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‘No woman wants to stay with my disabled condition’ + How Nigerian doctors made me unable to walk again – Gani Fawehinmi’s son, Mohammed laments
Mohammed Fawehinmi is the first child of late legal luminary, Chief Gani Fawehinmi. After a car accident in 2003, the 47-year-old lost his ability to walk. He told Eric Dumo how the incident changed his life and how he has managed to keep hope alive.
What was it like growing up under the roof of Gani Fawehinmi?
It was like growing up in a military camp. He gave the order and you must comply. You failed to do so and you got thoroughly punished. I particularly have been displaced with any sort of rod that you can imagine. Until the anger in him calmed, he would not stop punishing you. The only time you would offend my father and he let you walk away was whenever he sighted his mother. No matter your offence, he would not punish you once she was there.
Being the first child, my father made sure he disciplined me the most.
Did he groom you differently from the others being the first child and son?
Yes, he did. He’d always tell me that once he was gone, the mantle would fall on me. For the fact that I was very young then, I would always wonder what he was saying. But he never allowed me to rest; he ensured that I did more than the others in every aspect just because I was the first born. He groomed me like a man even as a boy.
What dreams did you nurse as a child?
I wanted to become an army general. I had three uncles in the army. Two of them were captains while one was a major. I loved the uniform and personality of military men, being like them was just what I wanted for myself.
When I was 14, we were given forms in school for the Nigerian Defence Academy. I hurriedly filled mine and took it to my father for him to sign; I never knew I had courted trouble. Till he died, I don’t think he had ever been that angry. He said I wanted to go and join the people that were throwing him in jail all the time. He said I wanted to join those who wanted to kill him. He said that it was better he killed me before I joined his enemies.
It took four senior lawyers to hold him down that day. One of them was OAR Ogunde, a senior advocate, Mr. Tayo Oyetibo, Mike Philips and one other person. I had to run away from the scene as fast as I could and managed to jump the fence before tearing the form. I thought he had forgotten about everything but I was surprised when he woke me up with the cane at about 2:30am the next morning. He dealt with me thoroughly that day.
Later in life, I wanted to become a business administrator even though the desire to become a military man never left me. When I went to England to study law after my first degree in Business Administration from the University of Lagos, I met a military general who further aroused my interest in the profession.
But immediately I finished my studies, my father was on my neck to return to Nigeria to attend law school. For a while, that interest waned in me but whenever I come across a military cantonment and I see the way the officers move, I feel like being a part of them.
You were not born with disability; at what point did this challenge occur?
I was coming from the chambers at night on the evening of September 23, 2003. The accident happened around 9:48pm. I used to stay at Ajao Estate then and I usually took the airport route to connect Ikeja. It was a Mercedes E320. By the time I got to the toll gate, I bought call card and prayed, something I had never done before because when I was at that place, I didn’t usually stop. I thereafter turned to link the express, as I approached a popular filling station on the axis, my car skidded off the road and leaped into the place. As the car landed, I tried to apply the brakes but it wasn’t responding. Eventually, the outlet where they used to check for petrol gauge stopped the vehicle. The airbag from the front came out and pinned me to the seat while the one from the side shifted me and broke my neck. After about one-and-a-half minute of struggle to burst the airbag, my entire body went numb. It was a naval officer who stopped to rescue me from the car, otherwise I could have been burnt alive in it because petrol was already spilling from it.
The first hospital I was rushed to at Ajao Estate said they could not handle my case, so I was taken to Maryland Specialist Hospital where we were advised to go to the National Orthopaedic Hospital, Igbobi. It was while I was there that my parents were informed that I had been involved in an accident. I was there for about two days before my father secured a visa and moved me to England for further treatment.
I underwent several scans and examinations over there but the specialist surgeon said he didn’t see anything. I had to be operated upon. After the operation, the surgeon said I could have been walking the following week after the accident if not for the way I was handled at the hospital in Nigeria. He said the particular spot where the injury occurred should have been frozen with a special spray after the accident rather than being handled anyhow. That spray cost about N8,000 when converted to our local currency. It is so common abroad but up till now, many hospitals don’t even have it in Nigeria.
