Politics
THAT LAGOS APC MAY SURVIVE AHEAD OF 2027
THAT LAGOS APC MAY SURVIVE AHEAD OF 2027
By Animashaun Ogundele
Sahara Weekly Reports That It did not start right now, but what has the tendency to finally destroy the All Progressives Congress (APC) in Lagos has become a foetus that could be birthed before the 2027 general election. The party in the state is still trying to strengthen-up from its loss at the presidential election of 2023. That was, indeed, a shocking output from which many fingers point at the leadership of the party in the State led by Pastor Cornelius Ojelabi.
A review of the 2023 election by some members of the party showed that the usual steps to victory for the party was jettisoned under Ojelabi, whose exco decided to hire consultants. The party had always incorporated all the ward chairmen for mobilisation during electioneering. It was not done. And the result? A strike below the spine that got all and sundry bracing up urgently ahead of the governorship election that followed.
It is known the world over that one beautiful goal of a political party is winning elections but this is supposed to be through an effective membership drive. Thus, the more the members of a political party, the more strength the party garners. But in the case of the Lagos APC, the party has embarked on what is now termed ‘a weeding spree’, an action that has caused anger and opposition by some members. Currently, the exco is now said to be thriving in confusion following an escalation of an action it thought was close-knit.
THE BEGINNING
What is now becoming a danger to the party started on Monday, June 24, 2024, when Ojelabi reportedly met with stakeholders in the APC in the Alimosho area of the state. Alimosho had been challenged by a leadership crisis which is believed to result from loyalty to two groups – Justice Forum of Nigeria and The Mandate Movement of Nigeria – within the party. Ojelabi, a member of the Justice Forum, had reportedly caused suspicion when he was said to have invited members of his group in Alimosho led by former Deputy Governor Adejoke Orelope-Adefulire. Also invited was Abdullahi Ayinde Enilolobo, an ought-to-be member of the Mandate Movement, but whose tendencies favour the Justice Forum. With the news filtering out that Enilolobo was invited, suspicion took centre-stage. The members of the Mandate Movement marched on the party secretariat and met a defiant chairman who initially declined honouring them until he realised how resolute the protesters were. The protesters wanted to be part of the meeting because they did not trust Enilolobo, whose antics, they claimed, led to the defeat of the party in the presidential election of 2023.
However, while the meeting lasted, a separate template was being hatched by the exco. In just 24 hours after the meeting, some leaders of The Mandate Movement in Alimosho were summoned by the police in Alagbon based on a petition on behalf of Ojelabi. Among other allegations, they were accused of cyber stalking, threat to life and illegal possession of firearms. The police found nothing against the leaders.
On July 1, 2024, the party, through its secretary, Dr. Adeola Jokomba, sent a letter to the ward chairmen in Alimosho to activate Article 21 of the party constitution “to investigate the said occurrence of 24th June, 2024.” This letter came with a pre-assumed list of those to be investigated, many of whom were said not to be at the party secretariat on the day of the protest. The letter had claimed that the protesters were armed and unleashed violence on the chairman. This, meanwhile, is against the explanation that the same chairman held a fruitful meeting with them after his initial stance.
One of the suspended members, who said he received the letter through Whatsapp explained that Article 21 of the party constitution emphasises fair hearing, but “without even inviting us for a defence, we suddenly started seeing our suspension letters on social media. Some letters were sent on July 3rd while some people got theirs on July 5th. In fact, what they did was to profile all members of The Mandate Movement for suspension. In Ward A of Ayobo-Ipaja LCDA alone, 54 members of the party were issued suspension letters. Using some local government council chairmen, this same suspension has been extended to some political appointees at the local government levels suspected to be loyal to The Mandate Movement of Nigeria.
A PARTY WITHOUT MEETINGS
First, a part of the grievance within the party stems from a complaint that since the 2023 elections, the party has hardly held general ward or local government meetings as it used to happen. General Ward meetings have only been held four times while LGA meetings have been held just three times. Meetings with LGA party chairmen were held only three times while no meeting has been held between him and all the 376 ward chairmen since he became the state chairman. The members are now left in limbo.
One issue pointing against Ojelabi is that under his leadership, the party still grapples with two parallel excos in the Mainland area of the state. According to insiders, the issue had been resolved by the last state chairman of the party. However, to shore up the strength of the Justice Forum, he was said to have declared that he was reviewing the resolutions following fresh petitions. “Now, there are two factions of the Mainland exco of the party. During the election and up till now, he uses his friends and cohorts as consultants thus jettisoning the party structures,” an aggrieved member said noting that APC canvassers and some agents of the party during the election have not been paid till now.
