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PROF. BANJI AKINTOYE: THE NEW LEADER OF YORUBA NATION
PROF. BANJI AKINTOYE: THE NEW LEADER OF YORUBA NATION
When he set out on his journey for intellectual quest in 1943, the world was not in the position to fathom the magnificence of his brilliance. The world knew that education had great benefits. It knew that with education, one’s horizon could be honed. One’s depth could be deepened. One’s breadth could become boundless. With education, the World knew that anything could be possible.
But when education becomes immersed in unbridled intellect; or becomes pulsated by seminal luminosity; or inured with effulgent resplendence, it elevates to the seventh heaven of intellectual inebriation. An inebriation buoyed by a brilliance perching and sparkling on the pedestal of splendour, unequalled and unrivaled. This, the world came to discover later about him.
A deeper look at the journey from Emmanuel Primary School, Ado- Ekiti, through Christ’s High School, Ado-Ekiti to the then University of London, now University of Ibadan, Ibadan, showed that at every point, at every turn, an inspiring intellectual sagacity, a humbling radiance of brilliance, a marvellously awesome ingenuity, intimidating in its irresistible magnetism has been the hallmark, it has been the trademark, a sort of emblem, the signet of his quest. Becoming distinguished at every point, at every level, at every turn became just a matter of course.
To him, being brilliant could be fairish, a kind of humdrum, very middling, boring in fact, because it is a common place. Yet the awesomeness of his intellect, his brilliance, is just what it is, awesome. His is alarmingly breath taking; delightfully terrifying, fragrantly frightening. Intimidating yet comforting, bullish yet affectionate, bewildering in its buoyance and sublime in its ebullience.
When he discusses History as a subject or of a place, or of a people or of a particular era in the timeline of humanity, his listeners are guaranteed a soulful food that buoys their spirits and beings. His lectures on and in History, are like fountains of life, flooding the firmaments of our fantasies, creating a curative curiosity that coerces our consciousness into a “furnacious” desire to want to be free, to want to know thyself, familiarise with thy trajectory, thy History, and thy heritage bequeathed.
His lectures, in and outside the classroom, for those lucky to have gone through him, are like introduction to addiction. It makes you feel excited. It makes you feel high. You feel afloat, like a spacewalker. And you become hungry. Ravenously so, because you want more. You are transported from the environment of your consciousness to witness in your imaginations, centuries of heroism, villainy, building of kingdoms and empires and the destruction of others.
It could be about the Chinese. Or the Indians. Or the Europeans. It could be about the North America; or Canada. It could have been about South American countries of Brazil, Argentina, Peru, Paraguay and or any of the adjoining countries. It could be about the Caribbean countries, their travails and triumphs. It could be about the paths paved by the Pharaohs, the authentic Negroid ones or the vicissitudes of the peoples of the African continent.
It could be about revolutions and political systems. It could be about social changes and the factors that enabled them. It could be about developmental History of any people of any Nation around the planet. He seems to know it all. And when he speaks, especially off the cuff, and you watch him, as you listen to him, one feels the aroma of a beautiful and irresistible champagne that has been centuries old. One becomes calmly excited and helplessly drunk on the knowledge disemboweled. One becomes quietly crippled by curiosity and stupefied by details that would have eloped from the memories of others.
The suction of the diction, the phonetics and phonemics, the inflection and intonation, the eloquence and elocution marinates you in phonological and philological pensiveness. One is transmuted into blissful delirium, taken into the boundless boundaries of paradisiac haven. The substance, always arresting, was often delivered in a beautiful and thrumming language.
And when the subject is even Yoruba History, it becomes something special. It becomes ethereal. It becomes divine. It becomes celestial. It becomes a different thing entirely. Unwittingly, you glow with unconscious attestation to the valiance, gallantry and the courage of your forebears. You imagined their mistakes and you become a born – again patriot. You become a born again true born. Without you knowing it, you, as a matter of course, exude with marinating pride.
With your arms extended and shaped like that of a crab, you begin to walk around with your head held high having discovered more of yourself, more of your being, more about your ancestors, your forefathers, the progenitors of your race. You become imbued with a more solidified self-esteem. You become educated, in the real sense of it.