However, I was told that by 2006 I should have been walking. That year, I went for check-up in Isreal where they removed my bone marrows to go and inject in Turkey. After that procedure, my legs and hands jerked as if they wanted to detach themselves from my body. But since that time, I have not seen any sign of walking. I have been to several places since then for solution but there has been no significant luck.
So, how tough was it for you adjusting to your new situation?
I look at my ordeal as part of life’s ‘buffet’, just like it served my late father on several occasions. I feel I’m in a mini detention centre at the moment, but then, I’m positive that one day, I’ll be free.
But I’m glad that I have been able to practise as a trained lawyer despite the tragedy that I’ve encountered in life.
Are you able to access all the courts your cases are assigned following your inability to walk?
This is where I am not happy with government in Nigeria. In all the courts in Lagos, there is nowhere that lifts are functioning. On several occasions, my cases are assigned to courts on top floors, so I have to be carried by at least two people to be able to attend such sessions. It shouldn’t be this way.
Personally, I have written several letters to the Lagos State Government to call their attention to this but nothing has been done. I am really saddened by this because it is really affecting people like me.
Apart from not being able to move around freely, what other areas would you say the accident of 2003 has changed your life?
I am a man who was trained to work through the night. This accident has affected me in this regard because I am not able to do that now. The pain I go through at night is too severe for me to even think of doing such.
Also, the number of cases I’m able to handle in a day and week has reduced. This is a very painful restraint for me because I am somebody who loves to multi-task.
The accident has also affected my social life. I am somebody who loves to go out and have great times with friends but since this restriction occurred, I have been forced to abandon that aspect. But once in a while, I go out to eat ‘isi ewu’ and ‘nkwobi’.
You are yet to marry, what is the reason behind this? Is it that you’ve not found the right woman or your taste is high?
I certainly wish to marry and have children but then, there are so many things responsible for why I’m yet to do so.
I was around 32 when I had that accident and I already had a lady I wanted to marry. She was a very beautiful Igbo lady I met close to my father’s chambers. Even after the accident happened, she still wanted to stay with me; I was the one who advised her to move on because she may not be able to cope with the demands of my new condition. I couldn’t do anything on my own but depended on the help of others to survive. I didn’t want that huge burden on her, so I told her to move on and get herself another man. I was just being considerate. The lady went away disappointed.
I just felt that I shouldn’t bother any woman with my condition. I didn’t want anybody to marry me out of pity. Even though I always have females around me, it is not every woman that can stay with a person with disability of my kind. Most of the women I have met in recent times are not the ones that can stay with a man, they are the type who would want to attend parties and keep all sorts of friends instead of looking after me. Of course, a few have come close to what I want but the temperament is nothing to write home about.
Is there no pressure on you to marry from family members?
In fact, words can’t describe the intensity of the pressure on me right now as far as marriage is concerned. My mother and uncles disturb me about this topic almost every day. But what they don’t understand is that most women I have met hardly want to commit themselves after the initial meeting because of my condition. As it is, I am just praying that there’ll be a miracle from God in this aspect.
I am very optimistic that one day, I am going to walk again but then I’ll be glad if it will be to walk down the aisle with my soulmate. I really want to marry and have children. I think about this every day.
As successful as you are as a lawyer and even coupled with your father’s name, do people still stigmatise you?
A lot of people treat me like a leper on many occasions as a result of my condition. People say all sorts of nasty things to me and call me all sorts of names. But because I know that those words cannot limit my progress in life, I just ignore such.
What are some of the biggest barriers you’ve had to break to get to where you are today?
At every point in my journey, I’ve had to convince people with my performance that I can still achieve a lot despite my disability. Getting my chamber registered and even handling big cases have been huge barriers I’ve had to surmount to get to this point in my career.
Would you say your father’s name has opened or closed more doors against you?
It’s a balance. Some people appreciate me for being his son, while others stylishly turn me down for being his child.
Are you sometimes under pressure to fill the vacuum left behind by your father being his first child?
I am perpetually under pressure to fill the void left by my father. As a result of who my father was, there are certain things I must not be involved in. In fact, there are things I must make my own business whether I like it or not. It is a huge role to play and sometimes, I feel the heat.
How do you think government can make life better for people living with disabilities in Nigeria?
