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Why APC Governors are afraid of direct primaries – Shehu Sani reveals

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Senator Shehu Sani, representing Kaduna Central Zone, has told The Akelicious that his recent meeting with President Muhammadu Buhari in Daura, during last Salah was not aimed at achieving upper hand against Governor Nasir El-Rufai, but to assure the President of his loyalty and support. He said most governors are afraid of direct primaries because they have lost touch with the people.

The National Assembly is yet to resume after purported plans to impeach Senate President, Dr. Bukola Saraki. How do you see this?

First and foremost, the crisis in the National Assembly was fomented because of the leadership style of former chairman of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Chief John Oyegun. He was unable to unite the party, forge a common front and address some issues that faced the party at the early stages before they degenerated to an unbearable level.

If the former party leadership had addressed the crises in the states, especially in Kaduna, Kano, Bauchi, Kogi and Rivers, among others, we wouldn’t be where we are today. It is the crises in the states that became the crises in the National Assembly. And the opposition party, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) cashed in on the crises to woo APC chieftains, especially legislators to their side.

But this is common in politics. People take advantage, just like parties, which was what they did. The current situation in the National Assembly and the nation is one where there exists a mutual distrust between APC caucus in the National Assembly and leadership of the National Assembly. Unfortunately, APC frittered away opportunities in the last three years, simply because some people assumed they were more important than others.

In a party, it is expected that every card-carrying member should be treated with dignity and given a sense of belonging. But suddenly, they created a new formula for measuring commitment to the party, based on whether you are pro or anti-Buhari. But how can you say some senators are pro or anti-Buhari, when every Senator elected on the party’s platform is supposed to support the President? Does criticising the President mean you are anti-President? Does going to bow before the President every time make you pro-President?

We are a party, and we came to power as a result of objection and protest against the inherent criminality of misrule that characterised the country in the past. So, we are supposed to set a standard for equity, transparency and adherence to democratic values and principles. But, we failed in that direction in the sense that we became enemies of ourselves. We were hostile to one another, and trying to pull one another down.

The postponement of the resumption of the National Assembly is as a result of anticipation of crisis, of the problems that may arise as a result of the present situation. There is fear on the part of those who thought there are attempts to overthrow the National Assembly leadership illegally and install a new one. Also, there is an insistence by the ruling party that, as the majority, we are supposed to produce the leadership. And all APC members have keyed into that.

But, proper reasoning is prevailing now; that what should be done is follow democratic procedure. It should not be about cordoning off the National Assembly, with the military going there to take over. I’m so glad that Adams Oshiomhole’s coming has saved the APC. Before his coming, APC was on a death row. He brought back life into the party. And because of his intervention, I can say many of us decided to stay back.

You were able to secure a reprieve to contest Senatorial seat in 2019…

Well, my visit to Buhari was to pay homage and to fully assure him of our commitment and determination to support and stand by him at this trying period. All along, when many of us rained abuses and criticisms, many people thought we were anti-Buhari. But because I criticised Buhari does not mean I was anti-Buhari. My criticising Buhari’s policies at times, is to express my opinion as a man with an activist background, as well as give him a sense of direction. I am convinced that his leadership is progressive. We have a lot in common. I am a socialist through ideological leaning, and many of his programmes and policies are in that direction.

For instance, I am opposed to the sale of refineries and the Nigeria Liquefied and Natural Gas (NLNG). I am for the role of state in socio-economy and political transformation of the economy. I am for policies and programmes that will better the lives of the masses. I am a revolutionary, one that is committed to liberating our people from economic woes. However, while it is natural for one to express his/her opinion on issues, it shouldn’t get to the point of humiliating the President. Buhari is someone I have known not just personally, but also through my parents for a very long time. But that does not mean I shouldn’t say so, when things are going wrong.

He is also a critic. He had been criticising previous governments. He expressed his views on issues during previous governments. So, he has never told me not to speak out my mind. I believe there are only a few of us that will always stand by him, even when he is out of power. Because he is in power today, many people are rallying round him, which is natural. But you ask yourself: Where are those who rallied round Ibrahim Babangida? They are nowhere to be found today. Where are those that rallied round Abacha, Abdulsalami, Obasanjo, Yar’adua and Goodluck Jonathan? They have all been abandoned.

