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Kogi Guber: Certificate forgery scandal, provision of false information to INEC hit SDP; Yakubu, Abenemi in trouble

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Kogi Guber: Certificate forgery scandal, provision of false information to INEC hit SDP; Yakubu, Abenemi in trouble

 

 

Three weeks to the conduct of the governorship election in Kogi State, an eligibility crisis has erupted in the Social Democratic Party (SDP). Murtala Yakubu (Ajaka) and Abenemi Sam Ranti are the governorship and deputy governorship candidates of the party for the November 11 election.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

But, it is no longer at ease with the duo and their supporters as allegations of Perjury, False Declaration, Use of False Document and Possession of Forged Record are not only drizzling literally on their ambition, they are pouring seriously and obliterating any moral compass they have to stand for election and canvass for votes.

 

 

 

 

 

 

The latest scandal is now at the centre of every discussion among voters in the Confluence State. With official confirmation by the West African Examination Council (WAEC) to the Department of State Services (DSS) that the running mate allegedly forged the 1979 GCE secondary school certificate he presented to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), the duo may have kissed their dream of occupying the Government House, Lokoja bye bye.

 

 

 

 

 

 

In fact, legally, the candidate and his running mate are not on the ballot, going by similar cases in the past.

 

 

 

Documents obtained by Freedom Online in the build up to the election show that it is going to be an exercise in futility for the duo and they may have to wait till the 2027 election, that is, if genuine documents certified by government agencies are presented.

 

 

 

 

 

In essence, all votes cast for Yakubu and Abenemi on November 11 will eventually be declared by the Tribunal as wasted, win or lose, due to the established legal incapacity of Abenemi and SDP’s nomination as a whole unless they are able to provide admissible facts to the contrary.

 

 

 

 

 

 

Due to the alleged illegality involved in the documents submitted, the Director of Public Prosecution, Kogi State Ministry of Justice has preferred a four-count charge bordering on Perjury, False Declaration, Use of False Document, and Possession of Forged Record contrary to the provisions of the Kogi State Penal Code Law, 2019, against Abenemi Sam Ranti at the High Court of Justice, Kogi State.

 

 

 

 

 

 

Documents obtained by Freedom Online have shown that Yakubu and Abenemi are neck deep in allegations of submission of false information and forged certificate to INEC.

 

 

 

 

 

In a petition dated June 2023 and directed to the DSS and the Nigeria Police Force (NPF), it was also alleged Yakubu might have submitted a forged certificate to INEC as the Date of Birth submitted to the electoral body on his Form EC9 – (Substitute) was 13/02/1978, whereas the Date of Birth on the WAEC certificate submitted to INEC upon verification shows that the Date of Birth on same is 2/11/1978. It was, therefore, alleged that Yakubu might have submitted false evidence on oath to INEC.

 

 

 

 

 

On July 5, 2023, one Shaibu O. Abdullahi, in a petition written to the Nigeria Police Force (NPF) and the DSS, alleged that the “WAEC GCE Notification of Result with number 14709101 issued on 16/05/80 to one ‘Abenimi Ranti Samuel’ in respect of a General Certificate of Education, Ordinary Level December 1979 Examination’ is forged or fake.” The said Notification of Result was submitted to INEC by Abenemi for the November 11 election.

 

 

 

 

 

Details have now emerged that the DSS investigated the allegation of forged Certificate, and found that the candidate number stated on the said GCE Notification of Result submitted by the Deputy Governorship candidate belongs to another person and not Abenemi.

 

 

 

 

 

 

In response to official enquiries by the DSS, WAEC reportedly confirmed that the Deputy Governorship candidate was not the owner of the Candidate Number and the result contained in the GCE Examination Notification of Result submitted to INEC.

 

 

 

 

 

It was revealed that the candidate with the number sat for five subjects instead of the two stated on Abenemi’s alleged forged certificate.

 

 

 

 

 

Investigation also revealed that in his Form EC9-(Substitute)(Affidavit in Support of Personal Particulars), which the Deputy Governorship Candidate submitted to INEC on 26/5/2023, he stated on oath that he possesses a WAEC Certificate obtained in 1979, and, as evidence, attached the allegedly forged GCE 1979 Notification of Result.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

His form EC9 also showed that while he claimed on oath to have a First School Leaving Certificate obtained in 1971, he did not attach same to the Form EC9. Hence, the only Certificate submitted by Abenemi in support of his qualification for the office of Deputy Governor of Kogi State was the allegedly forged 1979 GCE Notification of Result.

