Politics
2023: STOP THE HOWLING AND GROWLING AND GET REAL by Femi Fani-Kayode
2023: STOP THE HOWLING AND GROWLING AND GET REAL by Femi Fani-Kayode
In a statement titled ‘Our Party, APC Must Tread The Path of Equity’,
Governor Rotimi Akeredolu, the Governor of Ondo state, said, inter alia, the following:
“It is the turn of the Southern part of the country to produce the next President. The party leadership should have no difficulty in making a pronouncement on this very important issue just as it has fixed various fees for the purchase of forms. This must be done without delay. The principle of Federal Character is enshrined in the 1999 constitution as amended. It would be disingenuous for anyone to argue against rotation at this period. We must not keep our party men and women guessing on the position of the leadership of the party. This is the time to weigh in and take control of the process. No statement must suggest, even remotely, that the party harbours certain sentiments which may predispose it to consider throwing the contest open. This is certainly not the time for equivocation. EQUITY DICTATES THAT WE TAKE A STAND!”
As bellicose and strongly-worded as ever, my dearest brother has spoken his mind courageously. Kudos to him but I beg to differ.
Threatening your party leadership simply because you are a Governor is not the best way to establish common ground and a reasonable consensus on any matter.
In his own contribution Senator Ali Ndume said the following.
“They (meaning the Senators supporting Senate President Ahmad Lawan for President) have not come because they know my position. I have nothing against Ahmad Lawan. He is my colleague. But I have everything against injustice. I won’t support even my biological brother. Fielding a northerner is tantamount to injustice and tantamount to a third term. The so-called Northern Elders that are pushing it are doing so to perpetuate injustice. It is the turn of the South and we have to support them to actualise this. I am disappointed in those that are pushing this (meaning Northern Presidency). I have since taken a position even before my alignment with Rotimi Amaechi”.
These are interesting words from a dear friend and a man for whom I have immense respect. However, once again I beg to differ.
Some who have insisted on a Southern Presidency next year are less charitable and far more rabid, vicious and aggressive than Akeredolu and Ndume.
They have howled, growled and threatened to tear the country apart and indulge in all manner of subterfuge and violence if they do not get their way.
This contribution serves primarily as a response to them and also as a gentle warning and caveat to the more restrained and civilised voices who secretly harbour their thoughts and share their warped disposition but are smart enough not to express it publicly.
To them I say the following.
Kindly stop the howling, the growling, the barking, the wailing, the sulking, the lamenting, the rolling all over the floor and all the other infantile expressions of hopelessness and frustration and get real.
More importantly be cool-headed, cerebal, analytical, intellectual, civilised and thorough in your analysis, stop the nonsense, control your emotions and take sentiments out of this.
The quest for power is a serious business. It is not served on a plate and it does not come easily.
Whilst most in the South are blabbing, threatening and insulting all those that do not see things their way, the majority of the North are planning silently and effectively keeping their cards close to their chest and operating in unity, peace and one accord.
This is both beautiful and powerful and it cannot be downplayed or ignored. It is a virtue and not a weakness.
And those that malign them or treat them with contempt for charting this course do so at their own peril.
If the South really wants the Presidency next year in the name of fairness and equity then I challenge them to let every single aspirant from both the South West and South South in BOTH parties STEP DOWN for a candidate from the South East and support that candidate.
Unless and until they have the presence of mind and fortitude to do so they cannot fairly say the Presidency must not go to the North.
The people of the North East and North Central have been denied their fair share of democratically-elected leaders.
Why should they be denied this opportunity again just to pave way for a Southerner in 2023? Are they not Nigerians as well? Are they second class citizens?
Do they not also have the right to feel marginalised and deprived and are they not entitled to have their own dreams and aspirations?
The North Central has NEVER enjoyed a democratically-elected President in our entire history and the North East has not enjoyed it for 62 years!
Is that reasonable, just or fair?
Worse still in the case if the North East the entire zone has been ravaged by terrorism and barborous banditry inflicted by mainly foreign sponsored elements over the last 12 years and now some are saying none of their sons can run for the Presidency? This is surely callous and unconciable.
Can anyone rightly say they will go to war or sabotage the chances of their own political party just because aspirants from either the North Eastern or North Central zones may emerge as the party flag bearer or because their party refuses to zone the Presidency to the South?
Is this not, at best, irresponsible and, at worse, madness?
Is it a crime to come from Yobe, Borno, Kogi, Kwara, Nassarawa, Niger, Adamawa, the FCT or any of the other North Eastern or North Central states? Surely this cannot be so.
It is absurd and disingenuous for anyone to argue that the SW, who have enjoyed power for 8 years as President and 8 years as VP over the last 23 years alone should take the Presidency next year.