When you are in position of power, you are bound to attract so-called loyalists and sycophants, who will sing your praises and beat pleasant drums. But it is all about their personal interests and how to secure their seats in the corridors of power. Personally, I can handle my political business myself. I have never had a godfather throughout my life struggles. Activists don’t have godfathers. Rather, we are driven by our conscience, conviction and the fact that we are able to plant ourselves in the hearts of the masses. Again, we are not desperate about power or privileges. We also don’t see politics as a career. Those who consider politics a career can’t survive outside it. Activists only see politics as an opportunity to serve the masses, to make impact and uplift society.

Many saw your stance against el Rufai as a principled one to wrest the party from dictatorial tendencies. Now, it appears you want to sacrifice all that for a ticket?

My view about him is the one I express whenever things go wrong. We both criticise each other. And when he doesn’t like what I do, he speaks out and vice versa. If I can speak out against the President, who is el Rufai? I have been speaking out, even before he became a governor. By age, he is older than me, but by politics I am older than him. He was nowhere in the 90s, when I was struggling for the emancipation of our nation from military dictatorship.

Personally, I don’t see my ticket coming from El-Rufai. Rather, I see it coming from the people that elected me into office. And I want to bring to attention the fact that he has said it clearly that in 2015, I was never his candidate, but I emerged as a Senator. So, if I could emerge a Senator without being his candidate, I will continue to do so for as long as my people continue voting for me.

What you need to understand is that he also wants to be reelected. So, we are both going to shop in the same market. If this party wants to genuinely become democratic and progressive, then it must give people chance to aspire for any position. If el Rufai has any plan or makes attempt to impose a candidate on my position, he should remember that power is temporary. He can’t be there forever.

We have seen dictators and tyrants in the history of this country, but where are they now?

I criticise him not because I don’t like him. And I believe that those who are singing his praises do not truly like him. When he is wrong, I certainly have to criticise him. We differ in ideological viewpoints. He is from the political establishment. He is from the reactionary conservative right, while I am from the left side of the political divide. So, we differ in all perspectives. I have suffered a lot of persecution in the last few years from violent attacks on my office and an attempt to frame me up with murder by him. And there is also manipulation of the party to suspend me. All other things done against me through the party were done either directly or indirectly by him. I am very confident that I am going to win the election. I also want you to know that el-Rufai and I have been in court for the past six months. He sued me in Kaduna High Court for N2bn and I have also sued him for N5bn.

What he should also understand is that there will come a time he will walk the streets of Kaduna or Nigeria without anybody recognising he was once a governor. This life is temporary, just like power.

Three of you in the Senate had issues with the governor. One is a PDP member and the other who was in APC has left the party, but you are here seemingly concerned about your ticket for 2019. Is that all the fight is worth? What you need to understand is that, when some people decided to leave APC, they said they were going back home. But for me Comrade Shehu Sani, PDP is not a home. I have never been a PDP member, though the revolt was justified. I was very involved in the revolt against the APC. We needed to do that because of the inherent injustice in the party and the persecution of members. But I stayed back, because there was a new leadership, which has promised to address some of the fundamental problems in the party. And the new leadership is diametrically different from the one before it.

I was actually getting ready to get out of the party. But suddenly, there were interventions by Balarabe Musa, Senator Ahmed Bola Tinubu and most importantly, Oshiomhole, with whom I had a lot of discussions. Other ideological comrades like Femi Falana also discussed at length with me. All those who left the APC were PDP members in the past. I don’t want to leave a familiar terrain for an unfamiliar one.

And if they said they were going home, it means they have their roots in that home, and I may be stranded in the middle of the desert, in the middle of the sea or end up being a stranger in the other party. More so, if I wanted to defect, it would have been to PRP, as that was my home. That was the party my parents belonged. I stayed back in APC because I believe I need to create a differentiating platform between my relationship with Buhari and the problems we had.

