society
Oshodi Tapa Does Not Own Epetedo, It Belongs to 21 Compounds – Epetedo Union
There’s been a raging controversy over who really owns the popular Epetedo area of Lagos Island.

In recent times, hoodlums allegedly sponsored and ordered by popular members of the Oshodi Tapa family in Lagos Island including Chief Kabiru Oshodi aka Olori Eyo and Baba Surakatu Oshodi have been involved in violent land and property grabbing, assault, brandishing of dangerous weapon, disturbance of public peace and other violent activities in the area.
This behaviour from the Oshodi Tapa family, according to many sources, is premised on the claim that they own the Epetedo area.
However, notable personalities from Epetedo insist that Oshodi family does not own the area. They revealed that, in fact, the progenitor of the Oshodi Tapa family was originally a 6 year old slave boy from Nupeland who was bought by the kind hearted Oba Eshinlokun of Lagos at Badagry during the thriving days of slave trade, and as such are shocked by the attempted historical revisionism going on.

As part of investigations to unravel the truth, Our Editor, ISRAEL BOLAJI-GBADAMOSI had an Exclusive Interview with ALHAJI IMAM RAHMAN MOGAJI, the Executive Secretary-General of Epetedo Union, a foremost association of descendants of Epetedo founded in 1927.
Imam Rahman Mogaji is a foremost activist, Islamic cleric, historian of repute and prominent son of Epetedo area from the Balogun Momoh Mogaji Oloko Compound. According to him, he has witnessed the issues first hand and has been involved in the moves for peace in the area. READ ON.

Please Introduce Yourself
I am Alhaji Abdulrahman Ayinde Mogaji, the Chief Imam of Mogaji Central Mosque, Freeman Street, Epetedo area of Lagos Island and also the Executive Secretary-General of the Epetedo Union, established in 1927.
What is the problem in Epetedo area of Lagos Island?
It’s a long story but I will get into it quickly. Oshodi Tapa family in Lagos Island led by Chief Kabiru Oshodi aka Olori Eyo and Baba Surakatu Oshodi have been involved in violent property grabbing, assault, and disturbance of public peace. They are making false claims that they own the Epetedo lands. That is an absolute falsehood and a terrible attempt at historical reversion and revisionism. It is on record that in the presence of Lagos government officials from physical planning, our Epetedo Union lawyer was assaulted by Chief Kabiru Oshodi just this January 13/14. It is getting out of hand.
What is Really The Truth of the Matter?
The Oshodi Tapa families are one of the prominent leaders of the area but do not own the lands. The returnee chiefs and warriors of King Kosoko were all given lands independently and subsequently were given independent Crown Grants per compound by Governor Glover in 1869 after the death of Oshodi Tapa.
The documents are still available. There are 21 Compounds that make up the Epetedo area and Oshodi only owns two as a leader, there are 19 independent other compounds.
The Aromire families who originally gave the lands to King Kosoko for all his chiefs who returned with him after about 10 years exile in Epe have disagreed with the position of the Oshodi family on this matter. The King Kosoko families also disagree with Oshodi family on the matter. Even the Oba of Lagos does not agree with Oshodi family on this matter. I will give you a blow-by-blow historical accounts and background on this issue. Everything I am saying is as referenced in the following historical books. So I am not telling you my personal views. Please check The Lagos Consulate 1851 – 1861 by Robert Smith written in 1978; Letter written by Chief Momodu Oteniya Kosoko to the Commissioner of the Colony’s Office in Marina Lagos dated March 9th, in 1943; History of Lagos by J.B Losi in 1921; History of Eko Dynasty by Chief Bolakale Kotun Published 26th April, 1973 and Table of Principal Events in Yoruba History by John Augustus Otonba Payne in January, 1893. These books all counter the false claims of Oshodi family.
Who Are the Masterminds of the Alleged Property Grabbing and Usurpations?
Baba Surakatu Oshodi is the ring leader. There is also Morufu Babatunde Oshodi aka Awishe who is the Chairman Oshodi family; Nasiru Adegboyega Oshodi and Chief kabiru Oshodi aka Olori Eyo. They are all key actors.
What Cogent Steps Has the Epetedo Union Made for Resolution?
