Politics
Asiwaju Tinubu’s Political Track-record and Achievement My Reason to form a Path in Politics – Seun Olufemi-White
Asiwaju Tinubu’s Political Track-record and Achievement My Reason to form a Path in Politics – Seun Olufemi-White
Many of us grow up with the belief that the political process in Nigeria is designed by and for those with the worst character traits, no scruples, talent or wherewithal to succeed at anything else.
Until now, this negative perception has made me a bit unsure about how to explain my transition to my peers; that, I, mid-twenty, left a promising legal career with a world-leading firm, for a seemingly less prestigious field they see as marred by violence, mal-practice, avarice and unrestrained ambition. So I have been quiet, up until now.
As a young Nigerian lawyer, qualified in Britain and in New York and having trained at one of the world’s most preeminent law firms, Clifford Chance, I have worked on some of the largest finance deals in history. In my time in practice, I advised and invested in impact ventures. In selecting leaders for the venture, we would assess past records of candidates. If there’s a proven track record, the odds are higher that success can be repeated.
Having become an active investor in project ‘a better Nigeria’, I have chosen to align myself with the leader who has the best track record, capacity and doggedness to renew hope in our country. My abiding belief is that through democracy and progressive governance, Nigeria will grow and achieve its best destiny. This is why I have pitched my tent where I have.
It is almost a year into the change in my career path and political orientation, I am now convinced and ready to discuss why I have pitched my tent where I have. In doing so, I hope to encourage more young people, who look like me, wherever they can and with whomever they find the conviction, to pull up a chair and sit at a table with the intention to shape Nigeria for the better. If we do not, we leave our destinies in the hands of others.
June 12, 1993
My record goes back to 1993 when Chief Moshood Kashimawo Olawale (‘MKO’) Abiola won the landmark presidential election on June 12 and the subsequent events that follows, but my point of attention is to how a young senator representing the Lagos West district was bold and unrelenting in the quest for reestablishing democracy. That senator, was Bola Ahmed Tinubu.
Investigation revealed how young Tinubu took his elderly mother, Alhaja Mogaji, who had known Babangida for years to plead with the general to affirm the democratic election, when he realized that the emotional appeal failed to persuade the military head of state he turned to another branch of state; the judiciary, to seek the redress of justice. Assembling an outstanding team led by Professor Alfred Kasunmu SAN, he ‘engineered and proposed’ one of the ‘most significant court cases in Nigeria’.
At the trial, the legal team assembled by Tinubu were able to establish the illegality of the military-imposed ING. Proving that the Babangida signed Decree 59 had officially ended his eight-year reign with effect from August 26, 1993. Whereas the Decree 61 that establish ING was signed on August 26 when technically he’s no longer the military president of Nigeria. Though the judgement of the court that restrain the extension of the military rule through the ING was disobeyed, it was the case instituted by the young senator that snowballed into the fight for democracy that would take several years and, unfortunately, claim many lives including that of MKO Abiola.
Tinubu’s role in the formation of the National Democracy Coalition (NADECO), when the military ignored the courts and continued their hold onto power is also very important. In response to the decision of the military to hold on to power, on May 1994 a group of veteran politicians and pro-democracy groups, under the leadership of Pa Ajasin, formed the NADECO. Tinubu was also one of the founding member of NADECO and its backbone for financial support.
It was during this struggle when the leadership of NADECO gave the military government a deadline by which to resign that Tinubu’s popular quotes of ‘the lovers of democracy in the country will…make this country ungovernable’ was made when he was asked what would happen if the dictatorship refused to obey the step down deadline of NADECO. This was the reason he had to go into exile since he was seen as threat to their continued stay in power, and his name was subsequently burnt and dragnet set to arrest him. While in exile, he continued to support NADECO and Abiola’s judicial trial. Lawyers like Alao Aka-Bashorun, Femi Falana and Ajibola Olanipekun all worked closely with him.
After more than four years of fierce advocacy outside the shore of the country Tinubu, the former Mobil executive was elected governor of Lagos State as the AD candidate after the sudden death of Abacha and the subsequent death of MKO Abiola. His journey into executive role in politics was also bedeviled by the interest of many party leaders who had been active in politics in previous periods of civilian rule. Tinubu had to grapple with serious internal and external political threats during his first term. He drew the anger of influential AD party elders early on by appointing political outsiders to ministerial positions. In interviews, some of the former governor’s critics said he installed his clique. Most interviewers however, emphasized the high caliber of top Tinubu appointees.
It was his competency as a consummate professional adept at building excellent teams that attracted new people, people like me, then, to public service in Lagos state. It was therefore not surprising when he decided not to follow the order of the leaders of AD who want all governors under their party to give President Obasanjo their platform to campaign, this was rejected by Tinubu and the result apart from him being the last man standing as other governors of AD were defeated at the polls, this also largely responsible for the numerous clash Lagos State had with Obasanjo led Federal Government.
In 1994, Robert Kaplan wrote that Lagos’s “crime, pollution, and overcrowding makes it the cliché par excellence of Third World urban dysfunction.”
This was the kind of Lagos Tinubu was appointed to govern and he immediately hit the ground running overhauling the old tax system by increasing compliance, he also ensured government accountability on expenditure, building roads, improving security, and the revenues shot up from $190 million in 1999 to over $1 billion, in an unprecedented move, Tinubu’s government began the payment of WAEC fees for all final year students in Lagos public schools irrespective of the state of origin; this singular act prompted mass migration to Lagos from all regions, of the country.
His mida’s touch and the blueprint he designed for the development of Lagos attracted a different type of international attention, not for the disorder but instead as a possible model of effective governance—in Nigeria and in Africa.