His book, “A History of the Yoruba,” is sans pareil of its genre. It is the finest and most complete in its encapsulation of and on Yoruba as a people, as a Race and as a Nation before and since Samuel Johnson’s “A History of the Yorubas from the Earliest Times to the Beginning of the British Protectorate.” Samuel Johnson was an Oyo Prince, a grandson of Alaafin Abiodun Adegorolu just like him, who is an Ado-Ekiti Prince.
The book by this teacher of teachers, is the manifestation of rigorous, meticulous, exacting, focused, ascetic and severely organised intellect. I had come across the transcript in his Hatfield, Pennsylvania home in the US, while rummaging through his Library. The materials that stared at me as I flipped through the pages gushed with rigour of hard work, richness of resources, depth of dedication, tantalizing intellect and brimming brilliance.
As one of the privileged few to read the transcript before it went to the press, one could easily fathom the amount of sweat that went into such humongous product. The prodigious intellect and the stupendous brilliance that went into that work was discernible and decipherable. A work of 35 years of research via reading, travelling, interviews, archeology, arts, musicology, linguistics, folklore et al. If you want to have credible knowledge about the Yoruba Nation and its peoples, go and buy a copy.
You will also be doing yourself a great favour, if you would seek out “Ife: Before Oduduwa,” another seminal work of research by this great mind. You would be greatly rewarded for doing so. You would be disabused of unfounded tall tales trolling around. You would be able to separate mythology from authentic History.
Looking at his curriculum vitae, one did not even have any idea of how to refer to him. Would it have been alright to call him a “Prince,” which he is; or a “Pastor” as which he has distinguished himself? Would it have been right to call him a “Professor,” as which he has been eminently edified? Or would it had been better if one calls him “Senator” which he was in the Second Republic and during which period he turned enemies and detractors to friends and admirers because of his transcendent brilliance on the floor of the Senate?
To be honest, to delve into his records would be a titanic task. But one could easily avail the readers the fact that he has taught 18 different subjects in History. He supervised Doctoral students for 16 years. He has held 27 different positions in different Universities in Nigeria and abroad. He has held 16 Public Offices. He has held 5 different position in different churches. He has published 10 different chapters in different Joint Works. He has published articles in 7 Academic Journals. He has published 7 books. He has delivered 23 research papers at seminars across the world.
In 1970, the Ministry of Education, Western State of Nigeria requested him, to prepare for the Ministry, scripts and teachers’ notes in African History for the use of Nigerian Secondary Schools and Teacher Training Colleges during the School year of 1971. The scripts and notes were to cover the later periods of the School Certificate syllabus in African History. “African in the 19th and 20th Centuries”. He prepared these materials under the general title of “Emergent States of Africa”.
Under this general title, he set out 28 topics, and prepared a main script and a “teachers notes” on each topic. The main scripts were broadcast as radio lessons by the Ministry of Education to Nigerian Secondary Schools and Teacher Training Colleges throughout Nigeria. Following demands by the teachers and their students to the Ministry and to him that the scripts be published, the Ministry began to serialize them in 1972, in its school’s journal, Pupil. In 1972-73, under a programme of International cooperation between Kenya and Nigeria, the Kenyan Broadcasting Service broadcast the scripts to Kenyan schools.
Consequent on the success of the 1971 program, the Ministry asked him again in 1972 to prepare a similar program in the second history syllabus of the West African School Certificate – “West Africa from 1500-1800” – for use in the 1973-74 school year. This, under the general title of “West African Kingdoms and empires in Pre-colonial times” was also made up of 28 thirty-minute lessons that were broadcast one per week throughout the 1973-74 school year.
He was a member of the panel of historians set up in 1969 by the Nigerian Federal Government to assemble, and advise on the preservation of, the documentation of the recent history of Nigeria, especially the history of the Nigerian Civil War 1967-70. From 1968 to 1972, the History Department, Obafemi Awolowo University charged him with the duty of building up the facilities for a new course entitled “History of the U.S.A.”. This course has been regularly taught in the Department since then. In 1981-90, he was appointed by UNESCO as member of the International Scientific Committee on a ‘General History of Latin America’.
