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The Grip of Godfathers: How Political Puppeteers Hijacked Nigeria’s 2023 Elections

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The Grip of Godfathers: How Political Puppeteers Hijacked Nigeria’s 2023 Elections By George Omagbemi Sylvester

The Grip of Godfathers: How Political Puppeteers Hijacked Nigeria’s 2023 Elections

By George Omagbemi Sylvester

 

In any genuine democracy, power flows from the people to their leaders. But in Nigeria, especially in the 2023 general elections, this democratic ideal was once again hijacked by an entrenched system of political godfatherism—an unholy alliance of oligarchs, kingmakers, and shadowy puppeteers who wield immense influence over who gets elected and who gets crushed. The result is a democracy disfigured by greed, betrayal, and manipulation.

The Anatomy of Godfatherism in Nigeria
Godfatherism in Nigerian politics is not new. Since the return to democracy in 1999, it has played a dominant role in shaping the political landscape. Godfathers are wealthy political elites—often former governors, military officers, or businessmen—who sponsor candidates into power in exchange for loyalty, contracts, and control of state resources. As Professor Attahiru Jega, former INEC chairman, once noted, “Nigeria’s elections are not necessarily won by popularity or competence but by who controls the political machinery” (Jega, 2022).

The 2023 elections were a glaring manifestation of this disease. Across the country, from Lagos to Kano, Rivers to Delta, godfathers imposed candidates, manipulated primaries, and dictated outcomes with impunity. It wasn’t about manifestos or merit; it was about loyalty to the political mafia.

Lagos: The Jagaban Effect
Nowhere was godfatherism more pronounced than in Lagos State. Bola Ahmed Tinubu, the self-acclaimed “Jagaban of Borgu” and national leader of the APC, has maintained a vice-like grip on Lagos politics since 1999 (TheCable, 2023). In 2023, he ascended to the presidency not by a groundswell of popular support but by orchestrating a brutal, well-funded political machine that bulldozed its way through party primaries and general elections.

Despite throwing the full weight of his influence behind the APC candidate for governor, the Labour Party made historic gains in Lagos, defeating APC in the presidential vote within Tinubu’s stronghold (INEC Official Results, 2023). Yet, voter suppression, intimidation, and ethnic incitement marred the subsequent gubernatorial polls—underscoring how far godfathers will go to maintain control (Amnesty International, 2023).

As Chinua Achebe once warned, “The trouble with Nigeria is simply and squarely a failure of leadership” (Achebe, 1983). That leadership failure is deeply tied to the stranglehold of political godfathers who prioritize personal gain over national progress.

Northern Nigeria: The Invisible Hands
In the North, political godfatherism took a more insidious form. Former military generals and entrenched politicians, particularly those from Buhari’s camp, played strategic roles in determining party tickets and political deals. The G5 governors’ rebellion in PDP—led by Wike, Ortom, Makinde, Ugwuanyi, and Ikpeazu—was itself a godfatherist power play aimed at disrupting national party consensus (Vanguard, 2023).

In Rivers State, Governor Nyesom Wike turned the state into a battleground of interests, publicly undermining his own party while negotiating backdoor deals with APC. The resulting electoral confusion led to disputed results and a fractured political environment (Premium Times, 2023).

The Electoral Betrayal of the Masses
INEC’s failure to transmit election results electronically despite promising to do so under the 2022 Electoral Act was a monumental betrayal. The Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS), hailed as a game-changer, was abandoned during collation, opening the door to rigging (European Union Election Observation Mission, 2023).

The “Obidient” movement, powered by youth disillusionment and the candidacy of Peter Obi, gave millions of Nigerians hope. But that hope was crushed not just by INEC’s failure but by the deeply entrenched political oligarchs who feared losing power to the people.

As political scientist Robert Michels observed in his “Iron Law of Oligarchy,” “Who says organization, says oligarchy.” Nigerian parties, structured around godfathers, operate not as democratic institutions but as authoritarian vehicles of personal ambition.

The Tragedy of Compromise and Silence
Most tragic is the normalization of this dysfunction. Religious leaders, traditional rulers, and even the judiciary have often chosen silence or convenient neutrality. But as Nobel Laureate Wole Soyinka rightly declared, “The man dies in all who keep silent in the face of tyranny” (Soyinka, 1972). In 2023, silence was louder than outrage.

President Muhammadu Buhari’s hands-off approach to post-election violence and widespread irregularities further eroded public confidence. Despite pledging to leave a legacy of free and fair elections, Buhari’s silence on INEC’s failures and his party’s abuses was deafening.

The Cost of Godfatherism
The cost of godfatherism is not just political—it is economic and social. It kills initiative, breeds incompetence, and facilitates corruption. When leaders are beholden to patrons, they have little incentive to serve the people.