Aside from this fact, insider sources say polling unit committees set up to administer voting during the elections have mostly remained unpaid till now. Reliably gathered, some ward chairmen had at a time complained to the Governor who, in turn, told them to ask from Ojelabi how the latter expended the N2 billion out of donated campaign funds set aside for that purpose. Confronted, Ojelabi reportedly said he was not aware that his consultants had not paid most Polling Unit committee members. He promised to look into the matter. Since then, those affected say they have remained unpaid.
Checks show that the supposed consultants are not just party members who should ordinarily contribute like others to the party’s progress, they are also drawn from his Justice Forum. They include two former commissioners, one from Agege and the other from Alimosho, and the third a former head of one of the parastatals in Lagos. A general belief among party members is that the supposed consultants are channels through which party funds are piped out of the secretariat by the chairman.
Members continue to grudge over his strategy which they claim is a major reason APC lost the presidential election in Lagos. Ojelabi lost the presidential and National Assembly elections in his federal constituency. He lost all the polling units around his Iba/New Site residence too to the Labour Party. A strongly held view among party members is that the APC under his watch would hardly match the fortunes recorded under Chief Henry Ajomale and Tunde Balogun, who once held sway as chairmen. As it is, party members are left confused. They say it does not look like there are structures in place to begin to smarten up from the last election as activities at the APC secretariat are at their lowest ebb.
ONE-MAN SHOW
For some members of the State Executive Committee, the APC secretariat on Acme Road is run more like it is handled by a sole administrator and a member of the party lamented: “you either shape in or fall out. You don’t only fall out if you oppose, you also fall out of every favour. Whatever opportunity you have to make a contribution, the chairman thinks he is doing you a favour.” According to them members, no other member of the exco has a say in the running of the party. And for his decisions? They are final once he takes them. No recourse to anybody. An evidence of this, they pointed out, is how he had allegedly constantly cowed and intimidated the party secretary and treasurer frustrating them at will. It is a gossip within the secretariat that anybody who tries to oppose him should be ready to face frustration beyond limit.
“His word is law oh! That was how he orchestrated the suspension of an exco member leading to other exco members being mindful, conscious, and scared of making inputs no matter how important and beneficial such would be,” an aggrieved party member within the secretariat complained.
In fact, it is claimed that one reason attributed to the loss of the party at the 2023 election was that Ojelabi “moved the secretariat from Acme to an unknown location making it a Herculean task for party chiefs, LGA and ward party chairmen who had complaints about developments during the election from reaching or accessing him.
PARTY LARGESSE/SHARING FORMULA
One baggage that Pastor Ojelabi carries on his shoulders is the allegation that his leadership makes sure that largesse and palliatives to party members are skewed in favour of the Justice Forum within his constituency and the state. This is believed to have happened consistently. Examples are said to have been noted in the federal and state governments’ palliatives and cash transfers. One such occasion occurred when he was said to have under-declared the number of palliative slots given to the party at a meeting he held with his exco members. Some of the exco members at the meeting could not stomach this. They openly criticised him at the meeting.
AMBITION 2027
Those kicking against Ojelabi’s current style of leadership say he is tilted to achieving an acclaimed goal of becoming the running mate to Deputy Governor Obafemi Hamzat in 2027. Engineer Hamzat is believed to be eyeing the governorship seat and according to insiders, Ojelabi has mapped out his own plan ahead of the election and has begun “hatching the eggs” by cajoling council chairmen to either belong to the Justice Forum overseen by Hamzat or get their fingers burnt.
CHALLENGE BEFORE OJELABI
A major headache before the party chairman and the exco currently is how to effectively mop up the suspension letters issued out already. It was learnt that leaders within the Governance Advisory Council had blamed him for his shoddy handling of the protest. He was also said to have been reminded that as chairman, he should allow democracy thrive in every of his actions. Coincidentally, while the intervention by the GAC was ongoing, the suspension letters had been released creating for difficulties in retrieving them. The only option left to the chairman was for an outright public denial of the order suspending the members. A press release was issued by the party in this regard, but those already suspended, said the letters sent to the ward chairmen ordering investigation as well as the suspension letters to the members were proofs that the Ojelabi meant to ostracise them. There is no doubting the fact that despite these challenges reeled out, APC in Lagos remains strong in comparison with other political organisations. However, this health, though fragile, is laced with injuries. What is left to be done is for well-meaning party leaders to salvage the party, heal these injuries and make it hale and hearty again.
Ogundele, a political analyst and APC supporter, writes from Lagos.