We have been creating awareness for our members and giving support to those affected. As a mark of respect, we took the matter first to the Oba of Lagos before thinking of involving state government. Kabiyesi is the father for all and a representative of the government. We had written petitions and made oral documentary and documentations to the Oba of Lagos and the Traditional Councils first in August 2017 with other follow-ups. Our President, Dr. Babs Hussein and I are leading the efforts.
What Is The History of Epetedo in Lagos Island?
The area known as Epetedo in Lagos Island today could be traced directly to the kingship tussle between King Kosoko and King Akintoye way back in Lagos.
Trouble started between both princes around 1845 and 1851. Kosoko seized power from King Akintoye and reigned for six years between 1845 and 1851 before the British chased him out in 1851 over slave trade issues. The British wanted slave trade abolished. Kosoko disagreed but Akintoye supported the abolishment. That led to King Kosoko ouster in 1851 when he fled to Epe with his warriors, loyal chiefs and supporters, including Oshodi, Ajeniya, Mogaji, Dada Anthonio, Ajagun etc. and settled there. All those who settled permanently in Epe and never returned to Lagos with King Kosoko are today called Eko Epe. Sadly, Akintoye had a short reign after Kosoko fled to Epe. After Akintoye’s death, King Dosunmu ascended the throne and invited Kosoko to return to Lagos, no longer as King but as Oloja of Ereko and that’s why he settled at Ereko. Oshodi, Ajeniya, Mogaji, Dada Anthonio, Ajagun, Imam Onirakunmi (now in Salu Lafiaji) and others were among his chiefs and loyalists who returned with him to Lagos but they had all lost their previous dwellings at Olowogbowo Balogun area and so needed a new place to settle. Their dwellings had already been taken over by freed slaves from Sierra Leone. To avoid trouble, King Dosunmu approached the then Aromire who owns the Lagos land to help provide Kosoko followers with virgin lands for dwelling. It was Aromire who gave the area known today as Epetedo area of Lagos Island to the returnees and Kosoko followers in 1862. They had landed on September 12 to the area known as Epe Street today. That’s why it was named Epe Street. Everyone picked their preferred location and formed the 21 Compounds/Courts known today as Epetedo, meaning Epe returnees settled here. Epetedo land is big though the area has witnessed some changes. It starts from Simpson Street, down to Adeniji, to swamp, to Alukotamo, to Olusi; but now since Eti has settled in Oke Popo Onipopo that slashed the land.
If all the returnees from Epe had arrived together, there would have been no Oke Popo but they had returned in batches. There were about 12 ships that transported the returnees but it was the first, second and third batches who formed Epetedo area. The ships were landing in batches. Others who came were the Eti, Oni Popo, Adamo Arole, Dada Anthonio. They formed another group and settled in Oke Popo. That’s why Epetedo cuts in through Simpson Street, down to Sura, Adeniji, Glover, Tokunbo, Igbosere. The Oke Popo group including Eti, Adeshina and others also was part of the returnee families. They all returned together with Kosoko. It was their arrival time that affected their settlements and current locations today. They settled upon arrival based on the available lands then as given by Aromire. The returnees were different professionals from different locations including warriors, clerics, blacksmith, herbalists etc. who had all came together to serve Kosoko and they all had their dwellings before fleeing and returning with Kosoko. The origin of Lafiaji is Tapa, for instance. The current land on which the LSDPC building stands today in Balogun area of Lagos Island was originally the Ajagun family house before they fled with Kosoko to Epe. The place was already occupied by the time they returned from Epe. All returnees had their dwelling places before fleeing and the area known as Epetedo today was a really thick bush behind the town uninhabited and desolate. Even Obalende was a thick jungle with wild animals. Nobody was living there. That’s why the land was given to the returnees who had lost their lands and were homeless. But they are still the same with all other descendants of Lagos.
So how does the Oshodi Tapa land ownership claim surface?
Oshodi Tapa is not the owner of Epetedo. He may be a leader for Kosoko followers. Maybe because of his relationship with King Eshinlokun. It was Oba Eshinlokun who bought Oshodi Tapa and Dada Anthonio in Badagry during the slave trade. Eshinlokun was the father to Kosoko and co. Many available records show that King Eshinlokun bought Oshodi Tapa as a 6 year boy slave (The Consulate 1851 – 1861). There are many other records confirming this. He had lost his parents in a war in the North and was captured as a Nupe slave boy and taken to Badagry where he cried out ‘landuji’ from the slave ships to King Eshinlokun. The King then ordered that he be bought and he paid the fees for the slave boy and took him to his palace to live with him as a slave. Subsequently, Landuji has been verified and interpreted to mean ‘buy me and make me your child.’ in Nupe language. There is no place in Tapa land or name or any other word like that anywhere else. Eshinlokun also bought Dada Anthonio and put both slaves to live with him and the royal family. Oshodi Tapa was then raised with the princes and princesses as a slave.