 

 

 

 

Consequent upon the foregoing, the Director of Public Prosecution, Kogi State Ministry of Justice preferred a four-count charge bordering on Perjury, False Declaration, Use of False Document, and Possession of Forged Record contrary to the provisions of the Kogi State Penal Code Law, 2019, against Abenemi at the High Court of Justice, Kogi State.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

While the proceedings are ongoing, the development has raised concerns as to the eligibility or legal capacity of the candidates to participate in the elections and the overall effect of the alleged forgery should the SDP win the election.

 

 

 

 

 

With or without the conviction of Abenemi by the court, the fact of the forgery, having been confirmed by WAEC, has already created a burden for SDP and its candidates. While the SDP will not be precluded from participating in the election on the basis of the forgery, it is generally believed that there is no useful value to the party’s participation.

 

 

 

 

 

 

More or less, it would amount to an exercise in futility, according to political analysts and legal experts.

Interpreting the scenario, a frontline lawyer and activist from one of the Northern states, who spoke with Freedom Online on the condition of anonymity, said, “All votes cast for the party at the election will eventually be declared by the Tribunal as wasted votes, win or lose, due to the established legal incapacity of Abenemi and SDP’s nomination as a whole.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

“The reasons for the foregoing prognosis are very clear: Section 177 of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria prescribes the qualification criteria for a person to contest as a Governor and Deputy Governor (see 187(2)). One of such criteria (paragraph 177(d)) is that such a person ‘has been educated up to at least School Certificate level or its equivalent.’

 

 

 

 

 

 

“Hence, if a person does not have a minimum requirement or qualification to contest for the position of Governor/Deputy Governor  of a State, it means that he is not qualified to so contest for the position.
In the case of Abenemi who has only presented a GCE Notification of Result, which has been verified to be forged by WAEC, it is clear that he is not qualified to contest for the position of Deputy Governor, hence the joint ticket, automatically becomes invalid by virtue of Section 187(2) of the 1999 Constitution(as amended).

 

 

 

 

 

 

“Another reason is the fact that Section 182(1)(j) of the 1999 Constitution (as amended) which provides for grounds for disqualification of a person from contesting the seat of Governor/Deputy Governor of a State specifically disqualifies a person who has provided a forged certificate to INEC in the following words: No person shall be qualified for election to the office of Governor of a State if … he has presented a forged certificate to the Independent National Electoral Commission.’

 

 

 

 

 

 

“The foregoing provisions which are clear and unambiguous and which must be given their natural meaning gives no room for any doubt as to the fatal effect of the forged GCE Notification of Result submitted to INEC by Abenemi.

 

 

 

 

 

“It is clear that in the event of the SDP winning the elections, the victory will no doubt be nullified on the basis of the candidates’ legal incapacity occasioned by non-qualification and presentation of forged certificate to INEC by Abenemi.

 

 

 

 

 

 

“This is reminiscent of the Supreme Court case of PDP & Ors v. Degi-Eremienyo & Ors (2020) LPELR-49734(SC)  (Pp. 8-16 paras. D-D) where the joint ticket of David Lyon and his Deputy Governorship Candidate in Bayelsa State was held to be vitiated by the disqualification of the Deputy Governorship Candidate based on submission of false information/document to INEC.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

“In fact, both candidates were disqualified by the Supreme Court and ‘deemed not to be candidates at the governorship election conducted in Bayelsa State.’”

It is generally believed that this is the fate which awaits Yakubu, Abenemi and the SDP at the election, should they win, according to opinion polls.

 

 

 

 

 

 

Also, in the case they do not win the said election, the SDP and their Candidates’ locus standi to challenge the victory of the winner of the election at the Tribunal will be incapacitated as the issue of their qualification may be raised in response to their petition or as a cross petition.

 

 

 

 

 

However, Section 33 of the Electoral Act 2022 allows political parties to substitute their candidates only in the case of death of the nominated candidates or withdrawal.

 

 

 

 

 

 

In the case of withdrawal, there is a deadline for such substitution. For the Kogi election, the deadline for the substitution of candidates set by INEC expired on May 26, 2023.

 

 

 

 

 

 

Indeed, this window of substitution brought in Yakubu and Abenemi as SDP candidates on May 20, 2023.