Politics
Hon. Olusegun Amore Clears APC Screening for Ogun Assembly Race, Promises Purposeful Representation for Yewa South
Hon. Olusegun Amore Clears APC Screening for Ogun Assembly Race, Promises Purposeful Representation for Yewa South
ABEOKUTA, OGUN STATE, NIGERIA – In a bold and strategic move towards deepening quality representation, grassroots development, and people-oriented governance, Hon. Olusegun Olugbemileke Amore has officially obtained and successfully passed the screening exercise of the All Progressives Congress (APC) to contest for the Yewa South Local Government State Constituency seat at the Ogun State House of Assembly.
This development has continued to generate excitement, hope, and widespread acceptance among party faithful, political stakeholders, youths, women groups, and residents across Yewa South, many of whom see Hon. Amore as a vibrant, visionary, and grassroots-oriented leader with the competence, capacity, and character required to deliver purposeful representation.
Hon. Amore, who is widely respected for his humility, accessibility, leadership qualities, and unwavering commitment to community development, explained that his decision to join the race was driven by his passion to serve the people, attract meaningful development, and become a strong voice for the aspirations of Yewa South at the state legislative level.
According to him, the time has come for a new era of responsive representation anchored on youth inclusion, infrastructural advancement, educational support, empowerment initiatives, and people-centered legislation capable of positively impacting every ward and community within the constituency.
Speaking shortly after successfully scaling through the APC screening exercise, Hon. Amore expressed appreciation to party leaders, members, supporters, political associates, and well-wishers for their encouragement, trust, and overwhelming support.
He reaffirmed his loyalty and commitment to the ideals and progressive philosophy of the APC, while promising to run an issue-based, peaceful, and inclusive campaign that would further unite the people and strengthen the party ahead of the forthcoming elections.
Hon. Amore further stressed that Yewa South deserves quality representation that will prioritize youth empowerment and employment opportunities, improved educational support and scholarship initiatives, better road infrastructure and rural development, agricultural and economic advancement, enhanced healthcare delivery, and effective legislative advocacy capable of attracting greater government presence and developmental projects to the constituency.
As consultations, mobilization, and political engagements continue across Yewa South, many supporters have expressed confidence that Hon. Olusegun Olugbemileke Amore possessed the experience, credibility, leadership capacity, and political will needed to effectively represent the interests of the constituency and contribute meaningfully to the continued progress and development of Ogun State.
Indeed, the journey towards a greater, stronger, and more prosperous Yewa South appears to have gained renewed momentum with the emergence of Hon. Olusegun Olugbemileke Amore as a formidable aspirant under the progressive banner of the APC.
Political observers and supporters have also described Hon. Amore’s aspiration as a welcome development, citing his longstanding relationship with the grassroots, dedication to humanitarian causes, and passion for community growth and political inclusiveness.
The Ogun State House of Assembly remains the legislative arm responsible for lawmaking, oversight functions, and the promotion of effective governance across the state.
Politics
2027 BATTLE: How Much Nigeria Can Save, Invest In Infrastructure By Rotating Power Among Six Geo-political Zones For A Single Term Of Five Or Six Years
2027 BATTLE: How Much Nigeria Can Save, Invest In Infrastructure By Rotating Power Among Six Geo-political Zones For A Single Term Of Five Or Six Years
As a Southernern, particularly from the South East Geo-Political Zone, I believe the most potent argument for us in 2027 is that the North/South zoning arrangement of political power at the center is a scam. It’s a scam because it has only benefitted the South West and the North West geo-political zones since the return of ‘democracy’ (civil rule) in Nigeria on May 29, 1999. Nigeria, it must be clarified has six geo-political zones, not two.
Nigeria was divided into six geo-political zones in 1996 by the military government of General Sanni Abacha. This new zoning arrangement was a brainchild of the 1994/1995 Constitutional Conference chaired by the late Justice Adolphus Karibi-Whyte and empaneled by General Sanni Abacha.
At that Conference, no less a person than former Vice President Chief Alex Ekwueme and a group called Mkpoko Igbo proposed that since Nigeria will now be divided into six geo-political zones, to give all zones a sense of belonging within the Nigerian State, that power at the center should rotate among the six geo-political zones for a single term of five or six years. In their thinking, if power was rotated among the six geo-political zones for a single term of five or six years, within 30 years or 36 years, all six zones would have had one of their own leading Nigeria, particularly, from their first 11 (primus inter pares). The North and the South West delegations at that conference pooh-poohed Chief Alex Ekwueme and summarily shut down that all-important proposal. The rest they say is history.
