Politics
The Death of Democracy in Rivers State: Tinubu’s Authoritarian Grip Tightens Nigeria’s Political Noose
The Death of Democracy in Rivers State: Tinubu’s Authoritarian Grip Tightens Nigeria’s Political Noose.
By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by SaharaWeeklyNG.com
When history recounts the dark days of Nigeria’s democratic backsliding, the current political tragedy unfolding in Rivers State will undoubtedly occupy a damning chapter. What began as a local political tussle between Governor Siminalayi Fubara and his estranged godfather (Nyesom Wike), has spiraled into a national scandal of executive overreach and blatant disregard for the rule of law; an institutional coup orchestrated and endorsed by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and his All Progressives Congress (APC)-led administration.
This latest travesty reached its zenith on Thursday night at the Presidential Villa, Abuja, where President Tinubu presided over what many have called a “CIVILIAN COUP NEGOTIATION ” After months of turmoil that saw Rivers State plunged into a constitutional crisis (culminating in a near-state-of-emergency declaration in March 2025), Tinubu announced the conditional reinstatement of Governor Siminalayi Fubara; let us be clear: THIS WAS NOT RECONCILIATION. This was SUBJUGATION. This was the BURIAL CEREMONY of DEMOCRACY under the guise of PRESIDENTIAL INTERVENTION.
The Conditions of Reinstatement: Democracy on a Leash
According to credible reports, Fubara’s so-called reinstatement came with four DRACONIAN conditions, crafted not to stabilize Rivers State, but to neuter its DEMOCRATICALLY elected leader:
A.) Surrender of control over the state’s LEGISLATIVE and JUDICIAL functions.
B.) Reinstatement of pro-WIKE LAWMAKERS who previously resigned or defected.
C.) Submission to a JOINT GOVERNANCE FRAMEWORK dictated from Abuja.
D.) Renunciation of independent DECISION-MAKING AUTHORITY on POLITICAL APPOINTMENTS and policy direction.
What kind of democracy is this where a sitting governor, elected by the people, is subjected to the whims of political overlords operating outside CONSTITUTIONAL FRAMEWORKS?
This is nothing short of political blackmail and a dangerous precedent that may soon be replicated across other states where governors dare to challenge the federal hegemon.
Wike, the Godfather-In-Chief
At the heart of this travesty lies Nyesom Wike, the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory and de facto overlord of Rivers politics. Wike, who once postured as a defender of democratic principles during his tenure as governor, has now evolved (or rather devolved) into the very embodiment of political tyranny. His fallout with Fubara, whom he handpicked and installed, laid bare the sinister underbelly of Nigeria’s godfatherism problem.
What followed was a brazen campaign of sabotage: Rivers State lawmakers loyal to Wike resigned en masse to cripple the legislature, the judiciary was infiltrated and state institutions were weaponized to torment Governor Fubara into submission.
And rather than intervene as a neutral arbiter, President Tinubu threw the full weight of the federal government behind Wike, proving once again that loyalty to Tinubu trumps constitutional order.
Tinubu’s Authoritarian Blueprint: The Akpabio Revelation
Senate President Godswill Akpabio’s chilling prophecy hangs like a shadow over this national disaster. Speaking earlier this year, Akpabio declared… “By the time Tinubu finishes with Nigeria, nobody will recognize the country again.”
Now we understand what he meant. Under Tinubu’s leadership, Nigeria is fast becoming unrecognizable not because of TRANSFORMATION, but because of REGRESSION.
The pattern is as clear as daylight:
A.) Dismantling of state autonomy
B.) Federal intimidation of opposition governors and lawmakers
C.) Judicial manipulation and electoral interference
D.) Unabashed tolerance for political thuggery and legislative impunity
In Rivers, Tinubu didn’t just mediate a CONFLICT, he masterminded a hostile takeover. The governor now functions more like a federal puppet than the chief executive of a federating unit. If this is Tinubu’s idea of reform, then Nigeria is in grave peril.
A Constitution Trampled
It is important to emphasize that no section of the Nigerian Constitution grants the president the power to impose political terms on a sitting state governor. Section 5(2) of the Constitution vests executive powers in governors, while Section 11(4) outlines the rare and extreme conditions under which the federal government may assume control of a state and conditions that were never legally satisfied in Rivers State.