As Director of the Institute of African studies at University of Ife, now Obafemi Awolowo University, he directed the designing, organization, promotion, funding and supervision of collaborative, inter-departmental, and individual research in a broad spectrum of African Studies: History, Art History, Archaeology, Musicology, Linguistics, Folklore, and Cultures of the African Diaspora.
He was member, Nigerian National Archives Commission, 1970-78. Member, Nigerian Museums & Antiquities Commission, 1975-79. Member, Nigerian National Council for Arts & Culture. Special Adviser, Nigerian Delegation to the Inter-governmental Conference on Cultural Policies in Africa, Accra, Ghana, 1975. Secretary, National Committee for Nigerian Cultural Policy, 1976-78. Assistant National Secretary, Unity Party of Nigeria, 1978-83.
As a Senator of the Federal republic of Nigeria, 1979-83, he was member, Foreign Relations Committee of Senate: member, Senate Committee on Petroleum & Energy; member, Internal Affairs Committee of Senate. He was also Chairman, Senate Delegation to the United Nations Peace-keeping Force in Lebanon, 1981; member, Nigerian National Delegation to the 1981 General Assembly of the United Nations Organization. He was a Nigerian Delegate to World Conference on Actions Against Apartheid, London, 1981 and member, Nigerian Senate Delegation on Fraternal Visit to the Soviet Union, 1982. He was also the Commissioner for Health, Ondo State, Nigeria, 1983-4.
Immersed in activism from birth, he has been unable to extricate himself from the binding cords of activism dedicated to the improvement of Nigeria in general and the Yoruba Nation in particular. From his days at the University of Ibadan to now, he has been a constant fighter for the improvement of his people. He was President, All-Nigeria United Nations Students Association (ANUNSA), 1958-1960 and Nigerian Delegate at the General Conference of the International Students Movement for the United Nations (ISMUN), Lund Sweden, 1960. He was the First International Vice-President, International Students Movement for the United Nations (ISMUN), 1960-63 (elected at the General Conference in Lund, Sweden, 1960).
He was the Secretary-General, Nigerian Committee of the World University Service, 1958-1961. He was Nigerian Delegate, Second Pan-African Students Conference, Tunis, 1959. Nigerian delegate, World Assembly of the World University Service, Tutzing, Germany 1960 and Leader of Nigerian Delegation, East, West and Central African Students Conference, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, 1960. At the International Seminar on the United Nations Organization, Ibadan, 1960, he was the Chief Host as President of the All-Nigeria United Nations Students Association. He was also the Special Guest, Council for Leaders and Specialists, U.S. State Department, Washington, D.C., March – August 1971.
He was the Leader of Visiting Team on Research Project, ‘African Diaspora’, Bahia, Brazil, 1975. He presented the major paper, at the Seminar on ‘The Military in African History’, Accra, Ghana, 1975. He was the presenter of the lecture at the Seminar in Honour of Leopold Sedar Senghor, Dakar, Senegal, 1975. He was a Nigerian Delegate, World University Service Seminar, University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong 1976 and Leader, Nigerian Delegation, World University Service World Congress, Manilla, Philippines, 1976.
He was a Nigerian Senate Delegate on Official Visits to Countries of West Africa, 1980. Special Guest, UNESCO Seminar on ‘African Contributions to the History of the Americas’, Barbados, 1980; to United Nations Annual Conference, New York, USA, 1980; to Morocco, 1981; to the Soviet Union, 1981; to Argentina, 1981; to Indonesia, 1982; to Taiwan, 1982 and to India, 1982. He was Guest Speaker, Institute of International Relations & National Security, Seoul, South Korea, 1982.
A first class patriot of the highest order, I have watched him cry, yes, shedding silent bitter tears in the glare of all present, on the geometric degeneration of the Yoruba Nation into an unmitigated miasma, at an occasion in Wilmington, in the State of Delaware, United States in 2013. Pierced to the marrows by the poisonous effluvia permeating and pervading the Yoruba polity, the pains of unfulfilled dreams of what the Yoruba Nation could have been was always patently inscribed on his demeanour.