They must first of all do an in-depth study on the needs of the people in this category. It is only through this means that a comprehensive policy that would cater for the needs of people with special needs can be addressed.
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The APC Primaries: Winners And Losers, Sportsmanship And Democracy As The Ultimate Winner
By Prince Adeyemi Shonibare
Public Affairs Analyst and Media Consultant.
Politics, like sports, produces winners and losers. Every competition cannot end with everyone carrying home a trophy, and every election cannot produce multiple winners for a single office.
At the conclusion of every democratic contest, there will be celebrations in some camps and disappointment in others.
What ultimately distinguishes a mature democracy is not the absence of defeat, controversy or disagreement, but the capacity of participants to display sportsmanship, accept outcomes with dignity, pursue legitimate grievances through lawful channels and place the collective interest of democracy above personal ambitions.
The recently concluded primaries of the All Progressives Congress (APC) have once again demonstrated both the beauty and complexity of democratic politics. Across Nigeria’s 8,809 wards, millions of party members participated in one of the most expensive and extensive internal democratic exercises ever undertaken by a political party on the African continent.
The party conducted primaries for 993 State House of Assembly constituencies, 360 House of Representatives constituencies, 109 Senate seats, governorship positions in states due for elections and the presidential ticket of the party. In practical terms, more than 1,462 legislative positions alone were subjected to democratic contests, in addition to governorship and presidential elections.
The magnitude of the exercise was extraordinary. Thousands of aspirants campaigned simultaneously across the federation. Millions of party members participated in selecting candidates. Thousands of election officials, observers, journalists, consultants, agents, volunteers and security personnel were mobilized. Ward structures came alive from the creeks of the Niger Delta to the savannah of the North, from the commercial centres of Lagos and Kano to remote communities scattered across the federation. Results were collated, disputes addressed and appeal mechanisms activated.
Yet, despite the sheer scale of the exercise, Nigeria remained peaceful.
Markets remained open. Businesses continued trading. Schools remained in session. Commercial flights took off and landed as scheduled. Public institutions functioned normally. Citizens carried on with their daily activities. The nation did not descend into widespread unrest despite the enormous political activity generated by the primaries.
That achievement deserves recognition and commendation.
Perhaps the most remarkable feature of the APC primaries was the adoption of the direct primary system, a process many observers have compared to the participatory spirit of the famous Option A4 model introduced during the political transition programme of former military President Ibrahim Babangida. Through this mechanism, political power moved beyond governors, ministers, senators and political elites and was placed directly in the hands of ordinary party members at the grassroots.
For perhaps the first time on such a nationwide scale, APC members in villages, towns, cities and communities across Nigeria were given the opportunity to directly determine who would represent the party in future elections.
The message was unmistakable.
The party belongs to its members.
Not to governors.
Not to ministers.
Not to senators.
Not to political godfathers.
Not even to the President.
But to the ordinary men and women who constitute the foundation of the party.
That is the essence of democratic participation.
Direct primaries are expensive. There is no denying that reality. Conducting elections across 8,809 wards simultaneously requires enormous financial resources, manpower, logistics and administrative coordination. Results recording materials must be distributed. Officials deployed. Security arrangements made. Results collected and verified.
Yet democracy is rarely cheap.
Participation has a cost.
Inclusion has a cost.
Legitimacy has a cost.
The reward, however, is that power becomes decentralized and decision-making is transferred from a handful of influential actors to ordinary party members.
The direct primary system compels aspirants to return to the grassroots. It forces politicians to reconnect with ordinary members. It rewards political relationships built over years rather than influence exercised from air-conditioned offices.
Indeed, one of the major lessons from the APC primaries is that money alone cannot guarantee victory in a direct primary election.
Financial resources may facilitate campaigns. They may improve logistics. They may enhance visibility. But they cannot easily substitute for popularity, grassroots structures, credibility and sustained engagement with party members.
Several prominent political figures discovered this reality too late.
Some highly placed office holders failed to secure nominations despite their visibility and influence. Some former ministers who left executive positions in pursuit of elective offices discovered that occupying public office does not automatically translate into grassroots popularity. Some lawmakers who had become accustomed to political comfort zones found themselves confronted by party members eager to exercise independent judgment.
