Betrayal of the Brave: How Atiku and the Opposition Squandered Nigeria’s Best Hope

By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Sahara Weekly Nigeria

In the political theatre of Nigeria, money often dictates the tempo. It has become a nation where competence is sidelined, loyalty is mocked and those without deep pockets those who cannot be labelled ‘money bags’ are cast aside like political orphans. Nowhere has this arrogance of wealth-based politics been more evident than in the disastrous handling of the 2023 elections by the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) under Atiku Abubakar’s leadership.

I have always believed that in a truly democratic society, those who stand on principle, not profit, deserve a seat at the table. But in Atiku’s PDP, merit was crushed under the weight of ambition, internal betrayal and unchecked ego. The party, once seen as the custodian of national unity, threw away its best chance to reclaim relevance when it arrogantly turned its back on the G-5 Governors, the last vestige of integrity and strategic strength within its rank.

Today, Nigeria is stuck with a recycled presidency, while the opposition is licking self-inflicted wounds. And it didn’t have to be this way.

The Tragedy of Political Myopia
Let’s not mince words: PDP and Labour Party lost the 2023 presidential election long before ballots were cast. They lost it the moment they sacrificed political wisdom for narrow ambition. The G-5 Governors; Nyesom Wike, Samuel Ortom, Okezie Ikpeazu, Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi and Seyi Makinde stood as a formidable block that could have altered Nigeria’s electoral map. These were not disgruntled men; they were governors with proven electoral machinery, influence and regional balance.

But Atiku Abubakar, obsessed with returning to power after four failed attempts, saw them not as allies, but as obstacles to his ambition. He refused to meet their single, reasonable demand: that the PDP National Chairman, Iyorchia Ayu, step down in line with the party’s zoning principle. With the party’s presidential candidate and chairman both from the North, the South was justifiably outraged. The G-5 called for balance and equity. Atiku responded with indifference.

As Wike thundered in 2022: “You cannot have the presidential candidate and national chairman from the same region. Where is the justice? Where is the fairness? This party belongs to all of us.”

His concerns were ignored. The consequences were devastating.

A Fragmented Front, A Failed Mission
In the 2023 election, PDP failed to win any of the G-5-controlled states convincingly. In fact, many of them went to the All Progressives Congress (APC) or saw strong showings by the Labour Party. Rivers, a traditional PDP stronghold, swung in favour of Bola Tinubu after Wike’s subtle endorsement. Makinde, in Oyo, resisted the Atiku tide. Benue, Enugu and Abia offered lukewarm support at best.

Atiku, who paraded himself as a national unifier, ironically presided over the most divided opposition coalition in recent Nigerian history. His insistence on centralizing power, his refusal to negotiate with his party’s powerbrokers and his dismissive attitude towards the Southern bloc ensured one thing: defeat.

And it wasn’t just PDP that failed.

Labour Party’s Strategic Blindness
While the PDP was burning bridges, the Labour Party missed an opportunity to build them. Peter Obi inspired a movement, yes but his campaign failed to embrace realpolitik. He could have engaged the G-5 Governors, formed strategic alliances and turned their PDP discontent into a national coalition for change. Instead, the LP ran a messianic, solo campaign that underestimated the importance of political structure.

Political commentator Jide Ojo noted in The Guardian: “Obi had the moral momentum, but he lacked institutional support. In Nigeria, no amount of popularity can replace structure, alliances and statewide networks.”

The LP dismissed the old order but forgot that winning elections in Nigeria still depends on who controls polling units, local governments and election-day logistics. The G-5 had that power. But no meaningful bridge was built.

A Nation Betrayed by Its Leaders
The bigger tragedy is that Nigeria is now saddled with an administration it barely voted for. Bola Tinubu won with just 36.6% of the total vote, the lowest in Nigeria’s history. That means nearly two-thirds of voters rejected him. But because the opposition was fractured, the majority voice was wasted.

