*Opinion: Dear General Elijah Ayodele, Where Is the Next Coup Taking Place?*

By Sammy Godson

Seeing the title General attached to Elijah Ayodele may surprise many because everyone knows he is not a member of the army, nor has he ever been publicly addressed as such. But permit me to rechristen him, because at this point, his revelations on security matters go far beyond what an army general’s intelligence can cover.

General Elijah Ayodele is a prophet and the leader of the INRI Evangelical Spiritual Church in Lagos, yet one wonders how he has accurately foretold coup-related events across Africa—events that have been happening exactly as he mentioned.

There is a huge difference between vaguely predicting that coups will occur in a continent and specifically naming the exact countries where they will take place—and seeing them happen precisely that way. Even the world’s most powerful army general cannot achieve such accuracy, no matter the intelligence available. It is absolutely impossible.

An army general is limited to the affairs of his own country. A Nigerian general cannot know of a coup being planned in Benin Republic, and vice versa. Yet General Elijah Ayodele will sit in Lagos and speak of dangerous events such as military coups in distant countries, and they happen exactly as though he wrote the script.

This simply shows that General Elijah Ayodele is firmly connected to the throne of heaven, from where all things are revealed. As the Bible says, God does nothing without revealing it to His prophets. His prophets are His generals, and in Nigeria, we can boldly say that General Elijah Ayodele is not just a member of God’s troops but a commander—no one else comes close.

Starting with the latest coup attempt in Africa, which occurred in Benin Republic: on Sunday morning, a group of soldiers seized the national television station to announce that they had taken over the country and removed President Talon from power. They declared the suspension of all political activities and the constitution. It was a tense situation before the soldiers were repelled, resulting in the ultimate failure of the coup.

This did not happen without General Elijah Ayodele mentioning it days earlier. He had spoken about it at least three times, with the last warning given on Friday—just two days before the incident. He said some countries would experience revolutions through coups or elections, and Benin Republic was among them. He warned these nations to prepare, and within two days, it happened.

His exact words were:

“The following nations will face revolution in the coming year, either by coup or any other way. There will be disorderliness in the following countries: Cameroon, Chad, Niger, Mali, Tanzania, Benin Republic, Ethiopia, South Sudan, and Uganda. Let them prepare for the challenges ahead.”

Recently, a coup also occurred in Guinea-Bissau after the presidential election. The army announced that they had taken over the country, suspended all electoral activities, and removed the president from power.

This, too, did not occur without General Elijah Ayodele’s warning earlier in November. He called on the president to be careful during the election and not tamper with the process, warning that a coup could occur if he attempted it. In videos and news publications, he advised the president to step down if he lost, so as not to be removed unconstitutionally.

He said:

“In Guinea-Bissau, there is going to be an election, but if there is a coalition and the president tries to rig the election, the country will turn to fire. There will be anarchy, and the impossible coup can be possible. To the president: if you lose this election, just leave. Don’t force yourself because you will fail.”

Additionally, during a live service on November 11, General Ayodele said that Guinea-Bissau would experience military action. He specifically warned that the president would lose relevance and would need to take urgent steps to stabilize the country.

His words were:

“Guinea-Bissau: The country isn’t yet settled; there is still a crisis. They will be fighting seriously. The president will not be reckoned with, and the military will carry out another action. The president must be ready to do anything to stabilize the country because I see a crisis in Guinea.”

Let us also not forget the reported attempt to unseat President Bola Ahmed Tinubu months ago, which allegedly led to the removal of some service chiefs. Weeks before the incident, General Ayodele specifically mentioned that soldiers were angry with the president and that powerful Nigerians were planning to use the military against him.

He warned:

“There will be an attempt to unseat Tinubu unconstitutionally; the NSA, DSS, and Chief of Army Staff must be careful. There are gangs planning between November and January to unseat him.”

“Even the Navy and Air Force will be part of it, including the Nigerian Army. President Tinubu must be ready for anything and fortify himself. He needs to change his security strategy because these personalities will be unbelievable names.”