He does not fear to say that the Yoruba nation is too industrious to be poor, and that the massive poverty now existing among Yoruba people is a product of the fact that Nigeria has been dragging the Yoruba nation down. He also does not fear to say that he himself would be ready, if and when the time is right, to give his support and energy, in this his old age, to serious efforts at the liberation of the Yoruba nation from its present imprisonment in Nigeria.
In spite of his age, at 83, he remains a voice of hope to a dejected and dithering Yoruba Nation. He is one voice of clairvoyance and courage that keeps soldiering on. He has intractably, kept close to his roots in academia, spoken to student classes in some universities, and served as convocation lecturer at some university and polytechnic graduation convocations. “I cannot cease researching and writing”, he often says; and those close to him are aware that he is always working on some important writings and books.
He is Stephen Adebanji Akintoye, also known as Banji Akintoye, the teacher of teachers. A walking encyclopaedia of History. A dandy of diction. A well of wisdom. A proboscis of brilliance. A totem of intellect. A tendon of integrity. An exemplar of excellence. An edification of dignity. Primus inter pares. And a PATRIOT.
©️REMI OYEYEMI
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DETERRENCE OR CATASTROPHE? ON THE BRINK OF A REDEFINING MIDDLE EAST WAR: A CALL FOR THE DIPLOMATIC PATH FORWARD
DETERRENCE OR CATASTROPHE? ON THE BRINK OF A REDEFINING MIDDLE EAST WAR: A CALL FOR THE DIPLOMATIC PATH FORWARD
By Lt Gen Tukur Yusufu Buratai Rtd CFR
We stand at a precipice where a single decision could redefine the future of the Middle East and send shockwaves through a fragile global order. The choice appears deceptively simple: to strike militarily in pursuit of deterrence or to withstand perceived aggression. Yet, this framing is a dangerous illusion. A direct, full-scale conflict between the United States, its allies, and Iran would not be a controlled exercise in power projection. It would be the ignition of a regional inferno with no clear exit, where the initial objective of “deterrence” would be consumed within hours by the unforgiving law of unintended consequences. The path of war promises not a decisive victory, but a cascade of devastation—human, economic, and strategic—that would leave all parties and the world profoundly poorer and more unstable. In this stark reality, diplomacy is not a sign of weakness; it is the singular, rational imperative for survival.
The Illusion of a Clear Victory
The allure of a military solution rests on a straightforward calculus: degrade critical nuclear and military infrastructure, cripple the command structures of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), and deliver a blow so decisive that Iran’s regional influence collapses. Proponents envision a rapid, surgical campaign that reestablishes undisputed deterrence. However, this vision fundamentally misjudges the nature of the adversary and the dynamics of the region. As former U.S. Deputy Assistant Secretary of State Andrew P. Miller cautions, even a successful strike “would likely prove a Pyrrhic victory” for broader strategic goals, failing to achieve durable political outcomes. Iran would not absorb a strike passively and capitulate. Retaliation would be swift, multidimensional, and devastating.
Indeed, as noted by Seyed Hossein Mousavian, a former Iranian nuclear negotiator and scholar at Princeton University, Tehran perceives such a confrontation as an “existential war,” a stance that would “eliminate any incentive for restraint, unleashing a conflict that would be impossible to control.” We would witness not a single battle but the violent opening of multiple, simultaneous fronts. Hezbollah’s vast arsenal of precision-guided rockets would rain down on Israeli cities. Iranian proxies in Iraq and Syria would target the U.S. personnel and bases with relentless aggression. The Houthis could unleash further chaos on global shipping. Most critically, Iran itself would likely launch direct missile and drone attacks against Gulf state oil infrastructure and, potentially, attempt to blockade the Strait of Hormuz—a chokepoint for nearly 25% of global seaborne oil trade. The initial “surgical strike” would, within days, metastasize into a sprawling regional war with no defined battlefield and no clear rules of engagement.
The Unbearable Costs: A World Remade by War
The consequences would swiftly spiral beyond the military domain, etching a deep scar across global stability. The human cost would be immediate and horrifying, with casualties mounting not just among combatants but in urban centres targeted by long-range artillery and missiles. As analyzed by the BBC, a primary risk is the collapse of the Iranian regime into chaos or civil war,” which would spark “a severe humanitarian and refugee crisis” of immense proportions, a scenario where “nobody wants to see the largest Middle East nation by population… descend into chaos.”
