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WHY WE DON’T TRUST INEC, FEDERAL GOVERNMENT- LAGOS APC CHAIRMAN, OTUNBA AJOMALE

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Many Nigerians had prepared mind and body for the 2015 general elections which was originally scheduled to start on Saturday, February 14th, 2015 until the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) shocked the country and indeed international observers with a rescheduling, although, we saw it coming.
 
The announcements of new dates for the elections has since brewed many controversies including whether or not the Peoples Democratic Party being the ruling party was hiding under the authority of the federal government to gain INEC’s favour. There were also talks of plans to sack the INEC Chairman, Prof. Attahiru Jega for refusing to bend a little.
 
In this exclusive interview with Sahara weekly magazine, Otunba Henry Oladele Ajomale reacts to these stories making the rounds. He also talks about why it is difficult for the APC to trust INEC and why he feels Obasanjo was right to tear his PDP membership card.
 
 
Can we meet you?
 
My name is Oladele Ajomale. I am the chairman of APC, Lagos state.
 
What is your take about the rescheduling of the election? Now, there is even an insinuation that there is a grand plan to scuttle it and sack the INEC chairman, Attahiru Jega, what are your positions on these?
 
All the stories I’ve heard are rumour but again, it is becoming an issue generating so much controversies not only in Nigeria but also outside the country. Perhaps, there is an iota of truth in everything said because the reasons given for the postponement of the election is not tenable. First, we have been having a war in these local governments and in the states over 5 years and that war has not spread more than these same 14 local governments in the North east. It has not gone to the North West or North central.
 
Therefore, I believe the military must have curtailed the Boko Haram activities. So, that shouldn’t be the reason for the stoppage of the election in 32 states including Abuja because there was relative peace in these states we are talking about. Secondly, why should it be the security officers that should write a letter to INEC advising them to shift election? If INEC refuses to shift that election and anything happens, it will be on INEC. So, head or tail, INEC will be blamed if they didn’t postpone the election. However, it doesn’t mean that it should be postponed by 6 weeks. Are they going to finish the prosecution of Boko Haram in 6 weeks? INEC said 73% of PVCs have been collected in totality. If you are looking for 100%, you are wasting your time. If majority of those who are voting have their PVC, I don’t see any reason for the postponement except there is something behind it. So, the two reasons given, to us are not tenable because it has been proved that it is not sufficient enough to postpone the election except they have an agenda which has not been known. Some people identified that they purposely did it in order to perpetrate certain things. I pray the war ends in 6weeks so that we will have peace everywhere in Nigeria. There will not be anybody to say I lost the election because of this, again, when the election is not done when it is supposed to, you are violating the constitution but we have agreed to wait for 6weeks and that doesn’t stop us from doing our rally. We will still continue it; they won’t catch us except they have a plan which we don’t know. Like what happened in Ekiti that is now been revealed. Everyone is on the watch out, whatever they want to do, they will see. Whether they want to rig it, the whole world is watching, we are also watching. We are not going to sleep until this election is over
 
The APC has been accused severally of heating up the polity. How would you react to this sir?
 
If that is the way they want to view it, then it is okay. We trusted the federal government, we trusted INEC during the Ekiti elections but, we have learnt a very good lesson that they cannot be trusted. We can tell that the military, INEC and the federal government were all involved in the rigging of the Ekiti elections. Thus, if we don’t shout out before the elections, when do we want to cry out?
 
Recently here in Lagos, we signed a peace agreement where the two gladiators, other parties and stakeholders were present. Same night we signed the agreement, they started tearing all our posters on 3rd Mainland Bridge claiming that it is a federal road. Is it the PDP that owns the federal government or the federal roads?
 
Recently, former President of Nigeria Olusegun Obasanjo renounced his membership of the PDP and went ahead to tear is membership card of the party. Many believe that the attitude is unbecoming of an elder statesman. Do you also share same sentiments?
 
I am a Yoruba man, I don’t insult my elders. I believe what he did is a reaction to what has been done to him and the country. After all, he is not coming to our party. so I believe they are all same in same.
 
Right from time, we have known President Obasanjo to be an emotional person. He is used to reacting exactly the way he feels. So, if that is the way he felt at that time, then it is okay to express it.
 
So, what is your expectation from the 2015 elections?
 
Well, my expectation is to see that the best man wins the election. Nigeria has been under a cabal for a while now and we need a new direction. With all the resources we are blessed with as a nation, there has been nothing to show for it.
 
