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TEN YEARS AFTER LAMIDI ADEDIBU

Published

8 years ago

July 2, 2018

Sahara Weekly

BY REUBEN ABATI.

It has been ten years since the self-styled “strong man of Ibadan politics”, Chief Lamidi Ariyibi Akanji Adedibu, died. He died on June 11, 2008. I do not recall seeing many tributes or advertisements in the newspapers or other media commemorating his life and legacy. There was no public lecture or any important statements from those who were his protégés. That this is so is a useful lesson to today’s political Godfathers and henchmen in Nigerian politics who behave as if history has already assigned to them an immortal space on its pages.

Lamidi Adedibu was a colossal presence in the politics of Ibadan, and Oyo state for more than 50 years. Ibadan has a tradition of colourful politicians who wielded enormous influence: Adegoke Adelabu, the brilliant orator and intellectually gifted personality who authored “Africa in Ebullition”, and whose use of the phrase “peculiar mess” got transliterated by his illiterate audience as “penkelemesi”; Chief Mojeed Mobolanle Agbaje, the first Ibadan man to become a lawyer, and son of Alhaji Salami Agbaje of Ayeye, Ibadan who was the richest man in Ibadan in his time and the first to ride a car (1915) and build a house with cement; Chief Meredith Adisa Akinloye, an alumnus of the London School of Economics (LSE), founder of the Ibadan People’s Party (IPP), Chairman of Ibadan City Council and in the Second Republic, Chairman of the National Party of Nigeria (NPN); and Alhaji Busari Adelakun, the “Eruobodo” (“the river fears no one”) of Ibadan politics. There is hardly any other Ibadan indigene apart from these gentlemen who has been more influential in shaping the tone and shape of Ibadan politics and by extension, the politics of Oyo state. Local Ibadan politics is a combination of thuggery, populism, inconsistency, clientelism and intellectual opportunism, with service to the people thrown in as a lower measure.

Lamidi Adedibu lacked the intellectual gifts of Adelabu, Agbaje, and Akinloye, or the oratory of Adelabu – he was much closer to Busari Adelakun, who was his mentor. In an instructive book titled “What I saw in the Politics of Ibadanland”, Adedibu has already given his own eye-witness account from his beginning days with the Ibadan People’s Party and the Action Group, later the the National Party of Nigeria during the Second Republic, but he truly came into his own as the main Godfather of Ibadan politics with the ascendancy of the People’s Democratic Party in 1999 and especially in 2003 when he was recruited by President Olusegun Obasanjo for his second term bid. He filled the vacuum created by the exit of Alhaji Busari Adelakun, and in that aspect, he established himself as a master of the game using violence, mass appeal, and philanthropy to determine political outcomes. During the Second Republic, Alhaji Busari Adelakun was credited with having helped Chief Bola Ige of the Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN) to become Governor.

The main task of that branch of Ibadan politics represented by Adelakun and his followers, was to help deliver the votes, by any means possible. Adelakun would go from one polling booth to the other, and ensure that his clients won the vote. He was later rewarded with the position of a Commissioner (first Local Government and Chieftaincy Affairs and later, Health) in the Bola Ige government. Both men would soon fall out, and Busari Adelakun resigned in anger. He famously swore that nobody could ever occupy a position that he, Adelakun, left in anger. It then happened that his immediate successor in the Ministry of Local Government and Chieftaincy died in the hands of his own sibling. He was beheaded. Adelakun’s successor in the Ministry of Health also suffered stroke. He on account of this became a mythical figure. He would later defect to the National Party of Nigeria (NPN) with the threat that he would get Bola Ige removed as Governor. He supported Chief Victor Omololu Olunloyo who eventually became Governor. His word came to pass. But the Olunloyo government was short-lived. General Buhari struck in December 1983 and Adelakun and other NPN chieftains were herded into detention. He took ill in jail and died subsequently.