Later on in the booming days of slave trade, the European slave merchants advised King Eshinlokun to allow some of his children travel with them to Europe to learn foreign languages and trading skills. This, they said, would ease language barrier and boost slave trade. Worried that it may be a dangerous journey of no return, the king’s wives disallowed any of the princes to travel to Europe. Oshodi Tapa and Dada Anthonio being slaves were then sent to Europe. Oshodi later returned as a learned man and became influential because of his important role as interpreter to the foreign merchants and the love that Eshinlokun showed him as one of his warriors. That was how he became very relevant. This is well confirmed by many books including The Consulate, Lawson, and history of Lagos by Folami.
Following the death of Eshinlokun, Kosoko inherited his father’s chiefs and warriors including Oshodi. But in the Kosoko Army, there were many captains and warriors including Eti, Mogaji, and Ope. It was not just Oshodi. All of them had different powers. For example, Eti has special powers especially in darkness; Aina Oluwo Jakande had been an Ifa priest to King Eshinlokun long before Kosoko became a king so how can he be a slave to Oshodi? They all loved and supported Kosoko. Slave trade has been abolished before Kosoko returned with Oshodi and others, how could they still be Oshodi slaves? There are terrible misconceptions about who is a slave. A chief can grant a space for a sojourner to live and become his overlord. Does that make him a slave bought from the market? A spiritually afflicted person, prison escapee or one who escaped from a sacked community also do seek help from wealthy personalities and chiefs and thus become submissive to him and run errands. The chief’s children may mistake such for a slave. Does that make him a slave? A slave is only one bought with money in an exchange or captured. So, how did all Epetedo people become Oshodi’s slaves? Where and when did he buy them? There are some Eshinlokun slaves inherited by Kosoko who followed him to Epe. Some of these slaves are traced to the Ogun Oloko family today but they are not even slaves to Oshodi. How can all be Oshodi slaves? For example, Oshodi has land in Eti Osa, Mogaji has land in Ogudu, and many others have their family lands on the mainland where they farm which was given to them to compensate for the lands lost at Olowogbowo apart from their Epetedo compounds, how can that be for slaves? Oshodi is also not an Idejo. There is no Idejo in Epetedo so nobody can claim any superiority over others. Even the Oba of Lagos is not an Idejo. Whoever is not an Idejo cannot claim anybody’s land except what is given. Eletu Odibo is not an idejo but the Abule Oja and a part of Abule Ijesha land was given as a gift to Eletu Odibo as a chief; Asogbon also has lands in Makoko. Chiefs have lands given to them where they lay claim to across Lagos but they are not Idejos. So Epetedo is 21 Compounds and only two is for Oshodi. Oshodi is only representing government and the community as head but does not own the lands. That was why Oshodi’s first heir and successor, Feyisetan during whose time trouble started in 1894 with the Ajagun family, who lost to Obayomi Ajagun at Supreme Court on 24 March 1894 over the same spurious claim of land ownership through Grant in Trust. The judgment records are available. Same with Ogun Oloko family at the Supreme Court where Christopher Olasehinde Oshodi lost on July 3, 1946 over same land possession claim. The fathers failed then now the children are at it again.
The children are not warriors and were not present during the time with their fathers. Some of these children don’t even own any property in Epetedo. They just stand as guarantee for some Compounds by the virtue of their lineage and the father’s popular name to represent others way back. So, the claims are absurd and ridiculous. Clearly, the Crown Grant was for each Occupiers of the land in 1969. In fact, in some of the 21 Compounds, the name used for the independent Crown Grant represents the group in the compound and not necessarily the owner family alone. Though some name represents the single family owner e.g. the Mogajis. But some Crown Grants were granted for joint ownerships within each Compound.
Despite These Facts, Why Are Oshodi Tapa Family Still Bent on Grabbing Lands in Epetedo?