The economic shock would be felt in every corner of the world. A successful disruption of the Strait of Hormuz, even temporarily, would trigger an instantaneous spike in oil prices, catapulting the global economy into a profound inflationary recession. Supply chains would seize, markets would panic, and the cost of basic necessities would skyrocket worldwide. This is not a speculative risk; it is a guaranteed outcome of Iran’s stated asymmetric doctrine.
Strategically, the war would unmoor the region for a generation. The delicate, if tense, balance among regional powers would shatter. Even if the Iranian regime were severely weakened, the result would not be a peaceful vacuum but a vortex of chaos. As Afshon Ostovar, an associate professor at the Naval Postgraduate School, warns of potential internal collapse, “the ruling apparatus, in other words, would collapse gradually, and then suddenly.” A fractured state could descend into civil conflict, its hardline elements unleashing terror networks, and rival powers scrambling to carve spheres of influence. The painstakingly built, if flawed, security architecture of the past half-century would lie in ruins. The ultimate outcomes of a strike are profoundly unpredictable, but none point toward a more stable or secure order for the United States, Israel, or their allies. Victory, in any meaningful sense, would be unrecognizable.
The Diplomatic Path: Not an Ideal, But a Necessity
Faced with this landscape of ruin, the diplomatic path emerges not as a naive ideal but as the only pragmatic tool for managing an existential threat. It is the circuit breaker for the escalatory spiral that guarantees mutual destruction. This is not an argument for appeasement or for trusting the untrustworthy. It is a cold-eyed recognition that only through calibrated statecraft can we navigate away from the brink. This view is echoed by regional voices, such as an editorial in The National, which asserts that “various regional actors are urging non-military ways to change relationships with Tehran” and that “now is a time for focused and determined diplomacy to chart a path away from war.”
The goal of diplomacy in this context is not to achieve a grand reconciliation overnight but to relentlessly pursue de-escalation and create mechanisms for crisis management. It involves empowering regional dialogue, establishing clear and direct communication channels to prevent miscalculation, and seeking hard-nosed, verifiable agreements that incrementally roll back the most dangerous threats, such as further advances in Iran’s nuclear program and its regional ballistic missile deployments. The international community, including powers with leverage in Tehran, must be rallied not to take sides but to unequivocally advocate for restraint. The collective message must be that while aggression and proliferation are unacceptable, the alternative of total war is a common enemy that will destroy all in its path.
The choice before the international community is now laid bare. One road leads into the fog of war—a fog filled with the echoes of missile fire, the screams of the displaced, and the collapse of economies. It is a path where the very concept of “victory” loses all meaning. The other road, the diplomatic path, is undeniably difficult, fraught with setbacks, and requires immense political courage. It demands negotiating through distrust and managing imperfect outcomes. But it is the only road that leads away from the abyss and toward a future where stability, however fragile, can be rebuilt. The hour is late, but the path forward remains. We must choose diplomacy, not because we believe in the goodness of our adversaries, but because we have stared into the alternative and seen an unbearable catastrophe for all.
By:
Lt Gen Tukur Yusufu Buratai Rtd CFR
Former Chief of Army Staff, Nigerian Army, and former Nigerian Ambassador to the Republic of Benin.
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Senator Adeola Yayi Bags Royal Blessings at Foundation Laying of Yewa Traditional Council Secretariat in Ilaro
Senator Adeola Yayi Bags Royal Blessings at Foundation Laying of Yewa Traditional Council Secretariat in Ilaro
…Clerics, Monarchs and Political Leaders Offer Prayers for His Future Aspirations
ILARO-YEWA, OGUN STATE — The ancient town of Ilaro, headquarters of Ogun West Senatorial District, came alive on Tuesday, January 27, 2026, as royal fathers, political leaders, clerics and community stakeholders gathered for the historic foundation-laying ceremony of the proposed ultra-modern Yewa Traditional Council (Obas’) Secretariat Complex.