Therefore, the presidential “AGREEMENT” compelling Fubara to accept humiliating terms under threat of emergency rule is not only UNDEMOCRATIC, it is UNCONSTITUTIONAL.
Where were the so-called constitutional lawyers and human rights defenders? Where was the National Assembly that is supposed to act as a check on executive excess? They stood by in silence & complicit, cowardly or co-opted.
Nigerians React: Outrage and Resistance
Prominent civil society voices have not remained silent.
Femi Falana (SAN) decried the “imposition of unconstitutional demands on a governor elected by the people,” warning that “executive tyranny will soon consume the very institutions enabling it.”
Also former Anambra State Governor Peter Obi, in a social media post, called the agreement “a betrayal of democracy and a dangerous intrusion into the federal character of our republic.”
Activist Aisha Yesufu tweeted, “What Tinubu did in Rivers is political rape. The people’s votes have been hijacked by a few men in Aso Rock.”
Even former Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo lamented during a separate national forum: “What we are doing now is neither democracy nor federalism. It is civil rule stained with impunity and disregard for institutions.”
The Implications: A Blueprint for Federal Despotism
The tragedy of Rivers State is not isolated. It is a warning shot to the rest of the country. If a sitting governor can be bullied into submission, what stops the federal government from replicating this in other opposition states?
Today it is Fubara. Tomorrow it could be any state governor who refuses to bend the knee to the Tinubu cabal. The message is clear: “Disobey Abuja at your peril.”
This is not governance. This is conquest.
Judgment Day for Democracy: A Country in Chains
Nigeria is not just facing an economic crisis. We are facing a moral and constitutional crisis. A situation where elections no longer guarantee leadership and political godfathers dictate the fate of millions from air-conditioned war rooms.
This isn’t the democracy we welcomed in 1999. This is a hybrid dictatorship, one foot in civilian attire and the other knee-deep in autocracy.
As we head towards the 2027 general elections, Nigerians must remember that silence in the face of tyranny is complicity. We must call this what it is: a DEMOCRATIC ASSASSINATION in Rivers State, executed with the precision of executive manipulation and godfatherism.
As Gani Fawehinmi once declared, “The tree of democracy must be watered with the blood of patriots; through resistance, sacrifice and in truth.”
If we do not rise now, there may be no recognizable Nigeria left to save.

Written by George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by SaharaWeeklyNG.com
Politics
Lagos Assembly Debunks Abuja House Rumour, Warns Against Election Season Propaganda
Lagos Assembly Debunks Abuja House Rumour, Warns Against Election Season Propaganda
The Lagos State House of Assembly has described as misleading and mischievous the widespread misinformation that it budgeted for the purchase of houses in Abuja for its members in the 2026 Appropriation Law.
This rebuttal is contained in a statement jointly signed by Hon. Stephen Ogundipe, Chairman, House Committee on Information, Strategy, and Security, and Hon. Sa’ad Olumoh, Chairman, House Committee on Economic Planning and Budget.
Describing the report as a deliberate and disturbing falsehood being peddled by patently ignorant people, the statement reads, “There is no provision whatsoever in the 2026 Budget for the purchase of houses in Abuja or anywhere else for members of the Lagos State House of Assembly. The report is a complete fabrication and a product of political mischief intended to misinform the public.
“The Lagos State House of Assembly does not operate in Abuja. Our constitutional responsibilities, constituencies, and legislative duties are entirely within Lagos State. It is, therefore, illogical, irrational, and irresponsible for anyone to suggest that legislators would appropriate public funds for personal housing outside their jurisdiction.”
The statement emphasised that the budget is already in the public domain and accessible for scrutiny by discerning Lagosians and Nigerians alike. It reiterated that the Lagos State Government operates a transparent budget that speaks to the needs of the people and the demands of a megalopolis.
“We view this rumour as part of a wider attempt at election-season propaganda, designed to erode public trust, sow discord, and malign democratic institutions.”
The chairmen further clarified that the 2026 capital expenditure of the House of Assembly is less than 0.04% of the total CAPEX of the state, which clearly demonstrates the culture of prudence, accountability, and fiscal responsibility that guides the legislature. However, they noted, “Historically, the House does not even access up to its approved budget in many fiscal years.”
They stressed that the Assembly remains fully committed to excellence, transparency, good governance, and the collective welfare of the people of Lagos State, in line with the objectives of the 2026 Budget of Shared Prosperity.