One thing I told those that defected was that our enemies should not dictate. I refused to allow my crisis with el Rufai determine, where I go or don’t go. Because it is not just where you are leaving, but where you are going. As far as I am concerned, el Rufai can return to PDP, because he has a home there, just like many of his cabinet members, since they have houses there. But, I don’t have a house there. I am not even a tenant in PDP.

It seems the internal arrangement in your party has been reduced to man-know-man. You were able to have a meeting with Buhari to get a ticket. What of those that are not so privileged?

You will be surprised to know that he was willing to see all those who defected. But many had already made up their mind not to see him or return to APC. So, there is nothing so special about that. I didn’t know Buhari after becoming a Senator. As a Senator representing the part of Kaduna State, where Buhari has lived for over four decades, I believe that I am his Senator. Buhari has two senators— one from Katsina State and the other from Kaduna State, because he spent more of his lifetime in Kaduna than in Katsina.

Would you have left the party, if you were not able to secure your ticket for 2019?

If I had wanted, I could have left the party. But if a party treats you with dignity and recognises your value as a person and keeps its promises, you have to believe in the party. That is what I have done. Securing a ticket was not the reason I decided to stay in APC, because I am already a Senator. And the process that can return me is in my people’s hands. What I said was that we need to have such a process that we will not put us in more trouble.

There were several attempts to undermine the party and made it a dictatorial platform. There was an attempt to extend the tenure of party executives, which Buhari resisted. And now it had worked. The fraudulent congresses organised in most of the states, where names of party executives were written in hotels and given party endorsement. That was another issue.

The communication gap between the party and elected officials, whether Senators, representatives members or others, is also another issue.There was the humiliation of party members in the last three years, which has also contributed a lot to the problem. Can you imagine that APC stakeholders met three times, after we submitted our grievances against the injustices, persecution and violent attacks against our persons? And APC was unable to issue a statement to console us or condemn the terrible acts on us. Those were the issues on ground. As long as APC remains just, credible and transparent, I will continue to be a party member. I’m not saying I will be a member of the party forever, but if it keeps to its promises and principles, I will remain a member.

What if el Rufai is adamant during your party primary?

He has been opposing since 2015. I have heard him saying in many of his fora that he is not in support of me. If he is adamant, well that is his opinion and he is entitled to it. But if he engages in anything that will break the law of the party, undermines the credibility of the process and impose a candidate or manipulates the whole process, then he has gone against the principles and spirit of the party, which is an entirely different scenario.

People like him came out of the PDP to APC, citing injustice, persecution and lack of internal democracy, as their reason. So, if such a person starts doing it here now, and is allowed to do it, it means there is no change from where he is coming from and where he is now. His being opposed to me is a different thing. But, he shouldn’t prevent people from voting for me. I believe many governors are afraid of direct primaries simply because they have lost touch with the people and they don’t have the required number to win elections.

In Kaduna central, I can tell you that I don’t need to campaign for anything, if the process is transparent during the primaries. If there are direct primaries, I am very confident that the result will be positive for me. There are two things. He doesn’t want me and he wants to replace me. But that is his opinion and not that of the people. The question you should ask him is: Should Shehu Sani be his problem, when he has a formidable opposition in the PDP that is united and ready to take power from him? I don’t think he should waste his energy fighting Shehu Sani, while he has serious opposition, poised to take over his office. Kaduna APC is still in crisis.
You can see how our billboards are being damaged and thugs being used against us. You can see the hostility and inhospitable atmosphere created against us. But all that will not push me to take a reactionary path of leaving a progressive line. I believe whatever they are doing is temporary. So, with him or without him, it is God that gives power. But we have a bigger problem than Shehu Sani in Kaduna. He is fighting a war with traditional rulers, he has problems with teachers, workers, women, traders, religious leaders, house owners and those people who were undermined and treated badly.

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The APC Primaries: Winners And Losers, Sportsmanship And Democracy As The Ultimate Winner

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By Prince Adeyemi Shonibare

Public Affairs Analyst and Media Consultant.

Politics, like sports, produces winners and losers. Every competition cannot end with everyone carrying home a trophy, and every election cannot produce multiple winners for a single office.