The World Bank reports that Nigeria has lost over $400 billion to corruption since independence (World Bank, 2022). A significant portion of this is tied to godfather networks and political patronage. State capture, contract fraud, inflated budgets, and ghost projects are the legacy of politicians who serve their funders, not their constituents.

A Way Forward: Breaking the Chains
To dismantle the system of godfatherism, Nigeria must reform its institutions. INEC must be truly independent, immune from executive or legislative interference. Political party financing should be transparent and audited. Civil society must hold leaders accountable, and the media must stop being megaphones for political propaganda.

Political parties should internalize democracy—allowing primaries to be decided by merit, not by money or manipulation. As Nelson Mandela once said, “A critical, independent and investigative press is the lifeblood of any democracy” (Mandela, 1994). The Nigerian media must rise to this responsibility.

Voter education is essential. Citizens must understand their power and refuse to sell their votes. The success of the “Not Too Young To Run” Act and the rise of youth-led political activism in 2023 prove that the tide can turn—but only with sustained resistance.

Conclusion: A Call to Reclaim Democracy
Nigeria cannot move forward while her politics remains in the chokehold of godfathers. The 2023 elections should not just be remembered as a contest of candidates but as a referendum on whether Nigerians are truly free to choose their leaders.

As Dora Akunyili once said, “We must fight for the soul of our nation.” That fight must be waged at the ballot box, in the courts, on the streets, and in our hearts. The era of godfatherism must end—for democracy, development, and dignity to thrive in Nigeria.

The Grip of Godfathers: How Political Puppeteers Hijacked Nigeria’s 2023 Elections
By George Omagbemi Sylvester

_Sylvester is a prolific writer and political analyst; He writes from Johannesburg._

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Kogi’s Quiet Shift: Reviewing Governor Ododo’s First 24 Months in Office 

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Kogi’s Quiet Shift: Reviewing Governor Ododo’s First 24 Months in Office

By Rowland Olonishuwa 

 

On Tuesday, Kogi State paused to mark two years since Alhaji Ahmed Usman Ododo took the oath as Executive Governor. Across government circles, community halls, and everyday conversations, the anniversary was more than a date on the calendar; it was a milestone that invites both reflection and renewed optimism. A moment to look back at how far the state has travelled in just twenty-four months, and where it is heading next.

 

Since assuming office in January 2024, Ododo has steered the state through a period of measured consolidation, delivering strategic interventions across security, infrastructure, human capital, and economic revitalisation that are beginning to translate into real improvements for residents.

 

Governor Ododo stepped into office at a time when expectations were high, and confidence in public institutions needed rebuilding.

 

His response to these was not loud declarations, but steady consolidation, strengthening structures, restoring order in governance, and setting a clear direction. Over time, that calm approach has become his signature: leadership that listens first, plans carefully, and moves with purpose.

 

Security has remained the most urgent concern for Nigerians, and Kogi residents are no exceptions; the Ododo-led administration has treated it as such. From deploying surveillance drones to support intelligence operations to recruiting and integrating local hunters and vigilante personnel into formal security frameworks, the government has built a layered safety net.

 

For farmers returning to their fields, travellers moving along highways, and families in rural communities, the impact is simple and deeply personal: fewer fears, quicker response, and growing confidence that the government is present and concerned about the ordinary people.

 

Infrastructural development has followed the same practical logic. Roads have been rehabilitated, easing movement for traders and commuters. Budget priorities have shifted toward capital projects and human development, while revived facilities like the Confluence Rice Mill now provide farmers with real economic opportunity. For many households, this means better income prospects, stronger local trade, and renewed belief that development is no longer a distant promise.

 

Health and education are not left out; the Ododo-led administration has expanded free healthcare services and supported students through examination funding and institutional improvements.

Parents who once struggled with medical bills and school fees have felt relief. Young people preparing for their futures now see government investment not as abstract policy but as something that touches their daily lives.

 

Governance reforms, from civil service strengthening to new legislative frameworks, have quietly improved how government functions. Salaries are more predictable, public offices are more responsive, and local government structures are more coordinated. These may not always make headlines, but they shape how citizens experience leadership every day.

 

As the second year anniversary celebrations fade into routine today and Governor Ododo enters his third year in office, the true meaning of the anniversary will continue to linger on.

 

Two years may not have solved every challenge in the Confluence State -no government ever does, by the way- but they have set a tone of stability, responsiveness, and direction. The next phase will demand deeper impact, broader reach, and sustained security gains.

 

But for many in Kogi State, the story of the past twenty-four months is already clear: steady hands on the wheel, and a journey that is firmly underway.