In July 2025, he had also said that Tinubu must strengthen his security system because he foresaw an attempt to carry out a coup against his government.

“I see an attempt to take power from him (Tinubu) in an unconstitutional manner. God warns him to take his personal safety seriously. What I saw was coup-like, with tension everywhere.”

Going back further, in 2019—before the 2020 coup in Mali—General Ayodele warned in his prophecy for 2020 (released in December 2019) that there would be a gang-up against the president. Just months into the new year, it came to pass.

He had said:

“There will be a gang-up against the Malian president. The country should pray against protests and disorderliness.”

In Gabon, before Ali Bongo was ousted, General Ayodele stood in his church on October 7, 2022, during a live service and advised Bongo to resign because the military would remove him. This was long before the election that ultimately ended in a coup.

He told Bongo:

“Gabonese president, your time is up. I am seeing a crisis, if not a coup d’état. Because of your health, why not resign? Why do you want to die on this seat? I am telling you what the Lord has said. Your staying on the throne is killing you. You are incapacitated, but no one is telling you the truth. I am advising you to humble yourself, resign, and hand over to someone who can do better so you won’t cause a crisis in your country.”

Other coups—including those in Niger and Burkina Faso—were also foretold by General Ayodele. Even though some governments did nothing until events swept them away, one thing is certain: none of them can ever say the prophet did not warn them.

However, for the sake of the good citizens of the nations concerned, I would like to ask the General:
Where is the next coup taking place?

Thank you.

Ajadi Seeks Soun of Ogbomosho’s Blessings Ahead of 2027 Oyo Guber Race

Ambassador Olufemi Ajadi Oguntoyinbo, a leading governorship aspirant in Oyo State, on Monday paid a courtesy visit to the palace of the Soun of Ogbomosho, Oba Ghandi Afolabi Oladunni Olaoye Orumogege III, to seek the monarch’s blessings ahead of the 2027 gubernatorial election.

Ajadi, who was accompanied by political associates and members of his entourage, arrived early at the palace, where he was warmly received by the monarch and traditional chiefs in a brief but symbolic ceremony in line with Ogbomosho’s long-standing tradition of political and cultural consultation.

Speaking during the visit, Ajadi said his decision to seek royal blessings was informed by deep respect for traditional institutions and the belief that major political aspirations should begin with the counsel and prayers of revered leaders.

“This visit is first to pay homage to the throne and seek your royal blessings and guidance,” Ajadi said. “It is also to formally extend my goodwill wishes to Kabiyesi as we celebrate the Christmas and New Year festivities.”

He said Oyo State, under the current administration, had made notable progress and required continuity that aligns with the leadership philosophy of Governor Seyi Makinde.
Oyo State needs continuity of good governance through a young, vibrant and progressive leadership that shares the same vision and mindset as our leader, Engineer Oluseyi Makinde,” Ajadi stated.
“I have come to seek your leadership, mentorship and fatherly guidance towards my ambition to continue the mandate of good governance in the state.”

Ajadi, an entrepreneur, philanthropist and political figure, reminded the monarch of his political journey, noting that he was once a presidential aspirant on the platform of the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) before emerging as the party’s governorship candidate in Ogun State during the 2023 elections.

“I have always stood for good governance and humanitarian service,” he said. “Through the Ajadi Movement, we have supported youths, the elderly and the less privileged across the country.”

He also traced his roots in Oyo State, describing himself as a son of the soil.

“Kabiyesi, sir, I am from Ward 8, Osengere, Egbeda Local Government in Ibadan. My father was a prominent musician popularly known as Sola West in Ibadan, and he was a younger brother of Chief Bode Amao, who remains the eldest personality in my family to date. Chief Bode Amao is a well-known figure in Oyo State and Nigeria at large,” Ajadi said.

I am offering myself for service and humbly request your prayers, wisdom and blessings as I continue consultations ahead of the 2027 general elections.”

