Nigeria Under Siege: The Tyranny of Tinubu, Wike & Akpabio (Opinion) 

By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by SaharaWeeklyNG.com

Nigeria, once a beacon of federalism and popular sovereignty in post-colonial Africa, is now in the throes of political tyranny dressed in democratic garb. The core ideals upon which the republic was built (separation of powers, representative governance and respect for the people’s mandate) are being dismantled by an unholy trium-virate led by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, Senate President Godswill Akpabio and FCT Minister Nyesom Wike. These three men have arrogated to themselves the powers of gods over Nigeria’s democratic structures. Their coordinated assaults on constitutional order have turned our democratic institutions into empty vessels echoing only the whims of political overlords.

The suspension of Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan is a glaring example of how dissent is punished and whistle-blowers are silenced. A sitting female senator, representing Kogi Central, courageously alleged sexual harassment against Senate President Akpabio; accusing him of making improper advances and suggesting that her legislative motion would only be considered if she “took care” of him. Days later, under the pretense of unrelated “unruly behavior,” she was suspended without pay for six months and stripped of her committee chairmanship. This was no coincidence; it was calculated political retribution. Women’s rights groups across Nigeria (mobilized under the banner “We Are All Natasha”) condemned the Senate’s actions as an assault on gender equity and democratic voice. Her fate was not decided by her peers or due process; it was enforced by Akpabio and his loyalists to send a message: dissent will be punished.

That same authoritarian template unfolded in Rivers State in March 2025. Under a dubious emergency declaration, President Tinubu suspended Governor Siminalayi Fubara, his deputy Ngozi Odu and the entire Rivers State House of Assembly. He then installed a retired naval officer, Vice Admiral Ibok-Ete Ibas (rtd), as the state’s sole administrator. It was only the third time such a radical measure had been used since 1999 and its timing was suspect. Ostensibly a response to pipeline vandalism and political infighting, it was widely seen as a power grab engineered by Tinubu and Wike to neutralize a defiant governor who refused to become another puppet in Abuja’s gallery.

Civil society icon Celestine Akpobari likened the move to “using a sledgehammer to kill a mosquito,” condemning it as unconstitutional and vindictive. The Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) joined the chorus of legal voices, stating unequivocally that emergency rule does not justify the removal of elected officials. But the Tinubu government, backed by Akpabio’s Senate, bulldozed ahead; reportedly aided by Wike, who allegedly funneled over $3 million in bribes to senators to support the declaration. Key senators were wined and dined in covert meetings and Iftar sessions, where dollars reportedly flowed in exchange for silence or support. To avoid scrutiny, debate on the President’s emergency letter was delayed until attendance was low; ensuring minimum resistance and maximum control.

Fubara, cornered and politically isolated, was coerced into a Faustian bargain. Tinubu reportedly agreed to reinstate him on the condition that he abandon any plans to run for re¬election in 2027 and hand over control of all 23 local government chairmanships to Wike. It was less a political compromise than a surrender of democratic legitimacy. Wike later bragged publicly, saying: “I wanted the outright removal of Governor Fubara… The president saved Fubara… people should be praising him.” His statement, laced with arrogance, exemplified the disdain this ruling clique has for democratic norms.

The Lagos State Assembly saga added another layer to the crisis. In January 2025, lawmakers impeached Speaker Mudashiru Obasa for alleged abuse of office and replaced him with Mojisola Meranda; Lagos’s first female speaker. Yet, within 49 days, Meranda was forced to resign and Obasa was reinstated, not through legislative consensus but by presidential order. Tinubu summoned the lawmakers to Abuja, overrode a reconciliation panel’s recommendations and reinstalled his loyalist. The president even directed Obasa to drop his lawsuit, showcasing the executive’s total control over supposedly autonomous legislative processes. Even within the APC, members of the Governance Advisory Council expressed discomfort, underscoring the lack of transparency and due process.

In Edo State, the 2024 gubernatorial election was presented to Nigerians as a legitimate victory for Monday Okpebholo of the APC, who defeated PDP’s Asue Ighodalo by roughly 44,000 votes. The result, though legally affirmed by INEC and the Election Tribunal, was tainted by widespread reports of primary coercion, imposed delegates and predetermined outcomes. Local voices decried the election not as a product of popular will but as a coronation engineered in Abuja, with Tinubu and Wike reportedly influencing the internal party process to ensure their loyalist emerged. Edo’s political landscape was shaped not by the people but by the dictates of political godfathers.

When these events are viewed collectively, a clear and disturbing pattern emerges: a SYSTEMIC SUBVERSION of DEMOCRACY through EXECUTIVE OVERREACH, LEGISLATIVE BULLYING, ELECTORAL MANIPULATION and TARGETED INTIMIDATION.

Akpabio’s Senate serves less as a check on the executive and more as an enforcement arm of Tinubu’s whims. Rivers State was effectively under a political siege, reduced to a bargaining chip between a federal president and his power-hungry minister. Lagos lawmakers were reduced to pawns, their votes overridden by a presidential edict. Edo’s democratic future was hijacked at the primary level by a script written far from Benin City.

This is not the vision Nigeria’s constitution upholds. This is not the democracy Nigerians voted for. What we are witnessing is the enthronement of a de facto monarchy; a triumvirate where Tinubu, Wike and Akpabio assume the roles of EMPEROR, ENFORCER and PRIEST. Together, they are eroding the sanctity of our institutions and silencing voices that dare speak truth to power.

The fallout is far-reaching. Prominent voices have raised the alarm. Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan courageously declared: “This was orchestrated to silence my voice… That action is an assault on democracy. I am not apologising for speaking my truth.” Civil society actors have warned that Nigeria is descending into authoritarianism masked by constitutional rhetoric. Dele Olojede, a Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist, aptly captured the crisis: “We are casually getting rid of the entire state government and overriding the will of the electorate.” The Nigerian Bar Association has warned that the misuse of emergency powers could spark a constitutional crisis.

To borrow the unflinching words of Thomas Jefferson: “When the people fear the government, there is tyranny; when the government fears the people, there is liberty.” Nigerians today are ruled by a political caste that no longer fears accountability. This triumvirate of Tinubu, Wike and Akpabio has made tyranny fashionable by dressing it in agbada and wrapping it in the language of democracy. At this perilous juncture, reclaiming the republic is not merely a political duty; it is a moral and generational imperative. Civil society must RISE. Religious leaders must SPEAK. The youth must ORGANIZE. The opposition must RESIST. We must collectively reject a political order in which the will of three men overrides the voice of 200 million citizens.

Power belongs not to a cabal of self-declared gods but to the people. If democracy is to survive in Nigeria, she must be wrestled back from those who would rule by decree, not by consent. This is not a time for timid appeals or polite protests. This is the time for uncompromising patriotism and unwavering resistance.

The republic is under siege. It is time to reclaim it.

Written by George Omagbemi Sylvester
Published by SaharaWeeklyNG.com