The culturally symbolic project, facilitated by the Senator representing Ogun West at the National Assembly, Distinguished Senator Solomon Olamilekan Adeola (Yayi), attracted widespread commendation, fervent prayers and royal blessings from traditional rulers across Yewaland, alongside leaders and stalwarts of the All Progressives Congress (APC).
The ceremony officially marked the commencement of construction of what is envisioned as a state-of-the-art secretariat that will serve as the institutional headquarters of the Yewa Traditional Council.
Stakeholders described the initiative as a landmark achievement in institutional development and a clear demonstration of Senator Adeola’s sustained commitment to grassroots development, cultural preservation and inclusive governance in Yewaland.
Royal fathers present unanimously agreed that the project represents a significant step toward strengthening traditional governance and preserving Yewa cultural heritage. According to them, the proposed secretariat will function as a unifying administrative hub, enhance collaboration among monarchs and safeguard the cultural identity of the Yewa people for generations to come.
Speaking at the event, the Olu of Ilaro and Paramount Ruler of Yewaland, His Royal Majesty Oba (Dr.) Kehinde Gbadewole Olugbenle, Asade Agunloye IV, poured encomiums on Senator Adeola for his extensive infrastructural interventions and developmental footprints across Yewaland and Ogun State.
The monarch noted that the senator’s contributions have repositioned Yewaland on the path of meaningful progress, urging political leaders and stakeholders to embrace unity, cooperation and harmony.
He emphasized that such collective resolve remains crucial to the long-standing aspiration of producing a Yewa indigene as Governor of Ogun State in 2027.
Oba Olugbenle also used the occasion to encourage residents to actively participate in the democratic process by obtaining their Permanent Voter’s Cards (PVCs), stressing that civic engagement is the surest route to credible leadership.
“Yayi Is a Unique Son of Yewaland” — Deputy Speaker
The Deputy Speaker of the Ogun State House of Assembly, Rt. Hon. (Chief) Mrs. Lateefat Bolanle Ajayi, described Senator Adeola as a “unique and incomparable son of Yewaland,” whose influence transcends Ogun West to Ogun Central and East.
“We have had good sons in Yewaland, but Yayi stands out. His impact is felt in Abeokuta, Ijebu-Ode and beyond. Charity truly begins at home. Even the blind can see and the deaf can hear. We must support him. Come 2027, we have a candidate,” she declared.
Clerics Offer Prayers for Success
Offering prayers at the ceremony, Imam Mohammed Tijani Jamiu, Chief Imam of Surulere Central Mosque, Ilaro-Yewa, prayed for Senator Adeola, the royal fathers of Yewaland and the successful completion of the project.
Similarly, Imam Jamiu Adeniyi Kewulere, Chief Imam of Bibire Central Mosque, Oke-Ola, Ilaro-Yewa, also offered special prayers for peace, progress and divine guidance for all stakeholders.
“A Rare Project of Global Significance” — Yewa South LG Chairman
The Chairman of Yewa South Local Government, Hon. Tunde Ogunshola, described the occasion as one of the happiest moments of his life, noting that the project is unprecedented in scope and cultural significance
.
“This traditional council building is rare, even globally. It is being realized through the support of Governor Prince Dapo Abiodun and facilitated by Senator Adeola. When completed, it will stand as a lasting symbol of our heritage,” he said.
The Ogun State Chairman of Cultural Development, Hon. Olayiwola Taiwo, also hailed the project as a major turnaround for Ogun West, a zone he said had endured years of infrastructural neglect.
“This is a remarkable development. Senator Adeola is truly God-sent to Yewaland,” he stated.
Royal fathers including the Olofin Adimula of Ado-Odo, Oba Idris Olusola Lamidi Osolo, the Abepa of Joga-Orile, Oba Adeyemi Adekeye, and the Onimeko of Imeko, Oba Benjamin Olanite, all expressed confidence that greater projects linked to Senator Adeola would continue to materialize.
A retired Director-General in the Ogun State Civil Service, Mr. Michael Babatunde Ajayi, likened the proposed complex to the Obas’ Secretariat in Abeokuta, noting that it would reduce the need for monarchs in Yewaland to travel to the state capital for meetings.