When the Oshodis started encroaching on other Compounds in Epetedo, it led to court litigations. The Oshodis lost some and won some. This led to the setting-up of a tribunal or a panel on lands. This was first was in 1937, and later 1947. For the Customary Law that the Oshodis insist empower them as Chiefs, there is no document or serious backing. As they are chiefs, so are many others. Jakande, Ajagun and Mogaji are chiefs too! And according to the Crown Grants, the occupiers are independent owners! But the Oshodis claim they put people in the compound as their overlords without any evidence. So at a time the problem stopped with land enfranchisement issued. But there were some lands outside the compounds, so government said in the land Ordinance that Oshodi should represent government and collect simple fee like land use and if not collected, it should be paid to government. But Oshodis have no rights to eject anyone or forcefully occupy the property. But after a while the problem started again after those who understood the arrangement died. Some who don’t know the history well started the problems again. That’s why we had to revive the Epetedo Unions to solve the problems. There is a section in the land Ordinance that states clearly that Oshodi owns only two compounds – Akinyemi and Oshodi; in fact, Oshodi is not the name on the Crown Grant but Amore (one of Oshodi’s children) was used for Akinyemi and Feyisetan for Oshodi Court. Feyisetan was the ruling leader of the Oshodi family when the Crown Grant was issued. It was after the death of the first Oshodi. If Oshodi Tapa was the owner of Epetedo, his name would have been used to issue all the Crown Grants. But everyone has a space. He was only a leader. Presently, there are many court cases on the land issue and the King of Lagos is also aware. Presentations and submissions have been made to the Oba and his traditional council. Some have been checkmated while some still lingering. Even the Oba of Lagos does not agree with the violent land and property grabbing misconducts of the Oshodis. Police have also tried to maintain peace and encouraged aggrieved parties to seek redress in courts.
Looking at the constitution over lands matter, former Head of State, Olusegun Obasanjo in 1978 nullified land Ordinance. In fact, government owns all lands according to Obasanjo 1978 decree. The provision is that anybody who has not paid simple fee or land use to anyone apart from government for 12 years cannot just be chased away overnight. This supersedes all previous laws as applicable and so anyone who has been paying tax to government for years cannot just be suddenly displaced by an invader. Backed with this decree, government acquired many lands in 1962 including the land currently hosting UNILAG, UI, OAU etc. and then compensated the owners. If government can do that and compensate, how could you then suddenly come after over 100 years to claim a land and chase away the occupiers? The case will still get to court for proper review to avoid crisis similar to Ife/Modakeke. Presently, some people are still being harassed because some of the houses don’t have other documents than the Crown Grants. This superiority agenda is setting back Epetedo. In fact, it’s just getting better now. They once imposed outsiders on Epetedo as Council Chairman, House or Representatives etc. It’s that bad. For example; Bashua falls into Islale Eko, not Epetedo. Because someone is insisting that others are slaves. And that’s the real slave. It’s illegal to call anyone a slave. King Docemo has since ceded Lagos to the Queen, so nobody should call anyone a slave. That was what led to the ouster of Kosoko in 1851 in the first instance.
What Moves Has Epetedo Union Made to Create Enlightenments and Reconcile The Parties For Progress?
It’s not all of Oshodi families that have the erroneous superiority mindset or indulge in land grabbing acts. Some of them neither like nor support it. They are divided too. Some Oshodi children belong to Epetedo Union and are solidly against the illegalities. During the 150 year anniversary of the Mogaji Central Mosque in 2015, we published a magazine that chronicles the true story, accounts and authentic history of Epetedo as never told recently but in consonance with the true accounts of old key actors and witnesses who wrote about the issue decades and over a century ago. We delved deeply into how Epetedo started and the treaty that was signed and all the key actors and not just Oshodi. The goal was to create deeper awareness and enlightenment, and clarify grey areas for those who are willing to embrace the truth. Epetedo Union is also making moves for more publications and awareness creation opportunities to further educate everyone on the issue, foster better understanding, unity and progress. It is inappropriate for some Epetedo people to call themselves indigenes in view of our history? Indigene is a wrong word. Descendant is the correct word. Are we different from Lafiaji, Isale Eko, Olowogbowo or Oke Popo? We are same with all others in Lagos. We left during war and returned so we are one with all other Lagosians.
Is Lagos Government Aware and How has Government Intervened?