This was not a triumph of strategy; it was a triumph of opposition failure.

The PDP could have formed a united front, with a Southern candidate and a Northern vice-presidential balance. The LP could have merged platforms, given Obi the grassroots engine he desperately needed. The G-5 could have anchored both with credibility and regional leverage. But ego, not patriotism, led the charge.

Atiku, who sees himself as Nigeria’s Mandela, betrayed the very principles that Mandela lived by; humility, reconciliation and inclusion. Mandela once said: “Real leaders must be ready to sacrifice all for the freedom of their people.” Atiku, unfortunately, was not ready to sacrifice anything not even an ill-advised power configuration for party unity or national interest.

Political Godfatherism and the Marginalization of Merit
It is an open secret that Nigeria’s political class thrives on godfatherism. Merit, vision and sincerity are often sacrificed at the altar of loyalty and money. Those who cannot “mobilize funds” are sidelined. Those who speak truth are branded rebels. The G-5 Governors, particularly Wike and Ortom, were victims of this toxic system.

Ortom, who repeatedly called out Buhari’s handling of Fulani herdsmen attacks, was labeled controversial. Wike, who financed the party during its opposition years, was treated as expendable. These were not angels, but they were patriots in their own right, bold enough to speak and act when others trembled.

2027: Another Miscalculation?
As we look to 2027, the signs are already troubling. Atiku is reportedly interested in running again. If he is allowed to hijack the PDP once more, expect another round of defections, internal crises and disunity. The “money bags” may again dominate, while the voices of equity, inclusion and regional justice are suppressed.

If the opposition does not learn from 2023, it will lose again and this time, the consequences could be permanent.

Former U.S. President Barack Obama once warned: “You can’t keep doing the same thing and expect different results. That’s insanity.”

If Atiku returns as PDP’s candidate, if the G-5 are not reintegrated, if LP fails to build real alliances, then Nigerians might as well prepare for an APC victory in 2027.

Final Thought: Restore the Soul of the Opposition
The future of democracy in Nigeria depends not just on removing bad governance, but on building a credible opposition. That opposition must include everyone; wealthy and poor, old and young, Northern and Southern leaders. The marginalization of those without deep pockets must end. The betrayal of loyal party members must stop. And the arrogance of Atiku-style imposition must be condemned.

PDP and Labour Party have lost their way, but all hope is not lost. Reconciliation is still possible. Unity is still achievable. But it will take courage, humility and a willingness to listen to those who stood firm when others fled.

Until then, the G-5 governors will remain a symbol not of rebellion, but of what Nigeria’s opposition could have been: principled, united and victorious.

BURATAI COMMENDS PRESIDENT TINUBU’S RADICAL POLICY APPROACH AT AMAEICHI’S 60TH BIRTHDAY LECTURE

 

 

 

His Excellency Ambassador Lieutenant General Tukur Yusufu Buratai (Rtd), former Chief of Army Staff, delivered compelling remarks at the commemorative lecture marking the 60th birthday of Nigeria’s renowned politician and statesman, Rotimi Chibuike Amaechi, held in Abuja on 31 May 2025.

 

 

In his remarks, Buratai paid homage to the celebrant, acknowledging his longstanding relationship dating back to 2011 when Amaechi was governor of Rivers State. He described Amaechi as a leader deeply committed to security and political development, noting his performance at the APC 2022 presidential primaries and his promising political future.

 

 

 

“Rotimi Amaechi exemplifies a leader who prioritizes security, a trait crucial for Nigeria’s stability,” Buratai remarked. He praised the former governor’s proactive engagement in Nigeria’s political landscape, emphasizing his significant influence and leadership potential. Buratai also took the opportunity to commend President Bola Tinubu’s government for adopting a radical approach to resolving Nigeria’s economic problems through decisive policies, a move he described as a “necessary departure” from previous graduations approach to economic reforms by the previous administrations. He explained that while past administrations, from IBB’s structural adjustment programs to those of Shagari, Obasanjo, Jonathan, and Buhari, fuel subsidy regimes, they implemented economic reforms that gradually pauperized Nigerians. However, the current administration’s decisive and comprehensive economic policies represent a bold attempt to address deep-seated socio-economic issues confronting Nigeria over the years. Buratai said this bold measure has its advantages. Deep understanding is required to allow for the realization of its benefits.