My expectation is to have a Nigeria with uninterrupted power supply, reduced unemployment rate, to see corruption significantly minimized and to have good governance….
 
(Cuts-in) Your expectation for the election sir…
 
Well, my wish is for the best man to win and to have a peaceful free and fair election without rigging.
 
But people believe that all politicians are the same?
 
No, that is not true; politicians are not all the same. There are still politicians who are passionate about Nigeria. There are politicians who travel abroad and when they are there they are well behaved but, they come back and behave with so much impunity. See, this country is founded on law and the law must be obeyed. The culture of impunity must stop.
 
There are still politicians who believe in obeying the laws of the country, politicians who are passionate about the development of Nigeria.
 
Finally, this is about Lagos, the Alliance for Democracy gubernatorial candidate in the state believes that on his party has the experience to rule Lagos effectively. According to him, the AD ruled for 8 years, AC 4 years, ACN 2 years and the APC just 2 years. What is your reaction to this?
 
What exactly does he mean by saying that? I am so disappointed! Is it not same people who have progressed from AD to APC? I have been there, Asiwaju has been there, BRF has been there so who are the people now in AD?
 
In fact, there party is operating without a certificate. There are to factions of the AD; one has a certificate and the other does not so, I think they should just go and sort out their problems.
 
 

 

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Kogi’s Quiet Shift: Reviewing Governor Ododo’s First 24 Months in Office 

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Kogi’s Quiet Shift: Reviewing Governor Ododo’s First 24 Months in Office

By Rowland Olonishuwa 

 

On Tuesday, Kogi State paused to mark two years since Alhaji Ahmed Usman Ododo took the oath as Executive Governor. Across government circles, community halls, and everyday conversations, the anniversary was more than a date on the calendar; it was a milestone that invites both reflection and renewed optimism. A moment to look back at how far the state has travelled in just twenty-four months, and where it is heading next.

 

Since assuming office in January 2024, Ododo has steered the state through a period of measured consolidation, delivering strategic interventions across security, infrastructure, human capital, and economic revitalisation that are beginning to translate into real improvements for residents.

 

Governor Ododo stepped into office at a time when expectations were high, and confidence in public institutions needed rebuilding.

 

His response to these was not loud declarations, but steady consolidation, strengthening structures, restoring order in governance, and setting a clear direction. Over time, that calm approach has become his signature: leadership that listens first, plans carefully, and moves with purpose.

 

Security has remained the most urgent concern for Nigerians, and Kogi residents are no exceptions; the Ododo-led administration has treated it as such. From deploying surveillance drones to support intelligence operations to recruiting and integrating local hunters and vigilante personnel into formal security frameworks, the government has built a layered safety net.

 

For farmers returning to their fields, travellers moving along highways, and families in rural communities, the impact is simple and deeply personal: fewer fears, quicker response, and growing confidence that the government is present and concerned about the ordinary people.

 

Infrastructural development has followed the same practical logic. Roads have been rehabilitated, easing movement for traders and commuters. Budget priorities have shifted toward capital projects and human development, while revived facilities like the Confluence Rice Mill now provide farmers with real economic opportunity. For many households, this means better income prospects, stronger local trade, and renewed belief that development is no longer a distant promise.

 

Health and education are not left out; the Ododo-led administration has expanded free healthcare services and supported students through examination funding and institutional improvements.

Parents who once struggled with medical bills and school fees have felt relief. Young people preparing for their futures now see government investment not as abstract policy but as something that touches their daily lives.

 

Governance reforms, from civil service strengthening to new legislative frameworks, have quietly improved how government functions. Salaries are more predictable, public offices are more responsive, and local government structures are more coordinated. These may not always make headlines, but they shape how citizens experience leadership every day.

 

As the second year anniversary celebrations fade into routine today and Governor Ododo enters his third year in office, the true meaning of the anniversary will continue to linger on.

 

Two years may not have solved every challenge in the Confluence State -no government ever does, by the way- but they have set a tone of stability, responsiveness, and direction. The next phase will demand deeper impact, broader reach, and sustained security gains.

 

But for many in Kogi State, the story of the past twenty-four months is already clear: steady hands on the wheel, and a journey that is firmly underway.

 

 

 

Olonishuwa is the Editor-in-Chief of Newshubmag.com. He writes from Ilorin

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Lagos Assembly Debunks Abuja House Rumour, Warns Against Election Season Propaganda

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Lagos Assembly Debunks Abuja House Rumour, Warns Against Election Season Propaganda

 

 

The Lagos State House of Assembly has described as misleading and mischievous the widespread misinformation that it budgeted for the purchase of houses in Abuja for its members in the 2026 Appropriation Law.