What about the South East, North Central and North East?
Are they not Nigerians too?
We should not talk about North and South anymore. These are archaic, anachronistic and outdated designations. There is no longer any ONE NORTH and there was never any ONE SOUTH.
What we have today are six distinct, strong and intellectually and spiritually independent zones and that is what we should talk about.
My view is that we should allow any of the three zones that have not had their fair share of democratically elected Presidents have an opportunity to do so next year.
That is what you call justice and fairness and all the lamentations, insults, threats and barking in the world cannot change that.
The South East, North East and North Central are peopled by decent, hard-working, diligent, brilliant, civilised leaders as well and they were born free. They were not born Nigerians to be slaves to the people of the North West, South West and South South.
And those of us from the North West, South West and South South were not born to be their masters and overlords and neither were they born to be ours.
We were all born to be equals before God and the law and anything short of that will lead to catastrophy and put us on the road to Kigali.
Finally let me say this: if the PDP picks a northerner as its candidate then the APC MUST do the same in order to win.
Anything outside of this will be folly and a recipe for disaster.
Politics is a game of numbers and it is a winner takes all match. There are no prizes for the runner up.
The APC must not destroy its chances of winning or sacrifice its chances of victory on the alter of a Southern Presidency despite the rantings of some regional irredentists who have a divisive agenda and who ought to know better.
We must do all we can to win and judging from what I am seeing and the fact that an Atiku presidential bid is likely to be presented by the PDP the only way we can do so is if we field a strong candidate from the North Central or North Eastern zone.
Threats that the country will divide or that there will be secession if this happens are unfounded, baseless, alarmist and false.
We shall hold the line and weather the storm. We shall do whatever it takes to keep the peace and keep our flag flying.
Nigeria shall remain united and together we shall go from strength to strength.
(FFK)
Politics
Kogi’s Quiet Shift: Reviewing Governor Ododo’s First 24 Months in Office
Kogi’s Quiet Shift: Reviewing Governor Ododo’s First 24 Months in Office
By Rowland Olonishuwa
On Tuesday, Kogi State paused to mark two years since Alhaji Ahmed Usman Ododo took the oath as Executive Governor. Across government circles, community halls, and everyday conversations, the anniversary was more than a date on the calendar; it was a milestone that invites both reflection and renewed optimism. A moment to look back at how far the state has travelled in just twenty-four months, and where it is heading next.
Since assuming office in January 2024, Ododo has steered the state through a period of measured consolidation, delivering strategic interventions across security, infrastructure, human capital, and economic revitalisation that are beginning to translate into real improvements for residents.
Governor Ododo stepped into office at a time when expectations were high, and confidence in public institutions needed rebuilding.
His response to these was not loud declarations, but steady consolidation, strengthening structures, restoring order in governance, and setting a clear direction. Over time, that calm approach has become his signature: leadership that listens first, plans carefully, and moves with purpose.
Security has remained the most urgent concern for Nigerians, and Kogi residents are no exceptions; the Ododo-led administration has treated it as such. From deploying surveillance drones to support intelligence operations to recruiting and integrating local hunters and vigilante personnel into formal security frameworks, the government has built a layered safety net.
For farmers returning to their fields, travellers moving along highways, and families in rural communities, the impact is simple and deeply personal: fewer fears, quicker response, and growing confidence that the government is present and concerned about the ordinary people.
Infrastructural development has followed the same practical logic. Roads have been rehabilitated, easing movement for traders and commuters. Budget priorities have shifted toward capital projects and human development, while revived facilities like the Confluence Rice Mill now provide farmers with real economic opportunity. For many households, this means better income prospects, stronger local trade, and renewed belief that development is no longer a distant promise.
Health and education are not left out; the Ododo-led administration has expanded free healthcare services and supported students through examination funding and institutional improvements.
Parents who once struggled with medical bills and school fees have felt relief. Young people preparing for their futures now see government investment not as abstract policy but as something that touches their daily lives.
Governance reforms, from civil service strengthening to new legislative frameworks, have quietly improved how government functions. Salaries are more predictable, public offices are more responsive, and local government structures are more coordinated. These may not always make headlines, but they shape how citizens experience leadership every day.
As the second year anniversary celebrations fade into routine today and Governor Ododo enters his third year in office, the true meaning of the anniversary will continue to linger on.
Two years may not have solved every challenge in the Confluence State -no government ever does, by the way- but they have set a tone of stability, responsiveness, and direction. The next phase will demand deeper impact, broader reach, and sustained security gains.
But for many in Kogi State, the story of the past twenty-four months is already clear: steady hands on the wheel, and a journey that is firmly underway.