We have deliberately held on until now to allow us start by firstly involving the Oba of Lagos. Oba has been on the case and that was why we didn’t involve state government yet. As it is, we will be taking more drastic steps including involving state government and Attorney-General in 2021 by writing them with the list of the properties wrongly grabbed. We wanted to start by lodging all complaints to the King first since government will also ask for the King’s position. He is also an Authority. So, it’s right to have started by involving the King and the Council first.
What are The Positions of Aromire and Kosoko Families on This Issue?
The Aromire and Kosoko Families are unhappy with Oshodi family over this issue. During our Epetedo Union 90 year’s anniversary, we invited and honoured the Aromire and Kosoko Family chiefs. They attended and both frowned at the activities of the Oshodi family. In fact, a direct son of Kosoko who was his last born wrote a letter to the British in 1943 clarifying that Epetedo does not belong to Oshodi but all the 21 compounds. That was through a letter written by Chief Momodu Oteniya Kosoko to the Commissioner of the Colony’s Office in Marina Lagos dated March 9th, in 1943. Even the Aromire insisted that they gave the lands to King Docemo who gave it to us. So, when we write the state government on the issue, we will write Kosoko and Aromire families and invite them to be involved if the government will be setting up a Panel or Tribunal to investigate the issue and find lasting solutions.
society
2027 Is Youths O’Clock: Ordinary Young Nigerians Will Build the Great Nation We Deserve.
2027 Is Youths O’Clock: Ordinary Young Nigerians Will Build the Great Nation We Deserve.
By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by SaharaWeeklyNG.com
“Great nations are not built by the rich alone, but by the courage of ordinary youths who rise from humble beginnings.” That truth is not poetry; it is policy. It is the spine of every national rebirth. And it is Nigeria’s most urgent assignment as 2027 approaches. The class of 2027 must be the generation that trades CYNICISM for CIVIC MUSCLE, that takes our frustrations and forges them into reforms, that turns raw numbers into organized power. Simply put: 2027 is calling for Youths O’clock.
Across history, NATION-BUILDING is rarely a billionaire’s project; it is the hard, hopeful, everyday work of young citizens who show up (at the ballot, in town halls, in classrooms, on factory floors, in code labs, on farms, and in community boards. Nigeria has that workforce in abundance. Africa is the youngest continent on earth; in sub-Saharan Africa, 70% of people are under 30, and young Africans are projected to comprise about 42% of the world’s youth by 2030. This is not a statistic to admire; it is a mandate to act.
BUT POTENTIAL IS NOT DESTINY. If we don’t translate youthful energy into tangible power (votes, policies, enterprises, and institutions), our “DEMOGRAPHIC DIVIDEND” becomes a DEMOGRAPHIC DEBT. The window is open, but it will not stay open forever. In 2023, young Nigerians proved they are not spectators. Nearly 40% of registered voters were under 35, and youth drove unprecedented mobilization both online and on the streets. The SURGE was REAL; THE LESSON is CLEAR: when youths organize, the political class pays attention; willingly or otherwise.
Of course, COURAGE WITHOUT PATHWAYS is a CUL-DE-SAC. That is why the Not Too Young To Run Act (2018) matters. It didn’t just trend; it changed the rules, lowering age limits for key offices and opening the door for independent candidacy. Reform is never a miracle; it’s the residue of relentless youth organizing, and Nigerian youths achieved it. Now, that door must be kicked fully open by a 2027 wave of competent, ethical, ground-game-ready candidates.
Yet one can’t talk about 2027 without naming the economic headwinds young people face. Jobs remain too few, wages too high, and opportunities too gated. Globally, the youth unemployment rate hovered around 13% in 2023, masking deep regional inequalities; in Nigeria, official youth unemployment ticked up in 2023 under a revised methodology that many analysts debate, reminding us why UNDEREMPLOYMENT and INFORMALITY (not just joblessness) must be central to policy. If a reform does not turn schooling into skills and skills into dignified work, it is a slogan, not a solution.
So what must young Nigerians actually do between now and February 2027?
1) OWN THE REGISTER, OWN THE RESULT. Registration is power. A movement that does not obsess over PVCs is a mood, not a force. Learn from 2023: the line for your card is the first queue to your policy outcomes. Demand transparent voter data, track logistics, cs, and volunteer as party agents and observers. Youths do not just vote; we verify.