It was Lamidi Adedibu who sustained this tradition of prominent Ibadan politicians playing the role of the Godfather, and masters of the politics of clientelism. Unlike Adelakun, he didn’t have to follow the able-bodied boys, masquerading as members of the National Union of Road Transport Workers (NURTW), who snatched ballot boxes in those days and stuffed them. He had the entire city under his control in a manner nobody else before him did. Every major thug in the town reported to him, and he used them against the opponents, but he also at the same time took very good care of the ordinary people who delivered the votes to ensure victory for his clients and friends. Lamidi Adedibu, with the failure of the Alliance for Democracy in the 2003 election in Oyo state, became effectively the most influential politician in Ibadan politics, Oyo state politics, and one of the leading lights of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP). He held court and juggled the balls from his extensive home in Molete, Ibadan. That was where he held court. He was Ashipa Olubadan but he had his own palace – where he decided the political fortunes of politicians who came to him for help, or persons seeking political appointments. It was not for nothing that he was known as “Alaafin of Molete”.

His home was a palace unto itself. He was also the exponent of “Amala politics” – what is now known as the politics of stomach infrastructure. Every day, Adedibu kept his home open for the ordinary people of Ibadan. Whoever was hungry knew that if they went to Adedibu’s home, they would get a good plate of piping hot amala and a drink to wash it down. Ordinary people who could not pay school fees or hospital bills or rent went to him in his palace to ask for help. He supported them willingly. He was not a herdsman but he had a mini-ranch in his home, at any time, there were more than a dozen cows waiting to be slaughtered to feed the people, goats also, and rams and pigeons. Everyday in the Adedibu home was like a festival. He reportedly kept more than 100 vehicles, to be mobilized at short notice to pursue any political cause. The whole of Ibadan city came to regard Adedibu as the real government: he ran a government of his own. It wasn’t long before he became a national figure of real importance.

Prominent politicians visited him at home, and as they did, they brought bags of money, which in any case, Adedibu shared to the electorate. The politicians who took him as their Godfather expected him to help them deliver the votes on election day and the people who went to his house to eat and collect money waited on him to tell them how they should vote in every election. He would soon become so influential that the then Chairman of the PDP, Dr. Ahmadu Ali described him at a point, as the “garrison commander of Ibadan politics.” President Olusegun Obasanjo also visited him at home once, welcomed by a cavalcade of drums and pageantry, and he ended up describing him as the “father of the PDP”. Even politicians from other parts of the country who may not have needed him in their own constituencies, patronized him all the same. In his own immediate political constituency, his boys did as they wished. They unleashed violence on political opponents while the state authorities looked the other way. Adedibu was above the law. He was the ultimate Godfather. He once quipped: “…Let me tell you, constitution or law, that is for you men. God has his own law.” There was no one like that before him, and there has been no other like that after him. He projected himself as a Robin Hood, but he didn’t really like the poor, he used them for his own relevance.

In 2003, he had reportedly helped to install Senator Rasheed Adewolu Ladoja as Governor of Oyo State. He himself said so. That is what people like him do – they would help to install a client in a position of political authority. They would then afterwards collect rent in form of cash and appointive positions and exercise influence over public policy. Adedibu and Ladoja soon fell out. Adedibu told the public that he had a prior agreement with Ladoja that he must pay to him, every month, 50% of the state’s security vote, which was at the time about N30 million. Ladoja reneged, insisting that the security vote was meant for security. The Godfather became angry – he retorted that he was the main security of the state and did Ladoja realize that money was spent to get him into office? He swore to get Ladoja removed. And indeed he did. Eighteen out of the 32 members of the state House of Assembly, acting on Adedibu’s instructions, met and impeached Ladoja. His Deputy who was also an Adedibu protégé was immediately installed as Governor. After taking the oath of office, one of Christopher Adebayo Alao-Akala’s first assignments was to go straight to Adedibu’s home to pay homage. He went down on all fours to say “thank you.” Ladoja would later be reinstated by court order 11 months later, but the Godfather had made his point.