 

 

 

“The radical measures are a decisive shift from the gradual suffering in the past,” Buratai stated. “It shows a willingness to confront the challenges head-on, even if the impact is profound and immediate.”

 

 

 

However, he acknowledged that the main challenge remains the perceived insensitivity of government policies to poverty and insecurity, which are real. He postulated that the second half of this administration may make a tangible difference.

 

 

 

Buratai’s speech underscored the importance of embracing reform with resilience and urged Nigerians to support Tinubu’s government’s efforts to restore security and economic prosperity. The event was attended by prominent political figures, security experts, and members of Nigeria’s elite, all paying tribute to Amaechi’s contributions to the nation’s development and leadership.

Tinubu Is Nigeria’s Problem: A Mastermind of the Rot, Not Just Its Symptom

By George Omagbemi Sylvester

 

When Femi Oyewale argues that Bola Ahmed Tinubu is not Nigeria’s problem but merely a symptom of a rotting system, he severely underestimates the decades-long influence Tinubu has wielded in entrenching the very rot he now appears to embody. Tinubu is not a passive outcome of systemic failure, he is an active architect of it. From the 1970s to the present day, his strategic political maneuvers, shadowy alliances and godfather-style control have played a central role in shaping Nigeria’s broken political landscape. To excuse him as merely a byproduct is to erase history and absolve responsibility.

1. Tinubu’s Political Genesis Dates Back to the 1980s

Tinubu’s political journey didn’t start in 1999. By the late 1980s, he was already networking among Nigeria’s elite and leveraging his connections within the finance sector. By 1992, he became a Senator representing Lagos West under the Social Democratic Party (SDP). His time in the Senate may have been short-lived due to the Abacha coup, but it placed him firmly within the corridors of power. Following Abacha’s death, Tinubu emerged as one of the most influential members of the National Democratic Coalition (NADECO). While this earned him some democratic credibility, it also provided the perfect springboard for his political dominance.

 

2. The Lagos Empire: A Laboratory for Corruption and Control

Tinubu became Lagos State Governor in 1999 and quickly turned Nigeria’s commercial capital into his personal fiefdom. For eight years, he entrenched a political machinery so strong that Lagos politics became synonymous with Tinubu. Upon leaving office in 2007, he didn’t relinquish power, he merely changed seats. His handpicked successors, Babatunde Fashola, Akinwunmi Ambode, and Babajide Sanwo-Olu, all served at his pleasure. When Ambode dared show some independence, Tinubu crushed his re-election bid with swift vengeance.

Through Alpha Beta Consulting (a tax collection firm with opaque ownership linked to him) Tinubu reportedly controlled massive revenues flowing from Lagos State. According to a 2020 court filing by Dapo Apara, a whistleblower and former Managing Director of Alpha Beta, the firm was allegedly used for money laundering and tax fraud, enriching the Tinubu empire under the guise of “consultancy.” These accusations have never been credibly denied, only buried under political influence.

3. The Architect of Political Godfatherism
If godfatherism is one of Nigeria’s greatest political ills, Tinubu is its grandmaster. He didn’t just play politics, he industrialized it. By controlling party primaries, deciding who runs for office, and weaponizing loyalty, he ensured that no one could ascend in the political hierarchy without paying homage to him. This system of fealty over merit has undermined Nigerian governance, especially in the southwest.

His role in building the All Progressives Congress (APC) in 2013, through a merger of several opposition parties, was not motivated by altruism or reform but by raw ambition. He handed Buhari the 2015 presidential ticket not because Buhari had a new vision for Nigeria, but because he saw a route to national influence. Nigeria got the short end of the stick — an inept presidency and a growing Tinubu empire.