In several constituencies and districts, party members selected candidates they considered more suitable, available and accessible to represent their interests.
That is democracy at work.
The result may be painful for some aspirants, but democracy was never designed to guarantee victory and painless.
It was designed to guarantee opportunity.
It was designed to guarantee participation.
It was designed to guarantee free choice.
The beauty of direct primaries lies in their capacity to reflect the authentic mood of the grassroots. Political history repeatedly demonstrates that it is difficult to suppress a genuinely popular candidate when ordinary voters are given direct access to the ballot.
Nigeria’s democratic experience provides perhaps the most famous example. During the historic 1993 Nigerian presidential election, widely regarded as one of the freest elections in the nation’s history, Moshood Kashimawo Olawale Abiola secured victories across regional, ethnic and religious boundaries, including areas many analysts considered politically improbable against Bashir Tofa. The election demonstrated a timeless democratic truth: when citizens are genuinely allowed to express their preferences freely, popular candidates can transcend conventional political calculations.
That lesson remains relevant today.
It is difficult to defeat a candidate who genuinely enjoys overwhelming grassroots support when party members are given direct participation. The larger the electorate, the more difficult it becomes for narrow interests to impose outcomes contrary to popular sentiment.
The presidential primary itself was historic. President Bola Ahmed Tinubu emerged as the APC presidential candidate after securing an overwhelming majority of 10.9 Million votes cast by party members nationwide.
While a party primary should never be confused with a general election, the turnout demonstrated significant organizational strength and grassroots mobilization within the party.
Many political observers have interpreted the participation figures as a vote of confidence in President Tinubu’s leadership of both the party and the government.
Equally significant was the fact that the President himself faced a challenger.
The APC did not prevent the challenger from contesting.
It did not treat the aspiration as an act of rebellion.
It did not deny him access to the democratic process.
Instead, it allowed him to exercise his democratic right to test his popularity before party members nationwide.
That is democracy.
That is inclusion.
That is confidence in democratic institutions.
Following his victory, President Tinubu emphasized unity, democratic participation and inclusiveness. In acknowledging his challenger, he reinforced the principle that democratic competition should not create permanent enemies but strengthen democratic culture.
Every political giant was once unknown.
Every governor was once an aspirant.
Every senator once sought support.
Every president once requested votes.
Democracy creates opportunities where privilege alone cannot guarantee success.
The APC National Chairman also consistently emphasized party unity, reconciliation and internal democracy throughout the process. His repeated message was that while contests may produce winners and losers, the larger family of the party must remain united after the competition.
That message remains important.
Political contests are temporary.
Political institutions endure.
One notable development that generated political discussion was the decision of Siminalayi Fubara not to seek a second-term APC ticket. According to public statements from APC leaders, he successfully passed the party’s screening process. However, for reasons known principally to himself and those within his political circle, he ultimately did not proceed with the contest. As an old African proverb reminds us, a man does not inquire too deeply into the circumstances surrounding his father’s death until he possesses the strength and wisdom to confront the answers. Politics often contains dimensions visible only to those directly involved.
Beyond politics, the APC primaries generated substantial economic activity throughout Nigeria.
Campaign offices were rented and furnished. Hotels recorded increased occupancy. Vehicles were hired. Airlines transported campaign teams. Restaurants and caterers supplied food for meetings, consultations and rallies. Event centres hosted stakeholder engagements and political gatherings.
The advertising and communications sector experienced one of its busiest periods in recent years.
Political public relations professionals, media strategists, consultants, advertising agencies, printers, graphic designers and branding companies secured contracts worth millions of naira.
Campaign posters, banners, billboards, flyers and promotional materials decorated communities nationwide. Television stations benefited from paid interviews and sponsored political programmes. Radio stations hosted campaign discussions and special broadcasts. Newspapers carried advertisements and feature articles. Online media platforms generated substantial revenue through campaign-related content and digital advertising.
Social media became a major arena of political engagement. Facebook, Instagram, X, TikTok, YouTube and WhatsApp were transformed into platforms for persuasion, mobilization and voter outreach. Content creators, digital consultants and social media managers found themselves in high demand.