The kind of influence that the likes of Lamidi Adedibu wielded is a metaphor for the character and level of Nigerian politics. Godfathers still exist in today’s politics and the new Godfathers are just as messianic and as arrogant as their predecessors were. Violence also remains an instrument of persuasion and enforcement, even if since Adedibu’s exit, the level of violence in Ibadan politics has progressively reduced, across the country, many politicians routinely patronize thugs and enforcers. “Amala politics” still exists in form of “stomach infrastructure” – even when some politicians do not turn their homes into a public kitchen and abattoir, they patronize the people by bribing them with motorcycles or boreholes. In Benue state, Governor Samuel Ortom distributed wheel barrows with the inscription: “Gov. Ortom for you”. In another state, a serving APC Senator donated an electric pole to a community as constituency project and took photographs, in Kano state, Gov. Abdullahi Ganduje bought noodles, eggs, and beverages to empower tea hawkers. Now that we are in an election season, some other politicians will distribute cooked food, bags of rice or photograph themselves eating at amala joints or buying roasted corn by the roadside.

Our politicians have learnt to exploit the people’s poverty. Political Godfathers capitalize on this and turn it into a strategy. When the people are rescued from the poverty trap, they would be less susceptible to the greed and exploitation of politicians. Institutions also have to be built and strengthened to check the menace of Godfathers and their boys who decide electoral choices on the people’s behalf and by so doing, frustrate democratic expression.

As a human being, Adedibu was obviously a strong grassroots mobiliser. He was also a strong religious and community leader – he built 18 mosques – but his legacy of stomach infrastructure and political manipulation cannot endure in the long run. One week after his burial, his political acolytes returned hoping that his family will sustain the feast. They were turned back. The pots and pans used for cooking had been packed aside. Over 90 mattresses used by the army of boys that thronged the “palace” had been packed together in a heap to be disposed off. The amala-seeking crowd went over to the home of Alhaji Azeez Arisekola-Alao, an Ibadan politician and entrepreneur, hoping he would provide “amala”. Arisekola was a prominent philanthropist but he wasn’t running a public kitchen in his home. One of Adedibu’s sons, ended up in politics and became a Senator, but he did not follow in his father’s footsteps. Another son reportedly described the late politician as a “dishonest politician.”

Today, the Molete palace is desolate. The in-house ranch has disappeared. The Nigerian electorate, should be reminded that when a politician offers them food in exchange for their votes, that food will soon digest and end up in the toilet, and you’d need to eat again. When the politician dies, or leaves politics or no longer needs you, you’d still have to eat. It is better always to vote wisely and focus on the need to build and strengthen public institutions for the people’s benenfits.

By Reuben Abati

Related Topics:coverstory lamidi adedibu politics Reuben Abati

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Kingdom Advancement: God Does Not Confirm Lies or Gossip — He Confirms His Word .” — Dr. Chris Okafor

Published

2 days ago

February 17, 2026

Sahara Weekly

Kingdom Advancement: God Does Not Confirm Lies or Gossip—He Confirms His Word

“When Doing Business with God,

People’s Opinions Do Not Count.”

— Dr. Christian Okafor

The greatest investment any Christian can make is partnering with God. According to the Generational Prophet of God and Senior Pastor of Grace Nation Global, Christopher Okafor, when a believer commits to serving and advancing God’s kingdom, no barrier, lie, gossip, or blackmail can prevail against them.

This message was delivered during the Prophetic Financial Sunday Service held on February 15, 2026, at the international headquarters of Grace Nation Worldwide in Ojodu Berger, Lagos, Nigeria.

Doing Business with God

Teaching on the theme “Kingdom Advancement” with the subtitle “Doing Business with God,” Dr. Okafor emphasized that when a believer enters into covenant partnership with God, divine backing becomes inevitable.

“God is still in the business of covenant,” he declared. “When you make a covenant with Him, He honors the terms. When you win souls into the kingdom and remain committed to His work, He rewards you with what you could never achieve by your own strength.”

The Man of God stressed that God does not confirm lies, gossip, or negative narratives—He confirms His Word. Therefore, anyone genuinely committed to kingdom business should not be distracted by public opinion.

“No matter the blackmail or falsehood circulating around you, if you are focused on God’s assignment, those attacks will only strengthen you,” he stated.