2) RECRUIT AND RUN. Stop waiting for “GOOD PEOPLE” to appear. Recruit them or be them. The legal barriers are lower now. Build slates of youth candidates for local councils, state assemblies, and the National Assembly. Pair them with seasoned technocrats and community elders in advisory roles. Competence is not anti-youth; it’s the oxygen of youth credibility.
3) BUILD POLICY FROM THE GROUND UP. The economy is not an abstract riddle. It is transport costs, stable power, affordable data, reliable security, and access to finance. Focus your manifestos on: (a) SKILLS-TO-JOBS PIPELINES (apprenticeship, coding academies, TVET married to real employer demand), (b) AGRO-INDUSTRIAL VALUE CHAINS that turn harvests into exports, (c) MSME capital that is patient, transparent and regionalized and (d) LOCAL INFRASTRUCTURE that cuts business friction—roads, markets, cold storage and mini-grids. Judges of seriousness will look for budget line, not buzzwords.
4) TURN PROTEST INTO POLICY. The world has watched youth uprisings reshape agendas from Nairobi to Lagos. But historic protests without INSTITUTIONAL FOLLOW-THROUGH risk becoming anniversaries instead of laws. Mobilize into the committees where procurement is designed, the town halls where tariffs aresett and the party primaries where tickets are traded. If policy is where the sausage is made, then 2027 must be where youths own the kitchen.
5) GUARD THE INFORMATION SPACE. Disinformation is voter suppression by other means. Youth-led fact-checking hubs, precinct-by-precinct results collation, and credible parallel vote tabulation will be decisive. Technology is not a savior, but in skillful hands it is a shield.
6) CLOSE THE REPRESENTATION GAP. Youths are not a monolith; inclusion is strength. Bring in women, rural youths, artisans, student leaders, creatives, techies, and persons with disabilities. Let your coalitions look like the country you seek to govern.
If this sounds like a moral crusade, it is. As Kofi Annan reminded the world, “No one is born a good citizen; no nation is born a democracy. Rather, both are processes that continue to evolve over a lifetime.” The generation that commits to that process (patiently, persistently, pragmatically) wins the future.
And if this sounds like a development strategy, it is that too. Amartya Sen defines development as the expansion of real freedoms to live, learn, work, and participate meaningfully. Youth empowerment is not window dressing; it is the engine of that expansion. Elections without expanded freedoms are ceremonies; with them, they become catalysts.
Skeptics will say, “We’ve heard this before.” Fair. Hope has been weaponized too many times in our politics. That is why 2027 must be different in METHOD, not just in MOOD. Replace personality cults with policy contracts (one-page, measurable commitments signed publicly by candidates, tracked quarterly by civic group, and published online. Replace patronage rallies with door-to-door listening, Ward Development Scorecards, and clear procurement dashboards. Replace “big man” endorsements with credible youth-elder compacts (inter-generational alliances that blend idealism and institutional memory.
Above all, replace the myth that change must be spectacular with the discipline that change must be systematic. Nations are built less by grand speeches than by thousands of small, sturdy decisions made daily by citizens who refuse to outsource their future. As Nelson Mandela said, “It always seems impossible until it’s done.” The work before us is not impossible; it is simply incomplete.
Let’s test this thesis with hard realities:
Demography is on the youth’s side. The youngest continent is ours; the youngest electorate in our history is alive now. If we don’t invest this advantage in 2027, it compounds against us in 2031.
The law is edging in our favor. The age barriers are lower; candidacy is more accessible. But legal keys unlock nothing without organized hands to turn them.
Economics is the battleground. Youth joblessness and underemployment corrode social trust and fuel brain drain. Sound, youth-centered economic policy (anchored in SMEs, skills, and infrastructure) is not a talking point; it’s survival.
So here is the challenge and the promise: if ordinary youths move from hashtags to handbooks, from outrage to outcomes, from “THEY” to WE, Nigeria can do in the 2027 (2031 cycle what others take decades to attempt) bend the arc of our politics toward competence, bend the arc of our economy toward inclusion and bend the arc of our society toward dignity.
The rich will fund projects; that is fine. But great nations are built by bus conductors who insist on receipts, by market women who demand bright-lit streets and fair taxes, by coders who ship local solutions, by nurses who refuse to normalize avoidable deaths, by teachers who measure learning rather than attendance, by artisans who formalize their craft, by farmers who join cooperatives, by creators who monetize culture, by athletes who anchor community pride and (above all) by voters who connect every promise to a performance review.