Experiential campaigns flourished.
Town hall meetings.
Stakeholder consultations.
Youth engagements.
Women mobilization programmes.
Community interactions.
Ward meetings.
Political rallies.
All these activities created opportunities for event managers, decorators, photographers, videographers, sound engineers, logistics providers and countless service professionals.
Campaign merchandise flooded communities nationwide. Thousands of T-shirts, face caps, umbrellas, notebooks, calendars, shopping bags and promotional souvenirs were produced by local manufacturers. Textile suppliers benefited. Tailors secured contracts. Embroidery companies expanded production. Transportation providers moved supporters and campaign teams across communities.
From roadside printers in local government headquarters to major advertising agencies in Lagos and Abuja, countless businesses benefited from the circulation of campaign resources.
The APC primaries therefore became not merely a political exercise but also a significant contributor to economic activity and temporary employment generation.
Another issue that generated debate concerns aspirants facing investigations or court proceedings.
Here, constitutional principles must remain paramount.
An allegation is not a conviction.
An investigation is not a conviction.
A trial is not a conviction.
Under the rule of law, every citizen remains innocent until proven guilty by a court of competent jurisdiction.
Political parties are not courts of law.
They are not judicial tribunals.
They are not moral temples established to determine guilt or innocence.
Their constitutional responsibility is to facilitate political participation within the framework of the law.
Where the Constitution, electoral laws or final judicial pronouncements disqualify an individual, such provisions must naturally be respected. However, where no legal disqualification exists, the determination of guilt remains exclusively the responsibility of the courts.
To replace due process with suspicion would undermine the foundations of constitutional democracy.
As Nelson Mandela once observed, a critical, independent and investigative press is the lifeblood of democracy.
Criticism therefore has an important place in democratic society.
Complaints should be investigated.
Questions should be asked.
Transparency should be encouraged.
However, criticism must also be fair.
Achievements deserve recognition just as shortcomings deserve scrutiny.
At this point, one is reminded of the biblical admonition:
“Let him who is without sin cast the first stone.”
Before condemning an exercise involving millions of participants and thousands of contestants, critics should identify a democracy anywhere in the world that consistently conducts elections without disputes, petitions, appeals, disagreements or litigation.
Such perfection does not exist. Or it can be found in the graveyard only.
As Winston Churchill famously observed:
“Democracy is the worst form of government except for all those other forms that have been tried.”
Similarly, Barack Obama noted:
“The hallmark of a functioning democracy is not whether everybody agrees, but whether people can disagree peacefully.”
And Abraham Lincoln provided perhaps democracy’s most enduring definition:
“Government of the people, by the people, for the people.”
Even William Shakespeare understood the complexities of leadership and public judgment when he wrote:
“The fault, dear Brutus, is not in our stars, but in ourselves.”
Democratic societies succeed not because they are perfect but because they continually strive for improvement.
The APC primaries have also demonstrated a growing maturity within Nigeria’s democratic culture. Despite the enormous number of participants and contestants, democratic institutions continued to function. The republic endured. The political system absorbed disagreements without descending into widespread instability.
That is progress.
That is democratic consolidation.
At this stage, the wisdom of legendary Juju maestro Chief Ebenezer Obey becomes particularly relevant. In one of his memorable narratives, he tells the story of a father and son travelling with a donkey. When the father rode the donkey while the son walked, onlookers condemned him as heartless. When the father dismounted and allowed the son to ride while he walked, the same public condemned the son as disrespectful and the father as foolish. The lesson was profound: no matter what decision is taken, there will always be critics. Human beings are often difficult to satisfy completely.
Politics follows the same pattern.
No election will satisfy everyone.
No primary will please every aspirant.
No democratic process will escape criticism.
Leaders must therefore focus on fairness, participation, transparency and accountability, leaving posterity to render the final judgment.
However, every success story carries lessons and warnings.
The APC must not mistake success in internal primaries for guaranteed victory in the 2027 general elections.
A training session is not the same as a championship match against another formidable opponent.
Political strategists understand that internal party contests and national elections operate under entirely different dynamics. What succeeds within party structures may not automatically translate into victory against determined opposition parties in a general election.
The party must therefore avoid complacency.