He further noted that a believer’s understanding of God’s covenant determines their experience. “Your mentality about God’s covenant becomes your reality. When you truly know the God you serve, no devil can move you.”

Biblical Examples of Kingdom Partnership

Dr. Okafor cited several biblical figures who prospered through their partnership with God:

Abel

Abel served God with sincerity and offered his very best. His sacrifice pleased God, demonstrating that when a master is honored, he responds with favor.

David

David’s heart was fully devoted to God, and in return, God’s presence and favor rested upon him throughout his life.

Hannah

Hannah made a covenant with God, promising that if He blessed her with a child, she would dedicate him to His service. After fulfilling her vow, God rewarded her abundantly, blessing her with additional children.

Peter

Peter, a professional fisherman, surrendered his boat at Jesus’ request for kingdom work. Through that act of partnership and obedience, he experienced supernatural provision and divine elevation.

Conclusion

In closing, Dr. Okafor emphasized that one’s approach to God’s covenant determines the level of success and prosperity experienced. Commitment to kingdom advancement secures divine confirmation and supernatural results.

The Prophetic Financial Sunday Service was marked by prophetic declarations, deliverance, healings, miracles, restoration, and solutions to diverse cases presented before Elohim.

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At 55, Omoyele Sowore Remains a Defiant Voice of Conscience

Published

2 days ago

February 16, 2026

Sahara Weekly

At 55, Omoyele Sowore Remains a Defiant Voice of Conscience

By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by SaharaWeeklyNG

“SaharaWeeklyNG Management and Staff Salute a Relentless Campaigner for Justice and Democratic Accountability.”

As activist, journalist and politician Omoyele Sowore marks his 55th birthday, the management and staff of SaharaWeeklyNG join millions of Nigerians at home and in the diaspora to celebrate a man widely regarded as one of the most persistent and fearless voices for democratic accountability in modern Nigeria.

Born on February 16, 1971, in Ondo State, Sowore rose from student activism at the University of Lagos to become one of the country’s most recognisable pro-democracy figures. His early involvement in the student movement during the military era of the 1990s placed him at the forefront of protests against dictatorship and repression, a role that would shape the course of his life and career.

He later founded Sahara Reporters in 2006, an online investigative platform that quickly gained prominence for exposing corruption, abuse of power and human rights violations. Operating initially from the United States, the outlet became a symbol of citizen journalism and digital activism, publishing stories often ignored or suppressed by mainstream media. Over the years, the platform has reported on high-level corruption cases, electoral malpractices and security failures, earning both praise and fierce criticism from political authorities.

Sowore’s activism took a dramatic turn in 2019 when he contested Nigeria’s presidential election under the African Action Congress (AAC). Although he did not win, the campaign amplified his calls for systemic reform. Months later, he launched the #RevolutionNow movement, a nationwide protest demanding an end to corruption, economic hardship and insecurity.

In August 2019, he was arrested by Nigeria’s Department of State Services (DSS) on charges of treasonable felony. His detention, which lasted several months despite court orders for his release, sparked international condemnation from human rights groups, civil society organisations and foreign observers. The case turned him into a global symbol of resistance against state repression.

Over the years, Sowore has faced multiple arrests, court trials and travel restrictions. Yet he has remained resolute, insisting that his activism is rooted in the constitutional right to freedom of expression and peaceful assembly. Supporters describe him as a principled crusader against injustice, while critics accuse him of political extremism. Regardless of the perspective, his impact on Nigeria’s political discourse is undeniable.

His life’s work echoes the enduring words of Nelson Mandela, who once said, “Freedom is not merely to cast off one’s chains, but to live in a way that respects and enhances the freedom of others.” For many of Sowore’s followers, his sacrifices represent precisely that spirit, an unyielding struggle for a more accountable and equitable society.

Similarly, the philosophy of Martin Luther King Jr. (that “injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere”) resonates deeply with the trajectory of Sowore’s activism. Whether confronting police brutality, electoral irregularities or economic injustice, he has consistently framed his struggle as one for the collective dignity of Nigerians.