At the conclusion of every democratic contest, there will be celebrations in some camps and disappointment in others.

What ultimately distinguishes a mature democracy is not the absence of defeat, controversy or disagreement, but the capacity of participants to display sportsmanship, accept outcomes with dignity, pursue legitimate grievances through lawful channels and place the collective interest of democracy above personal ambitions.

The recently concluded primaries of the All Progressives Congress (APC) have once again demonstrated both the beauty and complexity of democratic politics. Across Nigeria’s 8,809 wards, millions of party members participated in one of the most expensive and extensive  internal democratic exercises ever undertaken by a political party on the African continent.

The party conducted primaries for 993 State House of Assembly constituencies, 360 House of Representatives constituencies, 109 Senate seats, governorship positions in states due for elections and the presidential ticket of the party. In practical terms, more than 1,462 legislative positions alone were subjected to democratic contests, in addition to governorship and presidential elections.

The magnitude of the exercise was extraordinary. Thousands of aspirants campaigned simultaneously across the federation. Millions of party members participated in selecting candidates. Thousands of election officials, observers, journalists, consultants, agents, volunteers and security personnel were mobilized. Ward structures came alive from the creeks of the Niger Delta to the savannah of the North, from the commercial centres of Lagos and Kano to remote communities scattered across the federation. Results were collated, disputes addressed and appeal mechanisms activated.

Yet, despite the sheer scale of the exercise, Nigeria remained peaceful.

Markets remained open. Businesses continued trading. Schools remained in session. Commercial flights took off and landed as scheduled. Public institutions functioned normally. Citizens carried on with their daily activities. The nation did not descend into widespread unrest despite the enormous political activity generated by the primaries.

 

That achievement deserves recognition and commendation.

 

Perhaps the most remarkable feature of the APC primaries was the adoption of the direct primary system, a process many observers have compared to the participatory spirit of the famous Option A4 model introduced during the political transition programme of former military President Ibrahim Babangida. Through this mechanism, political power moved beyond governors, ministers, senators and political elites and was placed directly in the hands of ordinary party members at the grassroots.

 

For perhaps the first time on such a nationwide scale, APC members in villages, towns, cities and communities across Nigeria were given the opportunity to directly determine who would represent the party in future elections.

The message was unmistakable.

The party belongs to its members.

Not to governors.

Not to ministers.

Not to senators.

Not to political godfathers.

Not even to the President.

But to the ordinary men and women who constitute the foundation of the party.

That is the essence of democratic participation.

 

Direct primaries are expensive. There is no denying that reality. Conducting elections across 8,809 wards simultaneously requires enormous financial resources, manpower, logistics and administrative coordination. Results recording  materials must be distributed. Officials deployed. Security arrangements made. Results collected and verified.

Yet democracy is rarely cheap.

Participation has a cost.

Inclusion has a cost.

Legitimacy has a cost.

 

The reward, however, is that power becomes decentralized and decision-making is transferred from a handful of influential actors to ordinary party members.

The direct primary system compels aspirants to return to the grassroots. It forces politicians to reconnect with ordinary members. It rewards political relationships built over years rather than influence exercised from air-conditioned offices.

 

Indeed, one of the major lessons from the APC primaries is that money alone cannot guarantee victory in a direct primary election.

Financial resources may facilitate campaigns. They may improve logistics. They may enhance visibility. But they cannot easily substitute for popularity, grassroots structures, credibility and sustained engagement with party members.

 

Several prominent political figures discovered this reality too late.

Some highly placed office holders failed to secure nominations despite their visibility and influence. Some former ministers who left executive positions in pursuit of elective offices discovered that occupying public office does not automatically translate into grassroots popularity. Some lawmakers who had become accustomed to political comfort zones found themselves confronted by party members eager to exercise independent judgment.

In several constituencies and districts, party members selected candidates they considered more suitable, available and accessible  to represent their interests.

That is democracy at work.

The result may be painful for some aspirants, but democracy was never designed to guarantee victory and painless.

It was designed to guarantee opportunity.

It was designed to guarantee participation.

It was designed to guarantee free choice.