“We therefore challenge those behind this harebrained allegation to produce credible evidence or retract their statements forthwith. Failure to do so may attract appropriate legal actions.
“We urge Lagosians and the general public to disregard this baseless rumour and always verify information from official and credible sources.”
Politics
Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent
Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent.
By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by saharaweeklyng.com
“Tinubu’s Government, the EFCC and the Strategic Undermining of Opposition Governors”.
In a striking indictment of Nigeria’s current political reality, Governor Seyi Makinde of Oyo State declared that “you cannot speak truth to power in this dispensation”, directly accusing the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu of intolerance for dissent and an erosion of democratic norms.
Makinde’s remarks (made during a public event in Ibadan on January 25, 2026) were more than a local governor’s lament. They crystallised a mounting national frustration: that Nigeria’s political landscape has tilted dangerously toward executive overreach, institutional capture and political engineering.
This narrative is not isolated. Across Nigeria, governors from opposition parties have defected to the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) in numbers unprecedented in the nation’s democratic history. Critics argue that these defections are not merely voluntary political choices, but part of a strategic pressure campaign leveraging federal power and institutions to fracture opposition influence.
At its centre lies Nigeria’s principal anti-graft agency – the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC).
The EFCC: Anti-Graft Agency or Political Instrument? Founded to combat corruption, the EFCC’s constitutional mandate is to investigate and prosecute financial and economic crimes across public and private sectors. Its legal independence is enshrined in statute and it has historically pursued high-profile cases, including recovery of nearly $500 million in illicit assets in a single year, demonstrating its capacity for tackling corruption.
However, critics now claim that under the Tinubu administration, the EFCC’s prosecutorial power is being perceived (if not deployed) as a political instrument.
Opposition leaders, including former Vice President Atiku Abubakar and coalition parties such as the African Democratic Congress (ADC), have publicly accused the federal government of using anti-corruption agencies to intimidate opposition figures and governors, effectively pressuring them into aligning with the APC.
In a statement released in December 2025, opposition figures alleged that institutions such as the EFCC, the Nigerian Police and the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission were being selectively wielded to weaken political competitors rather than combat financial crime impartially.
This is not merely rhetorical noise. The opposition’s grievances centre on several observable patterns:
Reopened or New Investigations Against Opposition Figures: The ADC pointed to recent abnormal reactivation of long-dormant cases or new inquiries into financial activities involving senior opposition politicians. These, they argue, often arise shortly before critical elections or political realignments.
Alleged Differential Treatment: According to opponents of the current administration, individuals who have defected to the APC appear less likely to face sustained legal scrutiny or prosecution in EFCC proceedings, even in cases of credible allegations of mismanagement.
Timing of Actions: The timing of certain high-profile investigations, emerging ahead of the 2027 general elections, reinforces perceptions that anti-graft measures are tailored to political cycles rather than legal merit.
The EFCC and Presidency have publicly denied these allegations, insisting that the commission operates independently and pursues corruption irrespective of political affiliation and that Nigeria’s democratic freedoms (including party choice and mobility) remain intact.
Yet the perception of bias, once systemic, is hard to erase, especially when political actors deploy powerful state machinery with strategic timing and selective intensity.
Defections and Power Realignment: A Democracy at Risk? Since 2023 and particularly through 2025, a remarkable number of state governors and senior political leaders have crossed over from opposition parties (notably the Peoples Democratic Party – PDP) to the APC. Though defections are normal in Nigeria’s fluid political system, the scale and speed in recent years are historically noteworthy, raising critical questions about underlying incentives.
The SaharaWeeklyNG reported Makinde’s comments within the broader context of a political climate where dissenting voices face greater obstacles than at any time in recent democratic memory.
Governors who remain in opposition find themselves squeezed between growing federal assertiveness and dwindling political capital. Some analysts argue that the combination of federal resource control, political appointments and influence over public agencies exerts tangible pressure on subnational leaders to align with the ruling party for political survival. This dynamic, they contend, undermines competitive party politics and weakens Nigeria’s multiparty democracy.