“This will be the first of its kind in Yewaland. Kudos to Senator Adeola, whose impact is felt across Ogun State,” he said.
APC Leaders Call for Political Mobilisation
The Ogun West APC Chairman, Alhaji Azeez Adisa (Ekwume), alongside party leaders and community stakeholders, described Senator Adeola’s interventions as purposeful and impactful.
They urged party members to consolidate these gains by strengthening party structures and participating actively in voter registration and mop-up exercises, noting that broad-based participation is essential for electoral success.
Anglican Bishop Describes Project as Timely
Speaking with journalists, the Diocesan Bishop of the Anglican Communion, Rt. Revd. M.A. Oluwarohunbi, PhD, described the project as timely and symbolic, adding that it would enhance the role of traditional rulers in governance.
“This is a very important day in the history of Ilaro and Yewaland. The proposed complex will be an ultra-modern edifice befitting our royal fathers,” he said.
He also prayed for Senator Adeola’s continued strength and the realization of his future aspirations.
At the climax of the event, Oba Olugbenle, alongside other eminent kabiyesis, offered royal prayers and blessings for President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, Governor Prince Dapo Abiodun, Senator Solomon Adeola Yayi, and other political office holders across Ogun West and Nigeria, seeking divine wisdom, protection and success in governance.
The well-attended ceremony drew a diverse audience, including revered monarchs from across Yewaland, political leaders, community stakeholders and religious representatives from Christianity, Islam and traditional institutions.
Members of the League of Yewa-Awori Media Practitioners (LOYAMP) were also prominently represented, led by their National Coordinator, Otunba AbuSatar Idowu Hamed.
The colourful event concluded with the formal laying of the foundation stone by royal fathers and distinguished guests, symbolically ushering in a new chapter in the institutional development and cultural renaissance of Yewaland—an occasion many described as another defining milestone in Senator Adeola Yayi’s growing legacy of service and development.
Courtesy: League of Yewa-Awori Media Practitioners (LOYAMP)
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Shadows of Greed: Alison‑Madueke’s UK Corruption Trial and the Cost of Power
Shadows of Greed: Alison‑Madueke’s UK Corruption Trial and the Cost of Power
By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by SaharaWeeklyNG.com
When today’s headlines speak of corruption, they often do so as a distant abstraction as a vague moral failure with little bearing on everyday life. But the unfolding corruption trial of Diezani Alison‑Madueke in a London court throws into glaring relief the real, human and systemic consequences of unchecked power merged with self‑interest. This is not merely the story of an individual on trial; it is a lens through which the world must scrutinise the fragile intersection of governance, resource wealth and public trust.
Diezani Alison‑Madueke, once Nigeria’s Minister of Petroleum Resources and later the first woman president of the Organisation of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC), now stands accused before Britain’s Southwark Crown Court of multiple counts of bribery and conspiracy. The accusations against her (which she vehemently denies) paint a portrait of opulence allegedly funded through pay‑to‑play politics that ignored the public good and rewarded those who could feed her lavish lifestyle.
A Life in Oil, a Life Under Scrutiny.
Alison‑Madueke’s tenure as petroleum minister, from twenty ten until twenty fifteen, coincided with a period of immense oil revenue for Nigeria, a country sitting atop the largest oil reserves in Africa. Yet that wealth did not translate into broad‑based prosperity for the citizens she was meant to serve. Instead, British prosecutors allege that her privileged access to that sector was exploited for personal gain.
According to court indictments, she is accused of accepting bribes not in vague promises, but in concrete, high‑value luxury benefits and including cash, chauffeur‑driven vehicles, private jet travel, the use of multiple high‑end properties in London, funded renovations, personal household staff and even costly designer goods purchased at establishments like Harrods and Louis Vuitton. Prosecutors told the court these were not mere gifts, but “financial or other advantages” given by industry players “who clearly believed she would use her influence to favour them.”
The former minister, now sixty‑five, has pleaded not guilty to all charges. Alongside her in the dock are two co‑defendants: oil executive Olatimbo Ayinde and her brother, Doye Agama, both of whom deny the charges connected to the same alleged bribery scheme.
The Anatomy of Allegations.