 

 

 

 

 

“Hence, the only ‘remedy’ which is most impracticable is death which nobody prays for. Sections 33 and 34 of the Electoral Act 2022  provides copious provisions on this process,” the lawyer said.

 

 

 

 

 

It must, however, be noted that in the entire history of democratic elections in Nigeria, only one substitution (arguably) occasioned by death has been recorded and coincidentally same occurred in the 2015 Kogi State Governorship Election which produced the current Governor, H.E. Yahaya Bello.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Going by this statistics, it is impracticable near impossible that this will repeat itself to save the troubled SDP ticket.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

While the SDP will not be precluded from participating in the November 11 election based on the certificate forgery scandal, the futility of the party’s participation in the election is a big source of worry to the party, according to a top national SDP official who spoke in confidence to our reporter.
*Culled from Freedom Online.

 

Kogi Guber: Certificate forgery scandal, provision of false information to INEC hit SDP; Yakubu, Abenemi in trouble

 

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Kogi’s Quiet Shift: Reviewing Governor Ododo’s First 24 Months in Office 

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Kogi’s Quiet Shift: Reviewing Governor Ododo’s First 24 Months in Office

By Rowland Olonishuwa 

 

On Tuesday, Kogi State paused to mark two years since Alhaji Ahmed Usman Ododo took the oath as Executive Governor. Across government circles, community halls, and everyday conversations, the anniversary was more than a date on the calendar; it was a milestone that invites both reflection and renewed optimism. A moment to look back at how far the state has travelled in just twenty-four months, and where it is heading next.

 

Since assuming office in January 2024, Ododo has steered the state through a period of measured consolidation, delivering strategic interventions across security, infrastructure, human capital, and economic revitalisation that are beginning to translate into real improvements for residents.

 

Governor Ododo stepped into office at a time when expectations were high, and confidence in public institutions needed rebuilding.

 

His response to these was not loud declarations, but steady consolidation, strengthening structures, restoring order in governance, and setting a clear direction. Over time, that calm approach has become his signature: leadership that listens first, plans carefully, and moves with purpose.

 

Security has remained the most urgent concern for Nigerians, and Kogi residents are no exceptions; the Ododo-led administration has treated it as such. From deploying surveillance drones to support intelligence operations to recruiting and integrating local hunters and vigilante personnel into formal security frameworks, the government has built a layered safety net.

 

For farmers returning to their fields, travellers moving along highways, and families in rural communities, the impact is simple and deeply personal: fewer fears, quicker response, and growing confidence that the government is present and concerned about the ordinary people.

 

Infrastructural development has followed the same practical logic. Roads have been rehabilitated, easing movement for traders and commuters. Budget priorities have shifted toward capital projects and human development, while revived facilities like the Confluence Rice Mill now provide farmers with real economic opportunity. For many households, this means better income prospects, stronger local trade, and renewed belief that development is no longer a distant promise.

 

Health and education are not left out; the Ododo-led administration has expanded free healthcare services and supported students through examination funding and institutional improvements.

Parents who once struggled with medical bills and school fees have felt relief. Young people preparing for their futures now see government investment not as abstract policy but as something that touches their daily lives.

 

Governance reforms, from civil service strengthening to new legislative frameworks, have quietly improved how government functions. Salaries are more predictable, public offices are more responsive, and local government structures are more coordinated. These may not always make headlines, but they shape how citizens experience leadership every day.

 

As the second year anniversary celebrations fade into routine today and Governor Ododo enters his third year in office, the true meaning of the anniversary will continue to linger on.

 

Two years may not have solved every challenge in the Confluence State -no government ever does, by the way- but they have set a tone of stability, responsiveness, and direction. The next phase will demand deeper impact, broader reach, and sustained security gains.

 

But for many in Kogi State, the story of the past twenty-four months is already clear: steady hands on the wheel, and a journey that is firmly underway.

 

 

 

Olonishuwa is the Editor-in-Chief of Newshubmag.com. He writes from Ilorin

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Lagos Assembly Debunks Abuja House Rumour, Warns Against Election Season Propaganda

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Lagos Assembly Debunks Abuja House Rumour, Warns Against Election Season Propaganda

 

 

The Lagos State House of Assembly has described as misleading and mischievous the widespread misinformation that it budgeted for the purchase of houses in Abuja for its members in the 2026 Appropriation Law.

 

This rebuttal is contained in a statement jointly signed by Hon. Stephen Ogundipe, Chairman, House Committee on Information, Strategy, and Security, and Hon. Sa’ad Olumoh, Chairman, House Committee on Economic Planning and Budget.