It should pay close attention to voter sentiment in the South-West and other strategic regions. Political strongholds should never be taken for granted.
Loyalty grows when citizens feel respected, heard and rewarded through good governance.
The APC must also move swiftly to reconcile aggrieved aspirants and their supporters.
Politics is a game of addition, not subtraction.
Every disappointed aspirant represents supporters, associates, financiers and political structures.
Ignoring grievances can create opportunities for opponents.
That is why reconciliation is not merely desirable.
It is essential.
The leadership of the party at national, state and local levels should embark upon deliberate consultations, peace initiatives and confidence-building measures. Political bridges should be repaired before they become political fault lines.
A farmer who neglects his crops should not be surprised when another farmer harvests them.
Political parties must continually cultivate, encourage and retain their members.
Most importantly, governments at all levels must remain focused on governance.
Citizens want more security.
Citizens want more jobs.
Citizens want more stable prices.
Citizens want more quality healthcare.
Citizens want more better schools.
Citizens want more better roads and affordable mass transportation system.
Citizens want more electricity.
Citizens want more housing.
Citizens want more economic opportunities.
Citizens want more macroeconomic stability translated into better microeconomic prosperity for families, workers, traders, artisans, farmers and small businesses.
Politics is not an end in itself.
It is a means to improving the lives of the people.
In the final analysis, the APC primaries have demonstrated government of the people , by the people , for the people and that internal democracy is alive and evolving within Nigeria’s political system. They have empowered ordinary party members. They have strengthened grassroots participation. They have generated economic activity. They have reinforced democratic competition. They have highlighted the importance of sportsmanship .
Finally .
There were winners.
There were losers.
There were celebrations.
There were disappointments.
Yet above all else, one truth stands unmistakably clear.
Democracy was the ultimate winner.
Political victories are temporary.
Political defeats are temporary.
But democratic institutions endure when citizens and leaders alike respect the rules of the game.
The APC primaries have provided another opportunity for Nigeria to deepen democratic culture, strengthen internal party democracy and reinforce the timeless principle that political legitimacy ultimately flows from the people.
And in the final judgment of history—not emotion, bitterness or temporary political passions—the enduring verdict may well be that while individuals won and lost, democracy itself emerged victorious.
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APC Ondo North Primary: Reports Show ATM in Early Lead
Reports from the field in Ondo North Senatorial District indicate that voters, officers, and agents at the voting centers across the wards have put Abdul Tunji Mohammed (ATM) in the lead.
According to the current figures collated from the centers, ATM is polling with wider margins of votes
Going by these figures, ATM is poised to win all the six Local Government in the Senatorial Districtt.
We urge all party members and supporters to remain peaceful as collation continues.
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Senate Leader Opeyemi Bamidele Hosts Ondo North Aspirant Abdul Tunji Mohammed, Backs Grassroots Development Agenda
Senate Leader Opeyemi Bamidele recently hosted Chief Abdul Tunji Mohammed (ATM), a prominent aspirant for the Ondo North senatorial seat.
The meeting highlighted a strategic alignment between progressive forces, with both leaders emphasizing a shared vision for grassroots development and legislative excellence.
Senator Bamidele, a respected figure in Nigerian politics, is recognized for his contributions to national cohesion and impactful policymaking, drawing on his experience as a legal luminary and human rights activist.
Chief Mohammed, an astute businessman and dedicated grassroots mobilizer, has made a notable impact on Ondo North through his philanthropic work and commitment to constituents’ welfare. His approach blends corporate discipline, economic ingenuity, and a deep concern for people—qualities that have reshaped the region’s political narrative.
The two leaders discussed the district’s critical needs, exploring avenues for socioeconomic growth, legislative reform, and stronger community integration. Senator Bamidele stressed the importance of supporting President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s Renewed Hope Agenda, a sentiment echoed by Chief Mohammed.
The convergence of Chief Mohammed’s vision with Senator Bamidele’s legislative experience offers hope for Ondo North. This synergy between grassroots ambition and seasoned mentorship points to a promising future for the district’s representation in the Senate. With ATM’s drive and the guidance of leaders like Senator Bamidele, Ondo North is positioned for progress and transformative governance.
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