 

The beauty of direct primaries lies in their capacity to reflect the authentic mood of the grassroots. Political history repeatedly demonstrates that it is difficult to suppress a genuinely popular candidate when ordinary voters are given direct access to the ballot.

 

Nigeria’s democratic experience provides perhaps the most famous example. During the historic 1993 Nigerian presidential election, widely regarded as one of the freest elections in the nation’s history, Moshood Kashimawo Olawale Abiola secured victories across regional, ethnic and religious boundaries, including areas many analysts considered politically improbable against Bashir Tofa. The election demonstrated a timeless democratic truth: when citizens are genuinely allowed to express their preferences freely, popular candidates can transcend conventional political calculations.

That lesson remains relevant today.

 

It is difficult to defeat a candidate who genuinely enjoys overwhelming grassroots support when party members are given direct participation. The larger the electorate, the more difficult it becomes for narrow interests to impose outcomes contrary to popular sentiment.

 

The presidential primary itself was historic. President Bola Ahmed Tinubu emerged as the APC presidential candidate after securing an overwhelming majority of 10.9 Million  votes  cast by party members nationwide.

 

While a party primary should never be confused with a general election, the turnout demonstrated significant organizational strength and grassroots mobilization within the party.

Many political observers have interpreted the participation figures as a vote of confidence in President Tinubu’s leadership of both the party and the government.

Equally significant was the fact that the President himself faced a challenger.

The APC did not prevent the challenger from contesting.

It did not treat the aspiration as an act of rebellion.

It did not deny him access to the democratic process.

Instead, it allowed him to exercise his democratic right to test his popularity before party members nationwide.

 

That is democracy.

That is inclusion.

That is confidence in democratic institutions.

Following his victory, President Tinubu emphasized unity, democratic participation and inclusiveness. In acknowledging his challenger, he reinforced the principle that democratic competition should not create permanent enemies but strengthen democratic culture.

Every political giant was once unknown.

Every governor was once an aspirant.

Every senator once sought support.

Every president once requested votes.

Democracy creates opportunities where privilege alone cannot guarantee success.

 

The APC National Chairman also consistently emphasized party unity, reconciliation and internal democracy throughout the process. His repeated message was that while contests may produce winners and losers, the larger family of the party must remain united after the competition.

That message remains important.

Political contests are temporary.

Political institutions endure.

 

One notable development that generated political discussion was the decision of Siminalayi Fubara not to seek a second-term APC ticket. According to public statements from APC leaders, he successfully passed the party’s screening process. However, for reasons known principally to himself and those within his political circle, he ultimately did not proceed with the contest. As an old African proverb reminds us, a man does not inquire too deeply into the circumstances surrounding his father’s death until he possesses the strength and wisdom to confront the answers. Politics often contains dimensions visible only to those directly involved.

 

Beyond politics, the APC primaries generated substantial economic activity throughout Nigeria.

Campaign offices were rented and furnished. Hotels recorded increased occupancy. Vehicles were hired. Airlines transported campaign teams. Restaurants and caterers supplied food for meetings, consultations and rallies. Event centres hosted stakeholder engagements and political gatherings.

The advertising and communications sector experienced one of its busiest periods in recent years.

Political public relations professionals, media strategists, consultants, advertising agencies, printers, graphic designers and branding companies secured contracts worth millions of naira.

Campaign posters, banners, billboards, flyers and promotional materials decorated communities nationwide. Television stations benefited from paid interviews and sponsored political programmes. Radio stations hosted campaign discussions and special broadcasts. Newspapers carried advertisements and feature articles. Online media platforms generated substantial revenue through campaign-related content and digital advertising.

Social media became a major arena of political engagement. Facebook, Instagram, X, TikTok, YouTube and WhatsApp were transformed into platforms for persuasion, mobilization and voter outreach. Content creators, digital consultants and social media managers found themselves in high demand.

Experiential campaigns flourished.

Town hall meetings.

Stakeholder consultations.

Youth engagements.

Women mobilization programmes.

Community interactions.

Ward meetings.

Political rallies.

All these activities created opportunities for event managers, decorators, photographers, videographers, sound engineers, logistics providers and countless service professionals.