 

 

 

Olonishuwa is the Editor-in-Chief of Newshubmag.com. He writes from Ilorin

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Lagos Assembly Debunks Abuja House Rumour, Warns Against Election Season Propaganda

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Lagos Assembly Debunks Abuja House Rumour, Warns Against Election Season Propaganda

 

 

The Lagos State House of Assembly has described as misleading and mischievous the widespread misinformation that it budgeted for the purchase of houses in Abuja for its members in the 2026 Appropriation Law.

 

This rebuttal is contained in a statement jointly signed by Hon. Stephen Ogundipe, Chairman, House Committee on Information, Strategy, and Security, and Hon. Sa’ad Olumoh, Chairman, House Committee on Economic Planning and Budget.

Describing the report as a deliberate and disturbing falsehood being peddled by patently ignorant people, the statement reads, “There is no provision whatsoever in the 2026 Budget for the purchase of houses in Abuja or anywhere else for members of the Lagos State House of Assembly. The report is a complete fabrication and a product of political mischief intended to misinform the public.

“The Lagos State House of Assembly does not operate in Abuja. Our constitutional responsibilities, constituencies, and legislative duties are entirely within Lagos State. It is, therefore, illogical, irrational, and irresponsible for anyone to suggest that legislators would appropriate public funds for personal housing outside their jurisdiction.”

The statement emphasised that the budget is already in the public domain and accessible for scrutiny by discerning Lagosians and Nigerians alike. It reiterated that the Lagos State Government operates a transparent budget that speaks to the needs of the people and the demands of a megalopolis.

“We view this rumour as part of a wider attempt at election-season propaganda, designed to erode public trust, sow discord, and malign democratic institutions.”

The chairmen further clarified that the 2026 capital expenditure of the House of Assembly is less than 0.04% of the total CAPEX of the state, which clearly demonstrates the culture of prudence, accountability, and fiscal responsibility that guides the legislature. However, they noted, “Historically, the House does not even access up to its approved budget in many fiscal years.”

They stressed that the Assembly remains fully committed to excellence, transparency, good governance, and the collective welfare of the people of Lagos State, in line with the objectives of the 2026 Budget of Shared Prosperity.

“We therefore challenge those behind this harebrained allegation to produce credible evidence or retract their statements forthwith. Failure to do so may attract appropriate legal actions.

“We urge Lagosians and the general public to disregard this baseless rumour and always verify information from official and credible sources.”

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Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent

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Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent.

By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by saharaweeklyng.com

“Tinubu’s Government, the EFCC and the Strategic Undermining of Opposition Governors”.

 

In a striking indictment of Nigeria’s current political reality, Governor Seyi Makinde of Oyo State declared that “you cannot speak truth to power in this dispensation”, directly accusing the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu of intolerance for dissent and an erosion of democratic norms.

Makinde’s remarks (made during a public event in Ibadan on January 25, 2026) were more than a local governor’s lament. They crystallised a mounting national frustration: that Nigeria’s political landscape has tilted dangerously toward executive overreach, institutional capture and political engineering.

Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent.
By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by saharaweeklyng.com

This narrative is not isolated. Across Nigeria, governors from opposition parties have defected to the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) in numbers unprecedented in the nation’s democratic history. Critics argue that these defections are not merely voluntary political choices, but part of a strategic pressure campaign leveraging federal power and institutions to fracture opposition influence.

At its centre lies Nigeria’s principal anti-graft agency – the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC).

The EFCC: Anti-Graft Agency or Political Instrument? Founded to combat corruption, the EFCC’s constitutional mandate is to investigate and prosecute financial and economic crimes across public and private sectors. Its legal independence is enshrined in statute and it has historically pursued high-profile cases, including recovery of nearly $500 million in illicit assets in a single year, demonstrating its capacity for tackling corruption.

 

However, critics now claim that under the Tinubu administration, the EFCC’s prosecutorial power is being perceived (if not deployed) as a political instrument.

Opposition leaders, including former Vice President Atiku Abubakar and coalition parties such as the African Democratic Congress (ADC), have publicly accused the federal government of using anti-corruption agencies to intimidate opposition figures and governors, effectively pressuring them into aligning with the APC.

In a statement released in December 2025, opposition figures alleged that institutions such as the EFCC, the Nigerian Police and the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission were being selectively wielded to weaken political competitors rather than combat financial crime impartially.

This is not merely rhetorical noise. The opposition’s grievances centre on several observable patterns:

Reopened or New Investigations Against Opposition Figures: The ADC pointed to recent abnormal reactivation of long-dormant cases or new inquiries into financial activities involving senior opposition politicians. These, they argue, often arise shortly before critical elections or political realignments.