Describing the report as a deliberate and disturbing falsehood being peddled by patently ignorant people, the statement reads, “There is no provision whatsoever in the 2026 Budget for the purchase of houses in Abuja or anywhere else for members of the Lagos State House of Assembly. The report is a complete fabrication and a product of political mischief intended to misinform the public.

“The Lagos State House of Assembly does not operate in Abuja. Our constitutional responsibilities, constituencies, and legislative duties are entirely within Lagos State. It is, therefore, illogical, irrational, and irresponsible for anyone to suggest that legislators would appropriate public funds for personal housing outside their jurisdiction.”

The statement emphasised that the budget is already in the public domain and accessible for scrutiny by discerning Lagosians and Nigerians alike. It reiterated that the Lagos State Government operates a transparent budget that speaks to the needs of the people and the demands of a megalopolis.

“We view this rumour as part of a wider attempt at election-season propaganda, designed to erode public trust, sow discord, and malign democratic institutions.”

The chairmen further clarified that the 2026 capital expenditure of the House of Assembly is less than 0.04% of the total CAPEX of the state, which clearly demonstrates the culture of prudence, accountability, and fiscal responsibility that guides the legislature. However, they noted, “Historically, the House does not even access up to its approved budget in many fiscal years.”

They stressed that the Assembly remains fully committed to excellence, transparency, good governance, and the collective welfare of the people of Lagos State, in line with the objectives of the 2026 Budget of Shared Prosperity.

“We therefore challenge those behind this harebrained allegation to produce credible evidence or retract their statements forthwith. Failure to do so may attract appropriate legal actions.

“We urge Lagosians and the general public to disregard this baseless rumour and always verify information from official and credible sources.”

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Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent

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Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent.

By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by saharaweeklyng.com

“Tinubu’s Government, the EFCC and the Strategic Undermining of Opposition Governors”.

 

In a striking indictment of Nigeria’s current political reality, Governor Seyi Makinde of Oyo State declared that “you cannot speak truth to power in this dispensation”, directly accusing the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu of intolerance for dissent and an erosion of democratic norms.

Makinde’s remarks (made during a public event in Ibadan on January 25, 2026) were more than a local governor’s lament. They crystallised a mounting national frustration: that Nigeria’s political landscape has tilted dangerously toward executive overreach, institutional capture and political engineering.

Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent.
By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by saharaweeklyng.com

This narrative is not isolated. Across Nigeria, governors from opposition parties have defected to the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) in numbers unprecedented in the nation’s democratic history. Critics argue that these defections are not merely voluntary political choices, but part of a strategic pressure campaign leveraging federal power and institutions to fracture opposition influence.

At its centre lies Nigeria’s principal anti-graft agency – the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC).

The EFCC: Anti-Graft Agency or Political Instrument? Founded to combat corruption, the EFCC’s constitutional mandate is to investigate and prosecute financial and economic crimes across public and private sectors. Its legal independence is enshrined in statute and it has historically pursued high-profile cases, including recovery of nearly $500 million in illicit assets in a single year, demonstrating its capacity for tackling corruption.

 

However, critics now claim that under the Tinubu administration, the EFCC’s prosecutorial power is being perceived (if not deployed) as a political instrument.

Opposition leaders, including former Vice President Atiku Abubakar and coalition parties such as the African Democratic Congress (ADC), have publicly accused the federal government of using anti-corruption agencies to intimidate opposition figures and governors, effectively pressuring them into aligning with the APC.

In a statement released in December 2025, opposition figures alleged that institutions such as the EFCC, the Nigerian Police and the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission were being selectively wielded to weaken political competitors rather than combat financial crime impartially.

This is not merely rhetorical noise. The opposition’s grievances centre on several observable patterns:

Reopened or New Investigations Against Opposition Figures: The ADC pointed to recent abnormal reactivation of long-dormant cases or new inquiries into financial activities involving senior opposition politicians. These, they argue, often arise shortly before critical elections or political realignments.

 

Alleged Differential Treatment: According to opponents of the current administration, individuals who have defected to the APC appear less likely to face sustained legal scrutiny or prosecution in EFCC proceedings, even in cases of credible allegations of mismanagement.

Timing of Actions: The timing of certain high-profile investigations, emerging ahead of the 2027 general elections, reinforces perceptions that anti-graft measures are tailored to political cycles rather than legal merit.