Campaign merchandise flooded communities nationwide. Thousands of T-shirts, face caps, umbrellas, notebooks, calendars, shopping bags and promotional souvenirs were produced by local manufacturers. Textile suppliers benefited. Tailors secured contracts. Embroidery companies expanded production. Transportation providers moved supporters and campaign teams across communities.

From roadside printers in local government headquarters to major advertising agencies in Lagos and Abuja, countless businesses benefited from the circulation of campaign resources.

 

The APC primaries therefore became not merely a political exercise but also a significant contributor to economic activity and temporary employment generation.

 

Another issue that generated debate concerns aspirants facing investigations or court proceedings.

Here, constitutional principles must remain paramount.

An allegation is not a conviction.

An investigation is not a conviction.

A trial is not a conviction.

Under the rule of law, every citizen remains innocent until proven guilty by a court of competent jurisdiction.

Political parties are not courts of law.

They are not judicial tribunals.

They are not moral temples established to determine guilt or innocence.

Their constitutional responsibility is to facilitate political participation within the framework of the law.

Where the Constitution, electoral laws or final judicial pronouncements disqualify an individual, such provisions must naturally be respected. However, where no legal disqualification exists, the determination of guilt remains exclusively the responsibility of the courts.

To replace due process with suspicion would undermine the foundations of constitutional democracy.

 

As Nelson Mandela once observed, a critical, independent and investigative press is the lifeblood of democracy.

Criticism therefore has an important place in democratic society.

Complaints should be investigated.

Questions should be asked.

Transparency should be encouraged.

However, criticism must also be fair.

Achievements deserve recognition just as shortcomings deserve scrutiny.

 

At this point, one is reminded of the biblical admonition:

“Let him who is without sin cast the first stone.”

Before condemning an exercise involving millions of participants and thousands of contestants, critics should identify a democracy anywhere in the world that consistently conducts elections without disputes, petitions, appeals, disagreements or litigation.

Such perfection does not exist. Or it can be found in the graveyard only.

 

As Winston Churchill famously observed:

“Democracy is the worst form of government except for all those other forms that have been tried.”

 

Similarly, Barack Obama noted:

“The hallmark of a functioning democracy is not whether everybody agrees, but whether people can disagree peacefully.”

 

And Abraham Lincoln provided perhaps democracy’s most enduring definition:

“Government of the people, by the people, for the people.”

 

Even William Shakespeare understood the complexities of leadership and public judgment when he wrote:

“The fault, dear Brutus, is not in our stars, but in ourselves.”

 

Democratic societies succeed not because they are perfect but because they continually strive for improvement.

 

The APC primaries have also demonstrated a growing maturity within Nigeria’s democratic culture. Despite the enormous number of participants and contestants, democratic institutions continued to function. The republic endured. The political system absorbed disagreements without descending into widespread instability.

That is progress.

That is democratic consolidation.

 

At this stage, the wisdom of legendary Juju maestro Chief Ebenezer Obey becomes particularly relevant. In one of his memorable narratives, he tells the story of a father and son travelling with a donkey. When the father rode the donkey while the son walked, onlookers condemned him as heartless. When the father dismounted and allowed the son to ride while he walked, the same public condemned the son as disrespectful and the father as foolish. The lesson was profound: no matter what decision is taken, there will always be critics. Human beings are often difficult to satisfy completely.

 

Politics follows the same pattern.

No election will satisfy everyone.

No primary will please every aspirant.

No democratic process will escape criticism.

Leaders must therefore focus on fairness, participation, transparency and accountability, leaving posterity to render the final judgment.

However, every success story carries lessons and warnings.

 

The APC must not mistake success in internal primaries for guaranteed victory in the 2027 general elections.

A training session is not the same as a championship match against another formidable opponent.

Political strategists understand that internal party contests and national elections operate under entirely different dynamics. What succeeds within party structures may not automatically translate into victory against determined opposition parties in a general election.

 

The party must therefore avoid complacency.

It should pay close attention to voter sentiment in the South-West and other strategic regions. Political strongholds should never be taken for granted.