Nigerian Nobel laureate Wole Soyinka once observed that “the man dies in all who keep silent in the face of tyranny.” That sentiment captures the essence of Sowore’s public life. For over three decades, he has refused silence, even when it meant imprisonment, harassment and personal sacrifice.

At 55, Sowore’s journey is far from over. He remains active in political advocacy, civil rights campaigns and public commentary, continuing to challenge what he describes as systemic failures in governance and leadership. His career reflects both the promise and the peril of dissent in a fragile democracy; where the line between patriotism and confrontation is often fiercely contested.

On this milestone birthday, SaharaWeeklyNG management and staff recognise Sowore not merely as an individual, but as a symbol of the enduring struggle for transparency, justice, and democratic renewal. His story is one of conviction under pressure, a reminder that the quest for a better society often demands courage, resilience and a willingness to stand alone.

As Nigeria navigates its complex political and economic realities, figures like Sowore continue to shape the national conversation. Whether praised or criticised, his voice remains a constant in the country’s democratic journey; loud, uncompromising and impossible to ignore.

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Banwo Accuses Alex Otti Administration of Governance by Propaganda

Published

3 days ago

February 15, 2026

Sahara Weekly

Banwo Accuses Alex Otti Administration of Governance by Propaganda

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‎Public commentator and lawyer Dr. Ope Banwo has criticised the Abia State Government under Governor Alex Otti, accusing the administration of running what he described as a “propaganda-driven government” built on exaggerated claims and selective messaging rather than measurable governance outcomes.

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‎In a detailed commentary, Banwo argued that while Abia State has recorded some progress in specific sectors, the government’s media machinery has inflated limited achievements into what he called “statewide miracles,” creating a disconnect between online narratives and lived realities.

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‎Banwo, who said he initially viewed Governor Otti as a symbol of hope following the 2023 elections, noted that his concerns emerged after engaging residents and professionals living in Abia to verify widely circulated claims about infrastructure, power supply, healthcare, and transportation.

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‎Central to Banwo’s critique is the portrayal of Abia as a state with uninterrupted electricity. He acknowledged the existence of the Aba ring-fenced power arrangement involving Aba Power and Geometric Power but argued that the arrangement has been misrepresented as statewide energy independence.

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‎According to him, extending the Aba power project to represent the entire state amounts to misinformation, especially given acknowledged outages and the limited geographical coverage of the scheme.

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‎He further questioned claims that Abia was the first state to assume intrastate electricity regulation, stating that other states, including Lagos State, had taken similar steps earlier.

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‎Banwo also raised concerns over viral claims suggesting that biogas facilities are already powering Abia communities, arguing that pilot projects have been prematurely presented as fully operational infrastructure.

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‎He noted that residents he spoke with were largely unaware of any functional biogas-powered communities, stressing that government announcements should be backed by publicly available data on scale, output, and sustainability.

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‎On healthcare, the founder of Naija Lives Matters (NLM) questioned reports that Abia offers free medical care to all citizens above 60 years of age for life, describing the claim as unverified and unsupported by legislation, budgetary provisions, or formal policy documents.

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‎Similarly, he criticised claims suggesting that electric vehicles operate widely across the state and that all roads have been tarred, describing such assertions as exaggerated and misleading.

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‎The self-acclaimed Mayor of Fadeyi argued that the core issue is not the absence of development but what he described as a governance style driven by social media optics rather than transparent performance metrics.

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‎He warned that excessive reliance on viral content, influencers, and unverified claims risks eroding public trust and undermining accountability, noting that effective governance requires data, timelines, and measurable outcomes.

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‎“A serious government does not need to exaggerate results,” Banwo said, adding that citizens require reliable services, not slogans.

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‎He also advised the Abia government to avoid constant comparisons with states like Lagos and its governor, Babajide Sanwo-Olu, urging the administration to focus instead on publishing verifiable performance records.

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‎Banwo challenged the Otti administration to release clear documentation supporting its claims, including power coverage maps, healthcare policy instruments, infrastructure project lists, and implementation timelines.

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‎He concluded that while Abia State has not “collapsed,” the growing gap between online narratives and on-ground realities could become more damaging than infrastructural deficits if left unaddressed.

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