Speaking Truth to Power: What Makinde’s Critique Exposes. Governor Makinde’s core grievance (that it is increasingly difficult, perhaps perilous, to speak truth to power) resonates widely among civil society actors, political analysts and democratic advocates:
“YOU CANNOT SPEAK TRUTH TO POWER IN THIS DISPENSATION,” Makinde declared, specifically citing the government’s handling of contentious tax reform bills as an example where dissent was neither welcomed nor transparently debated.
Makinde’s critique reflects deeper structural concerns:
Exclusion of Key Stakeholders: Opposition leaders and state executives report being marginalised from meaningful consultation on national policies affecting federal-state relations, revenue sharing and fiscal reforms.
Institutional Intimidation: The perception that state politicians become targets of federal legal scrutiny after taking firm oppositional stances (real or perceived) discourages robust democratic debate.
Erosion of Opposition Space: A symbiotic effect of party defections and institutional pressure is a shrinking viable space for genuine political opposition, weakening checks and balances essential to democratic governance.
A respected political scientist, Dr. Aisha Bello of the University of Lagos, recently argued that “when opposition becomes fraught with state leverage instead of ideological competition, the very foundation of democratic contestation collapses,” adding that “a government that shies away from criticism risks inversion into autocracy.”
Another expert, Prof. Chinedu Eze, former dean of political studies at Ahmadu Bello University, warned that “selective use of anti-corruption agencies as political tools corrodes public trust and ultimately delegates justice into the hands of incumbents rather than independent courts.” These observations echo growing public skepticism.
The Way Forward: Strengthening Democracy and Institutions. Nigeria’s path forward depends on restoring confidence in democratic norms and institutional independence.
Transparent EFCC Processes: Civil society groups and legal scholars are advocating for enhanced transparency in anti-graft investigations, including clear prosecutorial thresholds and independent audits of case initiation and closures.
Judicial Oversight: Strengthening the judiciary’s capacity and independence is critical to ensuring that allegations of political weaponisation do not go unchecked. Courts must remain the ultimate arbiters of evidence and guilt.
Political Reforms: Advocates demand reforms to party financing, federal-state fiscal relations, and consultation mechanisms to reduce incentives for defections driven by federal resource leverage.
Public Engagement: A more informed and engaged civil society, anchored by independent media and civic education, must hold both government and opposition accountable for adherence to democratic principles.
Beyond The Present Moment.
Governor Makinde’s assertion that it is no longer tenable to “speak truth to power” under the current administration reflects unsettling trends in Nigeria’s evolving democratic landscape. While the EFCC and the Presidency maintain that anti-corruption efforts are independent and constitutionally grounded, opposition leaders (backed by political data and patterns of defections) argue that state power is being used to consolidate one-party dominance and undermine political pluralism.
At this critical juncture, Nigeria must choose between entrenching competitive democracy or sliding toward a political monopoly where dissent is subdued, institutions compromised, and power concentrated.
For Nigeria’s democratic ideals to survive (and thrive) its leaders and citizens must ensure that speaking truth to power remains not a perilous act of defiance but an honoured pillar of national life.
Politics
APC Chairman Appoints Norbert Akachukwu Sochukwudinma as SSA on Local Government Affairs
APC Chairman Appoints Norbert Akachukwu Sochukwudinma as SSA on Local Government Affairs
By Ifeoma Ikem
The National Chairman of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Prof. Nentawe Yilwatda, has approved the appointment of Norbert Akachukwu Sochukwudinma (NAS) as Senior Special Assistant (SSA) on Local Government Affairs.
The appointment is part of ongoing efforts by the APC national leadership to strengthen grassroots engagement and enhance coordination between the party’s national secretariat and local government structures across the country.
Sochukwudinma is a seasoned politician and an active member of the APC, with deep roots in Delta State politics. He currently serves as the APC Chairman for Aniocha South Local Government Area.
In addition to his local role, he is also the Coordinating Chairman of APC Chairmen in Delta North, a position through which he has played a strategic role in party mobilisation and reconciliation efforts within the senatorial district.
Known for his commitment to party integration and grassroots development, Sochukwudinma has been actively involved in strengthening the APC’s presence and internal cohesion in Delta State.
Party stakeholders have described his appointment as well-deserved, citing his experience, organisational capacity, and consistent engagement with party members at the ward and local government levels.
The new SSA is expected to bring his grassroots expertise to bear in advising the APC National Chairman on local government affairs, party administration, and effective mobilisation strategies nationwide.
His appointment takes immediate effect.
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