Loyalty grows when citizens feel respected, heard and rewarded through good governance.

 

The APC must also move swiftly to reconcile aggrieved aspirants and their supporters.

Politics is a game of addition, not subtraction.

Every disappointed aspirant represents supporters, associates, financiers and political structures.

Ignoring grievances can create opportunities for opponents.

That is why reconciliation is not merely desirable.

It is essential.

The leadership of the party at national, state and local levels should embark upon deliberate consultations, peace initiatives and confidence-building measures. Political bridges should be repaired before they become political fault lines.

 

A farmer who neglects his crops should not be surprised when another farmer harvests them.

Political parties must continually cultivate, encourage and retain their members.

 

Most importantly, governments at all levels must remain focused on governance.

Citizens want more security.

Citizens want more jobs.

Citizens want more stable  prices.

Citizens want more quality healthcare.

Citizens want more better schools.

Citizens want more better roads and affordable mass transportation system.

Citizens want more electricity.

Citizens want more housing.

Citizens want more economic opportunities.

Citizens want more macroeconomic stability translated into better microeconomic prosperity for families, workers, traders, artisans, farmers and small businesses.

 

Politics is not an end in itself.

It is a means to improving the lives of the people.

In the final analysis, the APC primaries have demonstrated  government of the people , by the people , for the people and that internal democracy is alive and evolving within Nigeria’s political system. They have empowered ordinary party members. They have strengthened grassroots participation. They have generated economic activity. They have reinforced democratic competition. They have highlighted the importance of sportsmanship .

 

Finally .

There were winners.

There were losers.

There were celebrations.

There were disappointments.

 

Yet above all else, one truth stands unmistakably clear.

Democracy was the ultimate winner.

Political victories are temporary.

Political defeats are temporary.

 

But democratic institutions endure when citizens and leaders alike respect the rules of the game.

 

The APC primaries have provided another opportunity for Nigeria to deepen democratic culture, strengthen internal party democracy and reinforce the timeless principle that political legitimacy ultimately flows from the people.

 

And in the final judgment of history—not emotion, bitterness or temporary political passions—the enduring verdict may well be that while individuals won and lost, democracy itself emerged victorious.

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APC Ondo North Primary: Reports Show ATM in Early Lead

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Reports from the field in Ondo North Senatorial District indicate that voters, officers, and agents at the voting centers across the wards have put Abdul Tunji Mohammed (ATM) in the lead.

According to the current figures collated from the centers, ATM is polling with wider margins of votes

Going by these figures, ATM is poised to win all the six Local Government in the Senatorial Districtt.

We urge all party members and supporters to remain peaceful as collation continues.

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Senate Leader Opeyemi Bamidele Hosts Ondo North Aspirant Abdul Tunji Mohammed, Backs Grassroots Development Agenda

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Senate Leader Opeyemi Bamidele recently hosted Chief Abdul Tunji Mohammed (ATM), a prominent aspirant for the Ondo North senatorial seat.

The meeting highlighted a strategic alignment between progressive forces, with both leaders emphasizing a shared vision for grassroots development and legislative excellence.

Senator Bamidele, a respected figure in Nigerian politics, is recognized for his contributions to national cohesion and impactful policymaking, drawing on his experience as a legal luminary and human rights activist.

Chief Mohammed, an astute businessman and dedicated grassroots mobilizer, has made a notable impact on Ondo North through his philanthropic work and commitment to constituents’ welfare. His approach blends corporate discipline, economic ingenuity, and a deep concern for people—qualities that have reshaped the region’s political narrative.

The two leaders discussed the district’s critical needs, exploring avenues for socioeconomic growth, legislative reform, and stronger community integration. Senator Bamidele stressed the importance of supporting President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s Renewed Hope Agenda, a sentiment echoed by Chief Mohammed.

The convergence of Chief Mohammed’s vision with Senator Bamidele’s legislative experience offers hope for Ondo North. This synergy between grassroots ambition and seasoned mentorship points to a promising future for the district’s representation in the Senate. With ATM’s drive and the guidance of leaders like Senator Bamidele, Ondo North is positioned for progress and transformative governance.

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