What makes this trial especially significant is the detail and scale of the alleged benefits. Prosecutors have asserted that Alison‑Madueke was offered:
Access
to luxury homes and private residences in London, bought and maintained by associates seeking lucrative Nigerian contracts.
At least a six‑figure sum in direct cash payments.
Private jet flights and schooling fees for her children.
Vast quantities of luxury goods and services from upscale retailers.
While the prosecution concedes it has not yet produced direct evidence that she awarded specific contracts to individuals who should not have had them, it maintains that the acceptance of such benefits by a public official who oversaw multi‑billion‑dollar contracts is inherently improper and contrary to fundamental principles of public service.
Voices of Accountability.
The allegations have drawn sharp commentary from observers worldwide who see the trial as emblematic of broader governance challenges across resource‑rich nations.
Nigerian social justice advocate Aisha Bello has observed, “Corruption is not a peripheral defect in governance but a corrosive disease that accelerates inequality. When leaders treat public office as a gateway to private treasure, citizens pay with lost opportunities and diminished hope.”
Similarly, Professor John Githongo, a renowned anti‑corruption scholar, argues that “Transparency and accountability are not optional extras in public administration; they are indispensable pillars of a just society. When the public good is subverted for private gain, the very fabric of trust unravels.”
These sentiments resonate deeply in contexts where natural wealth exists alongside persistent challenges in education, healthcare and infrastructure also illustrating that corruption is not an isolated moral failing, but a fundamental impediment to development.
Corruption Beyond Borders.
What makes this case notable on the global stage is not just its connection to a former minister, but its international footprint. The United Kingdom’s National Crime Agency (NCA) has taken up the case because many of the alleged transactions (the properties, cash flows, and luxury perks) touched British jurisdiction. This underlines a critical truth: corruption today is not contained by national boundaries. Illicit financial flows, luxury goods, and asset holding often travel across continents, making international cooperation essential in pursuit of justice.
Andy Kelly, head of the NCA’s International Corruption Unit, stated during earlier proceedings that investigations revealed “financial rewards” accepted by Alison‑Madueke that were “suspected to relate to the awarding of multi‑million‑pound contracts.” He emphasised that such impropriety has “devastating consequences for developing nations.”
This collaborative legal action reflects a growing global consensus: no public official, regardless of stature, should be beyond accountability. When a former head of state institutions is brought before a foreign court, it is not just a legal milestone but it is a moral affirmation of shared values in the rule of law.
The Nigerian Context.
In Nigeria, the oil sector has long been both a blessing and a burden. Despite generating huge revenues, mismanagement and corruption have often undermined potential gains for the wider population. A 2023 report by Nigeria’s statistics agency ranked corruption as one of the most significant challenges facing the country. It is a sobering backdrop that shapes how this trial is interpreted at home and abroad.
Former officials and critics alike have noted that transparency in governance is not merely a matter of legality but one of national dignity. As legal scholar Dr. Funke Adekola puts it, “When leaders betray public trust, they erode the very essence of citizenship. Restoring that trust requires not just trials, but systemic reform in values and institutions.”
What Lies Ahead.
The trial, expected to stretch over several months of testimony and evidence examination, is itself a test of judicial endurance and political will. It presents complex questions about proof, credibility, and moral accountability. Yet beyond the sterile halls of courtrooms, its wider implications reverberate in global public discourse about how nations manage wealth and how societies hold leaders accountable.
For ordinary citizens around the world, this case is riveting not because of luxury houses or private jets, but because it forces a collective reckoning: What price should a society pay when those entrusted with public resources place personal enrichment above national welfare?
Summative Insight.
As Diezani Alison‑Madueke’s trial unfolds before the world’s eyes, it stands as a stark reminder that the fight against corruption must be relentless and unflinching. It exposes the corrosive effects of unethical conduct at the highest levels of power and underscores the necessity of accountability, irrespective of nationality or office.
In the final analysis, justice is not only about punishment, but about restoring faith in the systems meant to protect the common good. As the British court hears testimony and as evidence is meticulously weighed, the world watches a profound test of justice, one that could shape how future generations understand leadership, integrity and the true cost of power.
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