Responding to a question by the monarch on the internal crisis within the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Ajadi described the situation as an internal matter that would be resolved.

“The crisis is internal, and it will be resolved soon,” he said. “Unfortunately, some individuals engaging in anti-party activities have created concern for Nigerians. These are politicians who have benefited from the PDP structure but are now undermining it.”

He added that such practices had contributed to instability within the party, stressing the need for internal discipline and unity.

In his response, the Soun of Ogbomosho commended Ajadi for his humility and adherence to traditional consultation.

“You have wished yourself well with all the good things you have spoken today,” Oba Ghandi Afolabi Oladunni Olaoye Orumogege III said.
“I wish you all the best in your endeavours. Congratulations in advance.”
Background

Ambassador Olufemi Ajadi Oguntoyinbo is a business executive, philanthropist and political actor known for youth empowerment initiatives and humanitarian outreach across several states. His interest in the Oyo governorship race comes at a time when Governor Seyi Makinde, a two-term PDP governor, is nearing the end of his constitutionally allowed tenure in 2027.

Governor Makinde’s administration has been widely credited with reforms in infrastructure, education and civil service administration in Oyo State, making succession politics a key subject within the ruling party.

The Soun of Ogbomosho, Oba Ghandi Afolabi Oladunni Olaoye Orumogege III, ascended the throne in 2023 and has since been noted for encouraging peace, consultation and development-oriented leadership within and beyond Ogbomosho land.

From Tap to Tragedy: How Poverty and Failures of Security Turned Two Palm-Wine Tappers into Victims of Ransom Killers.

By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by SaharaWeeklyNG.com

“One killed after his family (who could only raise ₦10,000) tried to negotiate; a survivor’s testimony exposes a brutal economy of abduction and the human cost of state neglect.”

On a humid Thursday in late November 2025, two men climbed the same palm they had climbed for years to tap the sweet, living sap that feeds villages across the Niger Delta. Their trade is ancient, harmless and humble. What happened next (abduction, brutal bargaining and the merciless execution of one of the men after his family offered the only money they had, ₦10,000) reads like the darkest possible mirror held up to a failing social contract: when the state cannot protect its people, criminal markets thrive and ordinary lives become disposable.

The facts of the case are stark and chilling. Activists and community search teams, led on the ground by Harrison Gwamnishu, told rescuers that the two palm-wine tappers were seized in Emuhu, near Agbor in Delta State. A coordinated search that included local vigilantes, military personnel and police recovered one man alive in Urhonigbe, Edo State; the other had been executed by his captors. According to the survivor’s account, the family attempted to negotiate with the kidnappers but could only muster ₦10,000, an amount the abductors rejected before shooting their captive.

This killing is not an isolated cruelty. It is the local face of a national (and in some places transnational) economy in which kidnappers turn human lives into assets to be liquidated for cash. Over the past decade, kidnapping in Nigeria has mutated from political hostage-taking into an industrialized, decentralized business model that preys on rich and poor alike. What used to target expatriates or wealthy elites now regularly entraps rural workers, students and commuters, the very people least able to pay. Analysts and investigative reporting trace this evolution back to the Niger Delta militancy of the 1990s and 2000s; after formal militancy declined, many former fighters and criminal entrepreneurs shifted to kidnapping for ransom, which quickly proved more lucrative and less politically risky.

There are two interconnected dynamics at work that make incidents like the Emuhu abduction so deadly. First is the brutal arithmetic of poverty: families with no savings or social safety nets are forced to bargain with criminals from positions of abject weakness. Second is the erosion of effective state capability (intelligence, policing, rapid response) so that criminal groups can operate with near impunity. Nigeria’s own security officials have acknowledged gaps in human intelligence and logistical reach; generals and analysts point to poor information flow from communities and stretched resources across vast forested areas that provide cover for kidnappers. Those structural failures convert a modest ransom plea into a death sentence.