The EFCC and Presidency have publicly denied these allegations, insisting that the commission operates independently and pursues corruption irrespective of political affiliation and that Nigeria’s democratic freedoms (including party choice and mobility) remain intact.

Yet the perception of bias, once systemic, is hard to erase, especially when political actors deploy powerful state machinery with strategic timing and selective intensity.

Defections and Power Realignment: A Democracy at Risk? Since 2023 and particularly through 2025, a remarkable number of state governors and senior political leaders have crossed over from opposition parties (notably the Peoples Democratic Party – PDP) to the APC. Though defections are normal in Nigeria’s fluid political system, the scale and speed in recent years are historically noteworthy, raising critical questions about underlying incentives.

The SaharaWeeklyNG reported Makinde’s comments within the broader context of a political climate where dissenting voices face greater obstacles than at any time in recent democratic memory.

Governors who remain in opposition find themselves squeezed between growing federal assertiveness and dwindling political capital. Some analysts argue that the combination of federal resource control, political appointments and influence over public agencies exerts tangible pressure on subnational leaders to align with the ruling party for political survival. This dynamic, they contend, undermines competitive party politics and weakens Nigeria’s multiparty democracy.

 

Speaking Truth to Power: What Makinde’s Critique Exposes. Governor Makinde’s core grievance (that it is increasingly difficult, perhaps perilous, to speak truth to power) resonates widely among civil society actors, political analysts and democratic advocates:

“YOU CANNOT SPEAK TRUTH TO POWER IN THIS DISPENSATION,” Makinde declared, specifically citing the government’s handling of contentious tax reform bills as an example where dissent was neither welcomed nor transparently debated.

Makinde’s critique reflects deeper structural concerns:

Exclusion of Key Stakeholders: Opposition leaders and state executives report being marginalised from meaningful consultation on national policies affecting federal-state relations, revenue sharing and fiscal reforms.

Institutional Intimidation: The perception that state politicians become targets of federal legal scrutiny after taking firm oppositional stances (real or perceived) discourages robust democratic debate.

Erosion of Opposition Space: A symbiotic effect of party defections and institutional pressure is a shrinking viable space for genuine political opposition, weakening checks and balances essential to democratic governance.

A respected political scientist, Dr. Aisha Bello of the University of Lagos, recently argued that “when opposition becomes fraught with state leverage instead of ideological competition, the very foundation of democratic contestation collapses,” adding that “a government that shies away from criticism risks inversion into autocracy.”

Another expert, Prof. Chinedu Eze, former dean of political studies at Ahmadu Bello University, warned that “selective use of anti-corruption agencies as political tools corrodes public trust and ultimately delegates justice into the hands of incumbents rather than independent courts.” These observations echo growing public skepticism.

The Way Forward: Strengthening Democracy and Institutions. Nigeria’s path forward depends on restoring confidence in democratic norms and institutional independence.

Transparent EFCC Processes: Civil society groups and legal scholars are advocating for enhanced transparency in anti-graft investigations, including clear prosecutorial thresholds and independent audits of case initiation and closures.

Judicial Oversight: Strengthening the judiciary’s capacity and independence is critical to ensuring that allegations of political weaponisation do not go unchecked. Courts must remain the ultimate arbiters of evidence and guilt.

Political Reforms: Advocates demand reforms to party financing, federal-state fiscal relations, and consultation mechanisms to reduce incentives for defections driven by federal resource leverage.

Public Engagement: A more informed and engaged civil society, anchored by independent media and civic education, must hold both government and opposition accountable for adherence to democratic principles.

Beyond The Present Moment.

Governor Makinde’s assertion that it is no longer tenable to “speak truth to power” under the current administration reflects unsettling trends in Nigeria’s evolving democratic landscape. While the EFCC and the Presidency maintain that anti-corruption efforts are independent and constitutionally grounded, opposition leaders (backed by political data and patterns of defections) argue that state power is being used to consolidate one-party dominance and undermine political pluralism.

At this critical juncture, Nigeria must choose between entrenching competitive democracy or sliding toward a political monopoly where dissent is subdued, institutions compromised, and power concentrated.

For Nigeria’s democratic ideals to survive (and thrive) its leaders and citizens must ensure that speaking truth to power remains not a perilous act of defiance but an honoured pillar of national life.

 

Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent.
By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by saharaweeklyng.com

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