Olonishuwa is the Editor-in-Chief of Newshubmag.com. He writes from Ilorin
Politics
Lagos Assembly Debunks Abuja House Rumour, Warns Against Election Season Propaganda
Lagos Assembly Debunks Abuja House Rumour, Warns Against Election Season Propaganda
The Lagos State House of Assembly has described as misleading and mischievous the widespread misinformation that it budgeted for the purchase of houses in Abuja for its members in the 2026 Appropriation Law.
This rebuttal is contained in a statement jointly signed by Hon. Stephen Ogundipe, Chairman, House Committee on Information, Strategy, and Security, and Hon. Sa’ad Olumoh, Chairman, House Committee on Economic Planning and Budget.
Describing the report as a deliberate and disturbing falsehood being peddled by patently ignorant people, the statement reads, “There is no provision whatsoever in the 2026 Budget for the purchase of houses in Abuja or anywhere else for members of the Lagos State House of Assembly. The report is a complete fabrication and a product of political mischief intended to misinform the public.
“The Lagos State House of Assembly does not operate in Abuja. Our constitutional responsibilities, constituencies, and legislative duties are entirely within Lagos State. It is, therefore, illogical, irrational, and irresponsible for anyone to suggest that legislators would appropriate public funds for personal housing outside their jurisdiction.”
The statement emphasised that the budget is already in the public domain and accessible for scrutiny by discerning Lagosians and Nigerians alike. It reiterated that the Lagos State Government operates a transparent budget that speaks to the needs of the people and the demands of a megalopolis.
“We view this rumour as part of a wider attempt at election-season propaganda, designed to erode public trust, sow discord, and malign democratic institutions.”
The chairmen further clarified that the 2026 capital expenditure of the House of Assembly is less than 0.04% of the total CAPEX of the state, which clearly demonstrates the culture of prudence, accountability, and fiscal responsibility that guides the legislature. However, they noted, “Historically, the House does not even access up to its approved budget in many fiscal years.”
They stressed that the Assembly remains fully committed to excellence, transparency, good governance, and the collective welfare of the people of Lagos State, in line with the objectives of the 2026 Budget of Shared Prosperity.
“We therefore challenge those behind this harebrained allegation to produce credible evidence or retract their statements forthwith. Failure to do so may attract appropriate legal actions.
“We urge Lagosians and the general public to disregard this baseless rumour and always verify information from official and credible sources.”
Politics
Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent
Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent.
By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by saharaweeklyng.com
“Tinubu’s Government, the EFCC and the Strategic Undermining of Opposition Governors”.
In a striking indictment of Nigeria’s current political reality, Governor Seyi Makinde of Oyo State declared that “you cannot speak truth to power in this dispensation”, directly accusing the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu of intolerance for dissent and an erosion of democratic norms.
Makinde’s remarks (made during a public event in Ibadan on January 25, 2026) were more than a local governor’s lament. They crystallised a mounting national frustration: that Nigeria’s political landscape has tilted dangerously toward executive overreach, institutional capture and political engineering.
This narrative is not isolated. Across Nigeria, governors from opposition parties have defected to the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) in numbers unprecedented in the nation’s democratic history. Critics argue that these defections are not merely voluntary political choices, but part of a strategic pressure campaign leveraging federal power and institutions to fracture opposition influence.
At its centre lies Nigeria’s principal anti-graft agency – the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC).
The EFCC: Anti-Graft Agency or Political Instrument? Founded to combat corruption, the EFCC’s constitutional mandate is to investigate and prosecute financial and economic crimes across public and private sectors. Its legal independence is enshrined in statute and it has historically pursued high-profile cases, including recovery of nearly $500 million in illicit assets in a single year, demonstrating its capacity for tackling corruption.
However, critics now claim that under the Tinubu administration, the EFCC’s prosecutorial power is being perceived (if not deployed) as a political instrument.
Opposition leaders, including former Vice President Atiku Abubakar and coalition parties such as the African Democratic Congress (ADC), have publicly accused the federal government of using anti-corruption agencies to intimidate opposition figures and governors, effectively pressuring them into aligning with the APC.
In a statement released in December 2025, opposition figures alleged that institutions such as the EFCC, the Nigerian Police and the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission were being selectively wielded to weaken political competitors rather than combat financial crime impartially.
This is not merely rhetorical noise. The opposition’s grievances centre on several observable patterns:
Reopened or New Investigations Against Opposition Figures: The ADC pointed to recent abnormal reactivation of long-dormant cases or new inquiries into financial activities involving senior opposition politicians. These, they argue, often arise shortly before critical elections or political realignments.