This is our moment. Youths O’clock is not a slogan; it is a schedule. It means registering now, organizing now, vetting candidates now, training polling agents now, drafting ward-level manifestos no, and building cross-party youth caucuses now. It means refusing to be rented crowds and choosing to be responsible stewards. It means pursuing power not as a trophy but, in the words of a wise admonition, as a loan to be repaid with service.
If we keep faith with that ethic, 2027 will not just change who sits in office; it will change what office is for. And then the old lie (that Nigeria is too complicated to fix) will finally meet its match in a new, stubborn truth: that ordinary young Nigerians, rising from humble beginnings, carried this republic on their shoulders and built something worth handing to their children.
The clock is ticking. The future is calling. 2027 is Youths O’Clock.
society
CANAAN CITY RESIDENTS DEMAND IGP ACTION OVER POLICE-BACKED LAND INVASION IN ONDO
CANAAN CITY RESIDENTS DEMAND IGP ACTION OVER POLICE-BACKED LAND INVASION IN ONDO
Ondo, Nigeria – The residents of Canaan City Crescent, Fagun, Ondo West Local Government Area, have called on the Inspector General of Police, Kayode Egbetokun, to urgently intervene in an ongoing land invasion allegedly aided by officers of the Ondo State Police Command and SWAT operatives from Akure.
The disputed land, located at the end of Road 13 Avenue 14, Fagun, Ondo, has been the subject of multiple legal battles since 2007. From the Customary Court to the High Court and up to the Court of Appeal in Akure, the Fasimoye family has consistently been declared the lawful owner.
Despite these clear and repeated court judgments, in August 2023, a group led by Mr. Olanrewaju Fawehinmi and Mr. Williams allegedly invaded the land, destroying crops, obstructing access to property, and intimidating residents, with police backing. Since the invasion, residents have reported a spike in armed robbery, kidnapping, and burglary in the community.
A pending case at the Federal High Court, Akure, between the Fasimoye family and the Nigerian Police Force has not deterred the ongoing harassment and illegal occupation.
The residents are demanding that the IGP:
1. Launch an immediate investigation into the role of police officers in the illegal occupation.
2. Withdraw all police protection from the invaders until the court determines the case.
3. Guarantee the safety of lawful property owners and residents.
Speaking on behalf of the residents, Dr. Bolaji O. Akinyemi stated:
> “If the Nigerian Police can be weaponised by private interests to subvert court rulings, then no citizen’s property or peace is safe. We demand the IGP act now to restore the integrity of law enforcement.”
The residents warn that silence from the IGP will embolden further impunity and erode public trust in the Nigerian Police Force.
Contact:
Residents’ Association – Canaan City Crescent, Fagun, Ondo West LGA
Email: [email protected]
society
Revolutionizing Nigeria’s Energy Future: The Gbenga Komolafe Story
Revolutionizing Nigeria’s Energy Future: The Gbenga Komolafe Story
By Moses Udo
Among the constellation of Nigeria’s leadership, there are individuals whose vision and tenacity do more than just inspire people; they are representatives and architects of transformation. Engr. Gbenga Komolafe, helming the Nigerian Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission (NUPRC), is irrevocably one such luminary. His leadership over this critical agency has been exceptionally administrative; it is emblematic of the purposeful reform that has become one of the answers to the clarion calls within the broader framework of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s Renewed Hope Agenda.

Komolafe’s leadership has yielded structural innovations, an article that can be likened to a Master builder who is laying the foundation for a high skyscraper. He is constructing a new framework for Nigeria’s oil and gas industry. And for the record, he has championed non-kinetic strategies to quell crude oil theft, a feat which has remarkably reduced losses to 5,000 barrels per day, and has stabilized production at 1.7 million barrels per day. Under his Project 1 MMBOPD initiative, there is an expectation for an additional million barrels per day by December 2026. These types of gains are what cannot just be conjured from rhetoric, but only from disciplined execution by a focused leader.