4. Tinubu Enabled and Benefited from Buhari’s Failures
Tinubu didn’t just support Buhari in 2015 and 2019 — he marketed him as the savior of Nigeria. He dismissed warnings about Buhari’s incompetence and dictatorial past. When fuel prices surged, the economy tanked, and insecurity skyrocketed under Buhari, Tinubu remained silent. He was not just complicit; he was a stakeholder in the disaster. He protected the system that allowed Buhari to rule with impunity because he wanted to inherit it.

When the #EndSARS protests erupted in 2020, implicating state-backed repression and calling out Tinubu’s political network in Lagos, he downplayed the movement, branding it anarchic. Rather than stand for justice, he chose self-preservation. Can someone who actively shields tyranny and corruption be called merely a “symptom”?

5. 2023 Elections: Rigging, Violence, and Ethnic Division
The 2023 elections were among the most controversial in Nigeria’s recent democratic history. Tinubu’s emergence as President was mired in widespread reports of vote suppression, intimidation and electoral fraud — particularly in Lagos and Rivers states. Despite glaring irregularities, Tinubu and the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) bulldozed through public outrage. His infamous “emi lokan” (“it’s my turn”) declaration in Ogun was not a rallying cry for reform but an arrogant assertion of entitlement. This entitlement is not symptomatic, it is pathological.

He ran on a platform devoid of coherent policy and has since offered Nigerians nothing but hardship. Under his leadership, fuel subsidy removal was carried out with zero planning, leading to astronomical transportation and food prices. The naira was floated into chaos, sparking inflation and economic suffering across the board. Rather than act swiftly, Tinubu flew overseas (often) while Nigerians were told to “tighten their belts.”

6. Unresolved Drug Trafficking Allegations
Tinubu’s defenders routinely downplay or deflect the long-standing allegations of drug trafficking from his past. However, U.S. court records from the 1990s show that the U.S. government confiscated $460,000 from Tinubu’s account due to suspicious narcotics-related activities linked to a Chicago heroin ring. While he was never criminally convicted, the forfeiture is a stain that no amount of political spin can wash away. For someone who would later become President of Africa’s largest democracy, this kind of baggage is not symptomatic, it is toxic.

7. Tinubu Is the System
To say Tinubu is not the problem is to misunderstand the scale of his political footprint. Nigeria’s systemic rot — corruption, cronyism, ethno-regional division and elite capture, has not just enabled Tinubu; Tinubu has, in turn, enabled and fortified that rot. He is not a passive result of the system. He has redesigned, monopolize and weaponized that system for personal gain.

He didn’t find Nigeria broken, he helped break it. He didn’t inherit dysfunction, he orchestrated it. He didn’t stumble into power, he built the path with manipulation, deception and ruthless calculation.

8. A New Narrative Must Begin with Accountability
If Nigeria is to be rescued from its current nightmare, we must reject the narrative that those who have led us into the abyss are mere victims of circumstance. Leadership is responsibility. History demands accountability. Tinubu is not a victim of the system. He is a prime beneficiary and chief engineer of its worst aspects.

To absolve Tinubu is to excuse the decades of deceit, exploitation, and anti-democratic tendencies he has propagated. It is to silence the voices of millions of Nigerians whose lives have been destroyed by decisions made in his boardrooms and war rooms.

Final note
Let’s be clear: Tinubu is not just the face of Nigeria’s political decay; he is one of its principal architects. Unlike many who stumbled into power or inherited broken structures, Tinubu actively built his political empire through transactional politics, godfatherism, suppression of dissent, and the manipulation of public institutions. He is not a mere symptom, he is both the disease and the enabler.

Blaming “the system” without naming and confronting its engineers only ensures that Nigeria remains a nation circling the drain. Until Nigeria confronts Tinubu and all he represents, no true progress can be made.