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2027 BOMBSHELL: Dismantling The Myth Around Kwankwaso’s So-Called Electoral Dominance In Kano

2027 BOMBSHELL: Dismantling The Myth Around Kwankwaso’s So-Called Electoral Dominance In Kano

As political permutations ahead of the 2027 presidential election gather momentum, there is a growing attempt by supporters of Alhaji Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso and elements within the Kwankwasiyya Movement to rewrite history by claiming that Kwankwaso was solely responsible for delivering massive votes to late President Muhammadu Buhari in Kano during previous elections.
But historical electoral records tell a completely different story.
For years, Muhammadu Buhari enjoyed a cult-like political following across Kano and the wider Arewa North long before any alliance with Kwankwaso emerged. The numbers consistently show that Buhari’s popularity in Kano was deeply personal and independent of Kwankwaso’s political structure.
Consider the facts:
• In 2003, Buhari secured over 1.6 million votes in Kano despite Kwankwaso serving as governor under the PDP. Kwankwaso failed to deliver Kano to President Olusegun Obasanjo.
• In 2007, Buhari again polled about 1 million votes in Kano, while Kwankwaso could not swing the state for Umaru Musa Yar’Adua and the PDP.
• In 2011, Buhari received about 1.6 million votes in Kano even with then-Governor Ibrahim Shekarau also commanding influence in the state. Ironically, Kwankwaso himself benefited from Buhari’s grassroots popularity while reclaiming the governorship.
• In 2019, Buhari secured about 1.4 million votes in Kano, yet Kwankwaso failed to deliver the state for Atiku Abubakar and the PDP. His political camp also lost all senatorial seats and struggled badly in House of Representatives contests.
• In 2023, Kwankwaso contested as a presidential candidate but failed to reach the symbolic 1 million-vote mark in Kano, polling 997,279 votes in his supposed political stronghold.
2027 BOMBSHELL: Dismantling The Myth Around Kwankwaso’s So-Called Electoral Dominance In Kano
These realities raise serious questions about the repeated claim that Kwankwaso “delivered” 1.9 million votes to Buhari in 2015. The evidence instead suggests that Kwankwaso rode on Buhari’s unmatched northern popularity to strengthen his own political relevance.
History has consistently shown that Kano voters separate presidential politics from local political alliances. Buhari’s electoral strength predated Kwankwaso and survived multiple political realignments.
This is why many political observers believe Peter Obi and sections of the Obidient Movement may be overestimating Kwankwaso’s actual electoral influence ahead of 2027. Similar calculations failed for Obasanjo, Yar’Adua, Jonathan, and Atiku in previous election cycles.
Political noise on social media does not always translate to electoral dominance at the ballot box.
As 2027 approaches, Nigerians will once again witness whether Kwankwaso truly commands independent electoral machinery capable of determining presidential outcomes in Kano and the wider North, or whether his perceived influence has been exaggerated over the years.
By the time the ballots are counted, the difference between online propaganda and political reality may become clearer than ever before.
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I am fully ready for the 2027 general elections”-  ADP, presidential aspirant, Prof. Omolaja, declares

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I am fully ready for the 2027 general elections"-  ADP, presidential aspirant, Prof. Omolaja, declares. By Comrade Samson Ajibade Alabi, NLP Media Director

I am fully ready for the 2027 general elections”-  ADP, presidential aspirant, Prof. Omolaja, declares.

By Comrade Samson Ajibade Alabi, NLP Media Director

 

 

A presidential aspirant under the Action Democratic Party (ADP), Prof  Muhammad Omolaja, has said that he is fully ready for the 2027 general elections especially the presidential contest.

Prof. Omolaja who disclosed this in an exclusive interview with pressmen in Abuja on Tuesday, May 12, 2026, said he has done his consultations with leaders of the Party, boasting that he is the next president of Nigeria by the grace of God.

He submitted that he has won the heart of the people at the grassroots across all the States and geopolitical zones including the federal capital territory (FCT); and convinced them about his clear vision and mission for Nigeria.

According to him, Nigerians are tired of the APC government and ready to vote them out in favour of his Party; the ADP!

Prof. Omolaja added that ADP is the only Party that can liberate Nigeria and rescue the citizens from the prevailing insecurity and other challenges facing the country.

 

I am fully ready for the 2027 general elections"-  ADP, presidential aspirant, Prof. Omolaja, declares.
By Comrade Samson Ajibade Alabi, NLP Media Director

The presidential aspirant said “you are asking me if I am ready for the 2027 general elections or not, I hereby inform you categorically that I am fully ready for the election; we have done what to be done, we have systematically carried Nigerians along in our preparations especially the people at the grassroots; and we have let them know that ADP is the only credible alternative Party that can liberate them from all the challenges the country is facing under the prevailing APC government. I am confident that I will get the ticket of our great Party being the leading contestant, and win the upcoming 2027 presidential election by the special grace of the Almighty God”

He therefore urged Nigerians to rally support for him and his Party (ADP) at the polls in the spirit of peace, love, unity, and patriotism in Nigeria.

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