 

This rebuttal is contained in a statement jointly signed by Hon. Stephen Ogundipe, Chairman, House Committee on Information, Strategy, and Security, and Hon. Sa’ad Olumoh, Chairman, House Committee on Economic Planning and Budget.

Describing the report as a deliberate and disturbing falsehood being peddled by patently ignorant people, the statement reads, “There is no provision whatsoever in the 2026 Budget for the purchase of houses in Abuja or anywhere else for members of the Lagos State House of Assembly. The report is a complete fabrication and a product of political mischief intended to misinform the public.

“The Lagos State House of Assembly does not operate in Abuja. Our constitutional responsibilities, constituencies, and legislative duties are entirely within Lagos State. It is, therefore, illogical, irrational, and irresponsible for anyone to suggest that legislators would appropriate public funds for personal housing outside their jurisdiction.”

The statement emphasised that the budget is already in the public domain and accessible for scrutiny by discerning Lagosians and Nigerians alike. It reiterated that the Lagos State Government operates a transparent budget that speaks to the needs of the people and the demands of a megalopolis.

“We view this rumour as part of a wider attempt at election-season propaganda, designed to erode public trust, sow discord, and malign democratic institutions.”

The chairmen further clarified that the 2026 capital expenditure of the House of Assembly is less than 0.04% of the total CAPEX of the state, which clearly demonstrates the culture of prudence, accountability, and fiscal responsibility that guides the legislature. However, they noted, “Historically, the House does not even access up to its approved budget in many fiscal years.”

They stressed that the Assembly remains fully committed to excellence, transparency, good governance, and the collective welfare of the people of Lagos State, in line with the objectives of the 2026 Budget of Shared Prosperity.

“We therefore challenge those behind this harebrained allegation to produce credible evidence or retract their statements forthwith. Failure to do so may attract appropriate legal actions.

“We urge Lagosians and the general public to disregard this baseless rumour and always verify information from official and credible sources.”

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Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent

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Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent.

By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by saharaweeklyng.com

“Tinubu’s Government, the EFCC and the Strategic Undermining of Opposition Governors”.

 

In a striking indictment of Nigeria’s current political reality, Governor Seyi Makinde of Oyo State declared that “you cannot speak truth to power in this dispensation”, directly accusing the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu of intolerance for dissent and an erosion of democratic norms.

Makinde’s remarks (made during a public event in Ibadan on January 25, 2026) were more than a local governor’s lament. They crystallised a mounting national frustration: that Nigeria’s political landscape has tilted dangerously toward executive overreach, institutional capture and political engineering.

Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent.
By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by saharaweeklyng.com

This narrative is not isolated. Across Nigeria, governors from opposition parties have defected to the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) in numbers unprecedented in the nation’s democratic history. Critics argue that these defections are not merely voluntary political choices, but part of a strategic pressure campaign leveraging federal power and institutions to fracture opposition influence.

At its centre lies Nigeria’s principal anti-graft agency – the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC).

The EFCC: Anti-Graft Agency or Political Instrument? Founded to combat corruption, the EFCC’s constitutional mandate is to investigate and prosecute financial and economic crimes across public and private sectors. Its legal independence is enshrined in statute and it has historically pursued high-profile cases, including recovery of nearly $500 million in illicit assets in a single year, demonstrating its capacity for tackling corruption.

 

However, critics now claim that under the Tinubu administration, the EFCC’s prosecutorial power is being perceived (if not deployed) as a political instrument.

Opposition leaders, including former Vice President Atiku Abubakar and coalition parties such as the African Democratic Congress (ADC), have publicly accused the federal government of using anti-corruption agencies to intimidate opposition figures and governors, effectively pressuring them into aligning with the APC.

In a statement released in December 2025, opposition figures alleged that institutions such as the EFCC, the Nigerian Police and the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission were being selectively wielded to weaken political competitors rather than combat financial crime impartially.

This is not merely rhetorical noise. The opposition’s grievances centre on several observable patterns:

Reopened or New Investigations Against Opposition Figures: The ADC pointed to recent abnormal reactivation of long-dormant cases or new inquiries into financial activities involving senior opposition politicians. These, they argue, often arise shortly before critical elections or political realignments.

 

Alleged Differential Treatment: According to opponents of the current administration, individuals who have defected to the APC appear less likely to face sustained legal scrutiny or prosecution in EFCC proceedings, even in cases of credible allegations of mismanagement.