 

Alleged Differential Treatment: According to opponents of the current administration, individuals who have defected to the APC appear less likely to face sustained legal scrutiny or prosecution in EFCC proceedings, even in cases of credible allegations of mismanagement.

Timing of Actions: The timing of certain high-profile investigations, emerging ahead of the 2027 general elections, reinforces perceptions that anti-graft measures are tailored to political cycles rather than legal merit.

The EFCC and Presidency have publicly denied these allegations, insisting that the commission operates independently and pursues corruption irrespective of political affiliation and that Nigeria’s democratic freedoms (including party choice and mobility) remain intact.

Yet the perception of bias, once systemic, is hard to erase, especially when political actors deploy powerful state machinery with strategic timing and selective intensity.

Defections and Power Realignment: A Democracy at Risk? Since 2023 and particularly through 2025, a remarkable number of state governors and senior political leaders have crossed over from opposition parties (notably the Peoples Democratic Party – PDP) to the APC. Though defections are normal in Nigeria’s fluid political system, the scale and speed in recent years are historically noteworthy, raising critical questions about underlying incentives.

The SaharaWeeklyNG reported Makinde’s comments within the broader context of a political climate where dissenting voices face greater obstacles than at any time in recent democratic memory.

Governors who remain in opposition find themselves squeezed between growing federal assertiveness and dwindling political capital. Some analysts argue that the combination of federal resource control, political appointments and influence over public agencies exerts tangible pressure on subnational leaders to align with the ruling party for political survival. This dynamic, they contend, undermines competitive party politics and weakens Nigeria’s multiparty democracy.

 

Speaking Truth to Power: What Makinde’s Critique Exposes. Governor Makinde’s core grievance (that it is increasingly difficult, perhaps perilous, to speak truth to power) resonates widely among civil society actors, political analysts and democratic advocates:

“YOU CANNOT SPEAK TRUTH TO POWER IN THIS DISPENSATION,” Makinde declared, specifically citing the government’s handling of contentious tax reform bills as an example where dissent was neither welcomed nor transparently debated.

Makinde’s critique reflects deeper structural concerns:

Exclusion of Key Stakeholders: Opposition leaders and state executives report being marginalised from meaningful consultation on national policies affecting federal-state relations, revenue sharing and fiscal reforms.

Institutional Intimidation: The perception that state politicians become targets of federal legal scrutiny after taking firm oppositional stances (real or perceived) discourages robust democratic debate.

Erosion of Opposition Space: A symbiotic effect of party defections and institutional pressure is a shrinking viable space for genuine political opposition, weakening checks and balances essential to democratic governance.

A respected political scientist, Dr. Aisha Bello of the University of Lagos, recently argued that “when opposition becomes fraught with state leverage instead of ideological competition, the very foundation of democratic contestation collapses,” adding that “a government that shies away from criticism risks inversion into autocracy.”

Another expert, Prof. Chinedu Eze, former dean of political studies at Ahmadu Bello University, warned that “selective use of anti-corruption agencies as political tools corrodes public trust and ultimately delegates justice into the hands of incumbents rather than independent courts.” These observations echo growing public skepticism.

The Way Forward: Strengthening Democracy and Institutions. Nigeria’s path forward depends on restoring confidence in democratic norms and institutional independence.

Transparent EFCC Processes: Civil society groups and legal scholars are advocating for enhanced transparency in anti-graft investigations, including clear prosecutorial thresholds and independent audits of case initiation and closures.

Judicial Oversight: Strengthening the judiciary’s capacity and independence is critical to ensuring that allegations of political weaponisation do not go unchecked. Courts must remain the ultimate arbiters of evidence and guilt.

Political Reforms: Advocates demand reforms to party financing, federal-state fiscal relations, and consultation mechanisms to reduce incentives for defections driven by federal resource leverage.

Public Engagement: A more informed and engaged civil society, anchored by independent media and civic education, must hold both government and opposition accountable for adherence to democratic principles.

Beyond The Present Moment.

Governor Makinde’s assertion that it is no longer tenable to “speak truth to power” under the current administration reflects unsettling trends in Nigeria’s evolving democratic landscape. While the EFCC and the Presidency maintain that anti-corruption efforts are independent and constitutionally grounded, opposition leaders (backed by political data and patterns of defections) argue that state power is being used to consolidate one-party dominance and undermine political pluralism.

At this critical juncture, Nigeria must choose between entrenching competitive democracy or sliding toward a political monopoly where dissent is subdued, institutions compromised, and power concentrated.

For Nigeria’s democratic ideals to survive (and thrive) its leaders and citizens must ensure that speaking truth to power remains not a perilous act of defiance but an honoured pillar of national life.

 

Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent.
By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by saharaweeklyng.com

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