However, what we can call the most compelling evidence of Komolafe’s reformative ascendancy lies in the report of N5.21 trillion mid-year revenue generated by the NUPRC in the first half of 2025 alone. To put this in a better context, this figure represents 42.7% of the record N12.2 trillion garnered in the entire year of 2024. Even against the N15 trillion target of 2025, this constitutes 34.7% already achieved in just six months. This is a sterling pace amid global oil market volatility and domestic production challenges. This monetary performance is not merely impressive; it is massive and undoubtedly transformative.
Moreover, Engineer Komolafe’s strategies have strengthened the confidence of investors and also repositioned Nigeria’s upstream sector as a reliable sector for the country’s revenue. It’s no mean feat that the nation now holds the largest gas reserves and the second-largest oil reserves in Africa; this enviable status owes much to the labor and strategic framework he has painstakingly put in place.
It is also worth noting to state that Komolafe’s tenure is equally defined by transparency, sustainability, and inclusivity. In achieving this feat, he has pioneered the Nigeria Gas Flare Commercialisation Programme (NGFCP) and the Carbon Credits Earning Framework, becoming a twin initiative that is positioned at the intersection of environmental responsibility and economic sustainability. These flagship projects are aimed at not just eliminating the challenges of gas flaring but also reducing methane emissions, encouraging carbon capture technologies, monetizing the decarbonization strategy, remaining at the vanguard of the country’s energy transition, and promoting sustainable energy practices.
In complementing these, he established the Host Community Development Trusts (HCDTs) and an Alternative Dispute Resolution Centre (ADRC), which help to create a participatory governance and further foster conflict resolution that once marred upstream operations.
Under his leadership, the upstream sector has achieved fiscal discipline through metering reforms, transparent cargo declarations, and simplified royalty frameworks as a result of his adoption of progressive regulation, which is a plan that is rooted in the Petroleum Industry Act (PIA), the 10-Year Regulatory and Corporate Strategic Plan (2023–2033), and the 2024 Regulatory Action Plan.
The Energy Policy Advancement Centre (EPAC) lauded this performance as a salient testament to strategic governance, foresight, and institutional discipline. Their Director-General, Dr. Ibrahim Musa, asserted, “NUPRC has moved beyond passive regulation to active value generation”, and he further emphasized that what sets this leadership apart “is not just the quantum of revenue but the discipline with which it is being pursued”.
Musa also praised NUPRC’s debt recovery drive, which yielded $459,226 from outstanding obligations — part of a cumulative $1.436 billion owed from crude oil lifting contracts.
He said: “Debt recovery may not attract headlines, but it is the backbone of fiscal discipline. Every dollar recovered is a step towards stabilising government finances and strengthening our economic resilience. The NUPRC’s persistence in this regard is commendable.”
But why do all these matter within President Tinubu’s Renewed Hope Agenda? At its heart, the president’s agenda seeks to restore public confidence, strengthen institutional capacity, and rejuvenate Nigeria’s struggling economy. Fortunately for Nigerians, Engr. Komolafe’s conduct encapsulates these ideals. Komolafe is not merely an agent of reform; he is an embodiment of that agenda’s promise. His work is the praxis through which Renewed Hope becomes a loved reality, and more than just a campaign slogan it used to be known for.
History praises visionaries because they alone perceive possibilities where others see only patches, and Komolafe exemplifies this through his strategic foresight in curbing theft and production stabilization within the oil and gas sector. His holistic reforms have integrated environmental imperatives, enshrined accountability within the NUPRC, and created community welfare; His ability to leverage policies and frameworks to recalibrate oil and gas governance has fostered institutional renewal; and his ability to deliver tangible gains for the federation’s revenue base has ensured fiscal prominence.
As we have found ourselves in an era where grandiloquence often eclipses genuine progress, and political ambition serves personal interest, the tenure of Eng. Gbenga Komolafe in NUPRC has stood among others as impactful, transformative, and substantive. He is not a mere bureaucrat; he is an architect of modern Nigeria’s energy future, who builds a legacy of reforms, and not rhetoric.
His contributions ripple outside the confines of the oil and gas sector, nourishing the ethos and reinforcing the Renewed Hope Agenda upon which our collective future depends. Thanks to him, the oil Industry is now much more efficient as a result of the implemented strategic reform, which drastically reduced capital and operational expenditure in oil production.
Indeed, a man of vision is not just an asset but a lodestar to his nation. In Gbenga Komolafe, we find a man of vision who is unequivocally an invaluable asset to our great nation.
Udo is a public affairs analyst writing from Glasgow, United Kingdom.
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