Listen to the human testimony. The rescued palm-wine tapper described how his colleague’s family produced the only cash they had (TEN THOUSAND NAIRA) and how the captors rejected it and executed the man. The survivor’s words are not simply anecdote; they are documentary proof of a market logic in which the value of human life is measured in naira and where poverty hands the executioner both MOTIVE and LEVERAGE. Activists who helped coordinate the search deplored the tragedy and warned that the Delta–Edo forest corridor is becoming an increasingly dangerous conduit for armed gangs.

Experts who study Nigerian insecurity say the solution cannot be only tougher raids or short-term operations. The SaharaWeeklyNG.com and other analysts underline an important truth: kidnapping has flourished because it pays, and because accountability is weak. Business models adapt; outlaw entrepreneurs respond to returns. When ransom is collected with impunity and kidnappers remain largely unprosecuted, criminality scales. That is why, some analysts argue, narrow militarized responses without simultaneous social and economic remediation will only produce temporary rescues and not systemic safety.

A humane but urgent policy prescription follows from these realities. First: rebuild community intelligence and trust. Security responses must be coordinated with local leaders, vigilante groups and civil society so that early warning is possible and families feel safe to report threats. Second: implement social protection and livelihood programmes targeted at high-risk rural communities and helping families build small savings and access emergency support would reduce the painful bargaining power asymmetry that made ₦10,000 the sum that sealed a man’s fate. Third: deliver accountable justice and dismantle ransom syndicates through sustained investigations and prosecutions so that kidnapping no longer appears to be a low-risk, high-reward business. Fourth: provide trauma support for survivors and victims’ families; the psychological damage to communities is long-term and corrosive. These are not abstract recommendations: they are the obvious steps a responsible state must take to restore the minimum of public safety.

There is fierce debate about ransom policy. Some governments and analysts advocate strict bans on ransom payments, arguing that money fuels criminal networks; others point out the immediate moral obligation families and communities feel to save lives are often by paying. Nigeria has wrestled with this dilemma in law and public debate; whatever the legal regime, enforcement without community support can backfire, while a blanket ban without realistic alternative support risks condemning hostages to death. The Emuhu case demonstrates the tragic dilemma: families that cannot pay face atrocity, while those who can pay may inadvertently fund future crimes.

Beyond policy, this story is a moral indictment. A nation that allows a palm-wine tapper to be murdered after his family produces the only cash in their pockets is failing the most basic responsibilities of governance. The scene is both painfully specific and horribly symbolic: the palm tree that sustained a smallholder’s work becomes a site of extortion and murder. For readers and leaders alike, the question must be not only how to punish those responsible, but how to protect the vulnerable in the first place. That requires political will, budgetary commitment and leadership that recognises security as a public good, not merely a campaign talking point.

Finally, there is the human call. Security agencies, civil society and media must keep the spotlight on these cases so they do not fade into the background noise of daily violence. Families must be supported (financially, legally and psychologically) and perpetrators must be hunted without favour. If Nigeria is serious about reversing the lucrative trade in human suffering, it must combine immediate rescue capacity with longer-term economic inclusion, judicial accountability and local empowerment. Only then will the next generation of palm-wine tappers climb trees without fearing that the act of their labour will be their last.

The murdered man is more than a statistic. He had a name, a family, a daily rhythm that began and ended with honest labour. The shame of his death (over a sum so small it could not even buy a market basket) should shame every institution that claims to protect citizens. Let his story be a CATALYST for CHANGE: not RHETORIC, but concrete programmes that make poverty less lethal and make criminal markets less profitable. That is the measure of a society’s humanity.

Reporting for this article relied on eyewitness accounts and local activist reports from Emuhu and Agbor, Delta State; coverage from Sahara Reporters and local news outlets; and analysis from international reporting on Nigeria’s kidnapping economy.

George Omagbemi Sylvester is a freelance journalist focusing on politics and security in West Africa. Published by SaharaWeeklyNG.com.