More than 30 years later, there is yet no national peace, national cohesion, national political stability, national unity, and national loyalty to the Nigerian State. Had the proposal of Chief Alex Ekwueme and Mkpoko Igbo been adopted and implemented since 1999, at least, the 5th Geo-Political Zone would have had one of their own in Aso Villa today, and by 2035, the last geo-political zone would have being sending us one of their own to contest the Presidency across Nigeria’s current 18 political parties. This mathematics is if we had gone with a single term of six years (the maximum limit) as proposed by Dr. Ekwueme and the South East and South South delegates in that 1994/1995 Constitutional Conference.
Fast forward to today, in his recent Arise TV interview, and in some other public and private fora, H.E. Atiku Abubakar asked for Dr. Ekwueme’s forgiveness as he was among key Northern delegates in that Constitutional Conference from the Shehu Musa Yar’Adua group that opposed the rotational presidency among Nigeria’s geo-political zones. Waziri Adamawa had disclosed that he even apologized to Alex Ekwueme when he visited Oko, Anambra State, to pay homage to the former late vice president sometime in 2017/2018.
By and large, for 2027, I believe that the most potent argument that will sell in the South East is that the North East where Waziri Adamawa hails from, just like the South East (our region), had also been marginalized in the scheme of things in Nigeria. Aside from Alhaji Tafawa Balewa from Bauchi State (North East), nobody from the region/zone has been head of national government, head of state, or even president since 1966.
So, H.E. Atiku Abubakar is right in contesting the Presidential election billed for January 16, 2027, to right this wrong, and return Nigeria’s presidency to an equitable distribution of power at the center. When elected, and it’s entrenched in the Nigerian 1999 Constitution (as amended), that power rotates among the six geo-political zones for a single term of five or six years, this new formula will bring about national peace, national cohesion, national unity, and tremendously commandeer national loyalty among Nigerians from across the six geo-political zones for their beloved country, the Nigerian State.
As a budding political scientist of repute and ardent student of contemporary Nigerian history and politics, let me tell us what this formular would do for the Nigerian State. The battle for the soul of the Nigerian State will be ferocious at the zonal level, while the center will become unattractive. So, let’s say it is the turn of the North East Geo-Political Zone to produce the Presidency in 2027, the battle to gift Nigerians their First 11 (primus inter pares) will be ferocious across the States in the region. The people of Adamawa, Bauchi, Borno, Gombe, Taraba, and Yobe will now be more interested in partisan politics, thus being proactive participants within the current 18 political parties in Nigeria.
Giving Nigeria’s configurations and peculiarities, one of the positives of this political proactiveness is that it’s a win-win situation for the entire region if a man from Adamawa becomes President of Nigeria in 2027. The people from Yobe, Borno, Taraba, Gombe, and Bauchi will be largely happy, contented, hold their peace, love Nigeria better, and be more loyal to the Nigerian State because one of their own is now the GCFR, the primus inter pares, and the No. 1 Citizen of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. The steep insecurity that has ravaged the North East Geo-Political Zone since 2009, largely owing to perceived agelong marginalisation, oppression, injustices, would largely die down.
This will be the same case for the South East Geo-Political Zone. Biafra secessionist agitations, IPOB, ESN led by Nnamdi Kanu, will die a natural death. Justice and equity for all breeds contentment among men, and contentment among men births peace, unity, commandeers loyalty, and tremendously brings about prosperity. I stand to be challenged on this self-evident truth on any national television station.
When it is the turn of another region to produce the Presidency, after the North East has had their turn, all political parties in Nigeria must constitutionally present a Presidential candidate from the region whose turn it is to produce the presidency for a single term of six years. This rotational presidency formula must be entrenched in Nigeria’s 1999 Constitution (as amended) by May 29, 2027.
I avow that rotational presidency among Nigeria’s six geo-political zones for a single term of five or six years is the best political science solution to the agelong hydra-headed problem of Nigeria, especially in the guise of disunity, unpeaceful, and disloyalty problems among Nigerian citizens. Doing this will also largely curtail the executive rascalities, legislative rascalities, and judicial rascalities currently being perpetrated by the Bola Ahmed Tinubu led Executive arm; the Godswill Akpabio led Legislative arm; and the CJN Kudirat Motonmori Olatokunbo Kekere-Ekun led Judiciary arm.
The over desperation of getting re-elected for a second term in office, as shown today by Bola Tinubu, will be eraced for future Nigerian Presidents. The humongous money and depletion of Nigeria’s national treasury just for seeking re-election at all cost, and conducting elections will also be erased.
The Highfalutin, Draining Cost Of Conducting Elections In Nigeria?
For the 2023 general election, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) proposed N305 billion in May 2022, which was a 62 percent increase over the 2019 budget. Ultimately, the National Assembly approved N355 billion for the exercise, though the commission spent N313.4 billion as of September 2023.