Alleged Differential Treatment: According to opponents of the current administration, individuals who have defected to the APC appear less likely to face sustained legal scrutiny or prosecution in EFCC proceedings, even in cases of credible allegations of mismanagement.
Timing of Actions: The timing of certain high-profile investigations, emerging ahead of the 2027 general elections, reinforces perceptions that anti-graft measures are tailored to political cycles rather than legal merit.
The EFCC and Presidency have publicly denied these allegations, insisting that the commission operates independently and pursues corruption irrespective of political affiliation and that Nigeria’s democratic freedoms (including party choice and mobility) remain intact.
Yet the perception of bias, once systemic, is hard to erase, especially when political actors deploy powerful state machinery with strategic timing and selective intensity.
Defections and Power Realignment: A Democracy at Risk? Since 2023 and particularly through 2025, a remarkable number of state governors and senior political leaders have crossed over from opposition parties (notably the Peoples Democratic Party – PDP) to the APC. Though defections are normal in Nigeria’s fluid political system, the scale and speed in recent years are historically noteworthy, raising critical questions about underlying incentives.
The SaharaWeeklyNG reported Makinde’s comments within the broader context of a political climate where dissenting voices face greater obstacles than at any time in recent democratic memory.
Governors who remain in opposition find themselves squeezed between growing federal assertiveness and dwindling political capital. Some analysts argue that the combination of federal resource control, political appointments and influence over public agencies exerts tangible pressure on subnational leaders to align with the ruling party for political survival. This dynamic, they contend, undermines competitive party politics and weakens Nigeria’s multiparty democracy.
Speaking Truth to Power: What Makinde’s Critique Exposes. Governor Makinde’s core grievance (that it is increasingly difficult, perhaps perilous, to speak truth to power) resonates widely among civil society actors, political analysts and democratic advocates:
“YOU CANNOT SPEAK TRUTH TO POWER IN THIS DISPENSATION,” Makinde declared, specifically citing the government’s handling of contentious tax reform bills as an example where dissent was neither welcomed nor transparently debated.
Makinde’s critique reflects deeper structural concerns:
Exclusion of Key Stakeholders: Opposition leaders and state executives report being marginalised from meaningful consultation on national policies affecting federal-state relations, revenue sharing and fiscal reforms.
Institutional Intimidation: The perception that state politicians become targets of federal legal scrutiny after taking firm oppositional stances (real or perceived) discourages robust democratic debate.
Erosion of Opposition Space: A symbiotic effect of party defections and institutional pressure is a shrinking viable space for genuine political opposition, weakening checks and balances essential to democratic governance.
A respected political scientist, Dr. Aisha Bello of the University of Lagos, recently argued that “when opposition becomes fraught with state leverage instead of ideological competition, the very foundation of democratic contestation collapses,” adding that “a government that shies away from criticism risks inversion into autocracy.”
Another expert, Prof. Chinedu Eze, former dean of political studies at Ahmadu Bello University, warned that “selective use of anti-corruption agencies as political tools corrodes public trust and ultimately delegates justice into the hands of incumbents rather than independent courts.” These observations echo growing public skepticism.
The Way Forward: Strengthening Democracy and Institutions. Nigeria’s path forward depends on restoring confidence in democratic norms and institutional independence.
Transparent EFCC Processes: Civil society groups and legal scholars are advocating for enhanced transparency in anti-graft investigations, including clear prosecutorial thresholds and independent audits of case initiation and closures.
Judicial Oversight: Strengthening the judiciary’s capacity and independence is critical to ensuring that allegations of political weaponisation do not go unchecked. Courts must remain the ultimate arbiters of evidence and guilt.
Political Reforms: Advocates demand reforms to party financing, federal-state fiscal relations, and consultation mechanisms to reduce incentives for defections driven by federal resource leverage.
Public Engagement: A more informed and engaged civil society, anchored by independent media and civic education, must hold both government and opposition accountable for adherence to democratic principles.
Beyond The Present Moment.
Governor Makinde’s assertion that it is no longer tenable to “speak truth to power” under the current administration reflects unsettling trends in Nigeria’s evolving democratic landscape. While the EFCC and the Presidency maintain that anti-corruption efforts are independent and constitutionally grounded, opposition leaders (backed by political data and patterns of defections) argue that state power is being used to consolidate one-party dominance and undermine political pluralism.
At this critical juncture, Nigeria must choose between entrenching competitive democracy or sliding toward a political monopoly where dissent is subdued, institutions compromised, and power concentrated.
For Nigeria’s democratic ideals to survive (and thrive) its leaders and citizens must ensure that speaking truth to power remains not a perilous act of defiance but an honoured pillar of national life.
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