Timing of Actions: The timing of certain high-profile investigations, emerging ahead of the 2027 general elections, reinforces perceptions that anti-graft measures are tailored to political cycles rather than legal merit.

The EFCC and Presidency have publicly denied these allegations, insisting that the commission operates independently and pursues corruption irrespective of political affiliation and that Nigeria’s democratic freedoms (including party choice and mobility) remain intact.

Yet the perception of bias, once systemic, is hard to erase, especially when political actors deploy powerful state machinery with strategic timing and selective intensity.

Defections and Power Realignment: A Democracy at Risk? Since 2023 and particularly through 2025, a remarkable number of state governors and senior political leaders have crossed over from opposition parties (notably the Peoples Democratic Party – PDP) to the APC. Though defections are normal in Nigeria’s fluid political system, the scale and speed in recent years are historically noteworthy, raising critical questions about underlying incentives.

The SaharaWeeklyNG reported Makinde’s comments within the broader context of a political climate where dissenting voices face greater obstacles than at any time in recent democratic memory.

Governors who remain in opposition find themselves squeezed between growing federal assertiveness and dwindling political capital. Some analysts argue that the combination of federal resource control, political appointments and influence over public agencies exerts tangible pressure on subnational leaders to align with the ruling party for political survival. This dynamic, they contend, undermines competitive party politics and weakens Nigeria’s multiparty democracy.

 

Speaking Truth to Power: What Makinde’s Critique Exposes. Governor Makinde’s core grievance (that it is increasingly difficult, perhaps perilous, to speak truth to power) resonates widely among civil society actors, political analysts and democratic advocates:

“YOU CANNOT SPEAK TRUTH TO POWER IN THIS DISPENSATION,” Makinde declared, specifically citing the government’s handling of contentious tax reform bills as an example where dissent was neither welcomed nor transparently debated.

Makinde’s critique reflects deeper structural concerns:

Exclusion of Key Stakeholders: Opposition leaders and state executives report being marginalised from meaningful consultation on national policies affecting federal-state relations, revenue sharing and fiscal reforms.

Institutional Intimidation: The perception that state politicians become targets of federal legal scrutiny after taking firm oppositional stances (real or perceived) discourages robust democratic debate.

Erosion of Opposition Space: A symbiotic effect of party defections and institutional pressure is a shrinking viable space for genuine political opposition, weakening checks and balances essential to democratic governance.

A respected political scientist, Dr. Aisha Bello of the University of Lagos, recently argued that “when opposition becomes fraught with state leverage instead of ideological competition, the very foundation of democratic contestation collapses,” adding that “a government that shies away from criticism risks inversion into autocracy.”

Another expert, Prof. Chinedu Eze, former dean of political studies at Ahmadu Bello University, warned that “selective use of anti-corruption agencies as political tools corrodes public trust and ultimately delegates justice into the hands of incumbents rather than independent courts.” These observations echo growing public skepticism.

The Way Forward: Strengthening Democracy and Institutions. Nigeria’s path forward depends on restoring confidence in democratic norms and institutional independence.

Transparent EFCC Processes: Civil society groups and legal scholars are advocating for enhanced transparency in anti-graft investigations, including clear prosecutorial thresholds and independent audits of case initiation and closures.

Judicial Oversight: Strengthening the judiciary’s capacity and independence is critical to ensuring that allegations of political weaponisation do not go unchecked. Courts must remain the ultimate arbiters of evidence and guilt.

Political Reforms: Advocates demand reforms to party financing, federal-state fiscal relations, and consultation mechanisms to reduce incentives for defections driven by federal resource leverage.

Public Engagement: A more informed and engaged civil society, anchored by independent media and civic education, must hold both government and opposition accountable for adherence to democratic principles.

Beyond The Present Moment.

Governor Makinde’s assertion that it is no longer tenable to “speak truth to power” under the current administration reflects unsettling trends in Nigeria’s evolving democratic landscape. While the EFCC and the Presidency maintain that anti-corruption efforts are independent and constitutionally grounded, opposition leaders (backed by political data and patterns of defections) argue that state power is being used to consolidate one-party dominance and undermine political pluralism.

At this critical juncture, Nigeria must choose between entrenching competitive democracy or sliding toward a political monopoly where dissent is subdued, institutions compromised, and power concentrated.

For Nigeria’s democratic ideals to survive (and thrive) its leaders and citizens must ensure that speaking truth to power remains not a perilous act of defiance but an honoured pillar of national life.

 

Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent.
By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by saharaweeklyng.com

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