For the 2027 general election, INEC Chairman Prof. Joash Amupitan proposed a total budget of N873.78 billion to the National Assembly in February 2026. This proposal includes N375.75 billion for election operations, N209.21 billion for technology, and N92.31 billion for administrative costs. The Bola Ahmed Tinubu led APC regime had previously allocated N1.01 trillion to INEC in the 2026 budget presented in January 2026.
Ladies and gentlemen, INEC’s election budget ballooned from N355 billion in 2023 to a whopping N873.78 billion for a re-election season in 2027? This is approximately a percentage increase of 146.13%. This is unacceptable, opprobrious, and insalubrious.
If we entrench in the Nigerian 1999 Constitution (as amended), zoning the presidency among the six geo-political zones for a single term of five or six years, this proposed N873.78 billion to coduct the 2027 re-election season would have been eliminated.
What Can N873.78 billion Do For Nigerians In Terms Of Infrastructural Developmental Projects?
If hypothetically redirected or matched in scale for infrastructure development, N873.78 billion could significantly advance Nigeria’s infrastructure across key sectors:
1. Roads and Transportation: This amount could fund the rehabilitation of over 10,000 kilometers (6213.712 miles) of rural and urban roads, especially when combined with technical support from institutions like the World Bank’s RAAMP-SU project.
It could complete critical projects like the Lagos-Ibadan Expressway or support the Lagos-Calabar Coastal Highway, enhancing regional connectivity and trade.
2. Railway Development: Based on past projects, N873 billion could finance a new 600–800 km (373-497 miles) standard gauge rail line, similar to the Abuja-Kaduna or Lagos-Ibadan lines, which were partially funded by Chinese loans.
Rail expansion would boost freight movement, reduce road congestion, and create thousands of jobs.
3. Power and Energy: The sum could support renewable energy projects, such as solar mini-grids for 10,000 rural communities, or fund transmission infrastructure to reduce power losses.
For context, Power Africa facilitated $63 million in renewable energy investments over 26 months—N873 billion could scale such efforts dramatically.
4. Water and Sanitation: Funds could build or upgrade water treatment plants, boreholes, and sanitation systems in underserved urban and rural areas, improving public health and reducing waterborne diseases.
5. Agricultural Infrastructure: The NSIA’s Multipurpose Industrial Platform Ltd (MIPL) in Akwa Ibom, including an ammonia and fertilizer plant, is a multi-billion-dollar project. N873 billion could fund multiple such agro-industrial hubs, boosting food security and reducing import dependence.
Analyzing The Current Infrastructure Spending In Nigeria In Relation To N873.78 Billion?
For comparison, Nigeria’s actual infrastructure allocations are much lower than the humongous money INEC is proposing to conduct the shaky 2027 general elections in Nigeria.
The 2025 Federal Budget allocated ₦4.06 trillion ($2.7 billion) for infrastructure—about 7.4% of total spending.
The National Integrated Infrastructure Master Plan (NIIMP) aims to raise infrastructure stock to 70% of GDP by 2043, requiring $100 billion annually—far above current spending levels.
Pension funds invested ₦262.57 billion in infrastructure in the first 10 months of 2025. This is below N873.78 billion being earmarked for the 2027 elections.
Without mincing words, let me aver that the N873.78 billion could transform infrastructural developmental projects in Nigeria, But the fact that this amount is proposed for elections, not infrastructural developmental projects, highlights a mismatch between public needs and government spending priorities in Nigeria, especially under the disastrous APC regime of Bola Tinubu.
Conclusion
While N873.78 billion is earmarked for elections, its scale underscores what Nigeria could achieve in infrastructure if similar resources were consistently invested. Redirecting even a fraction of election budgets toward roads, power, rail, water, and agriculture could accelerate economic growth, create jobs, and improve quality of life in Nigeria. However, transparency, accountability, and long-term planning are essential to ensure such investments yield lasting benefits.
Finally, ladies and gentlemen, let’s consider the substantial ingredients of this political seminal and fix this mess of power rotation at the center among Nigeria’s six geo-political zones for a single term of five or six years. Let’s stop wasting scarce resources in Nigeria conducting re-elections at the center and across state levels. Let’s stop wasting everybody’s time in Nigeria.
Ikenna Asomba is a political scientist and journalist. He writes from the State of Illinois, United States.
Politics
2027 BOMBSHELL: Dismantling The Myth Around Kwankwaso’s So-Called Electoral Dominance In Kano
2027 BOMBSHELL: Dismantling The Myth Around Kwankwaso’s So-Called Electoral Dominance In Kano
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