Jagaban of Borgu, Asiwaju of Nigeria
One thing that made Tinubu exemplary is his decision to take excellence above everything else a situation that that sees Lagos becoming the template of what Nigerian unity truly could be; cabinet members from various regions of the country – chosen for excellence, and long-term development planning, focused on bringing jobs, opportunity and a fair chance to people previously disregarded.
The unity his appointment brings makes it easy for his party to easily merge with others to form the All Progressive Congress that eventually end the political dominance of the PDP in the country, Tinubu’s openness and his philanthropy giving is what has prompted the loyal following he has.
Many in my generation reading this, would not have known that among those vying for the presidency, he alone has a consistent track record of personal sacrifice for our democracy, adept governance and progressive reform, in spite of deep difficulty. In reading this, whether you like the man or not, I hope you understand he is not the enemy and at the very least you now have facts, not opinions or emotions to form your conclusions.
I now serve as the youngest aide to Bola Ahmed Tinubu and also serve as the youngest (female) executive in his Presidential Campaign Council. In my service, I hope to draw more attention to the multi-dimensionality of human ability and excellence. I continue to devote myself to becoming a polymath per excellence, pioneering a unique path. I remain dedicated to creating impact and amplifying the voice of young people, particularly the heretofore.
Seun Olufemi-White (Clifford Chance Trained Lawyer and Investment Adviser)
Kogi’s Quiet Shift: Reviewing Governor Ododo’s First 24 Months in Office
By Rowland Olonishuwa
On Tuesday, Kogi State paused to mark two years since Alhaji Ahmed Usman Ododo took the oath as Executive Governor. Across government circles, community halls, and everyday conversations, the anniversary was more than a date on the calendar; it was a milestone that invites both reflection and renewed optimism. A moment to look back at how far the state has travelled in just twenty-four months, and where it is heading next.
Since assuming office in January 2024, Ododo has steered the state through a period of measured consolidation, delivering strategic interventions across security, infrastructure, human capital, and economic revitalisation that are beginning to translate into real improvements for residents.
Governor Ododo stepped into office at a time when expectations were high, and confidence in public institutions needed rebuilding.
His response to these was not loud declarations, but steady consolidation, strengthening structures, restoring order in governance, and setting a clear direction. Over time, that calm approach has become his signature: leadership that listens first, plans carefully, and moves with purpose.
Security has remained the most urgent concern for Nigerians, and Kogi residents are no exceptions; the Ododo-led administration has treated it as such. From deploying surveillance drones to support intelligence operations to recruiting and integrating local hunters and vigilante personnel into formal security frameworks, the government has built a layered safety net.
For farmers returning to their fields, travellers moving along highways, and families in rural communities, the impact is simple and deeply personal: fewer fears, quicker response, and growing confidence that the government is present and concerned about the ordinary people.
Infrastructural development has followed the same practical logic. Roads have been rehabilitated, easing movement for traders and commuters. Budget priorities have shifted toward capital projects and human development, while revived facilities like the Confluence Rice Mill now provide farmers with real economic opportunity. For many households, this means better income prospects, stronger local trade, and renewed belief that development is no longer a distant promise.
Health and education are not left out; the Ododo-led administration has expanded free healthcare services and supported students through examination funding and institutional improvements.
Parents who once struggled with medical bills and school fees have felt relief. Young people preparing for their futures now see government investment not as abstract policy but as something that touches their daily lives.
Governance reforms, from civil service strengthening to new legislative frameworks, have quietly improved how government functions. Salaries are more predictable, public offices are more responsive, and local government structures are more coordinated. These may not always make headlines, but they shape how citizens experience leadership every day.
As the second year anniversary celebrations fade into routine today and Governor Ododo enters his third year in office, the true meaning of the anniversary will continue to linger on.
Two years may not have solved every challenge in the Confluence State -no government ever does, by the way- but they have set a tone of stability, responsiveness, and direction. The next phase will demand deeper impact, broader reach, and sustained security gains.
But for many in Kogi State, the story of the past twenty-four months is already clear: steady hands on the wheel, and a journey that is firmly underway.
Olonishuwa is the Editor-in-Chief of Newshubmag.com. He writes from Ilorin
Lagos Assembly Debunks Abuja House Rumour, Warns Against Election Season Propaganda
The Lagos State House of Assembly has described as misleading and mischievous the widespread misinformation that it budgeted for the purchase of houses in Abuja for its members in the 2026 Appropriation Law.
This rebuttal is contained in a statement jointly signed by Hon. Stephen Ogundipe, Chairman, House Committee on Information, Strategy, and Security, and Hon. Sa’ad Olumoh, Chairman, House Committee on Economic Planning and Budget.
Describing the report as a deliberate and disturbing falsehood being peddled by patently ignorant people, the statement reads, “There is no provision whatsoever in the 2026 Budget for the purchase of houses in Abuja or anywhere else for members of the Lagos State House of Assembly. The report is a complete fabrication and a product of political mischief intended to misinform the public.
“The Lagos State House of Assembly does not operate in Abuja. Our constitutional responsibilities, constituencies, and legislative duties are entirely within Lagos State. It is, therefore, illogical, irrational, and irresponsible for anyone to suggest that legislators would appropriate public funds for personal housing outside their jurisdiction.”
The statement emphasised that the budget is already in the public domain and accessible for scrutiny by discerning Lagosians and Nigerians alike. It reiterated that the Lagos State Government operates a transparent budget that speaks to the needs of the people and the demands of a megalopolis.
“We view this rumour as part of a wider attempt at election-season propaganda, designed to erode public trust, sow discord, and malign democratic institutions.”
The chairmen further clarified that the 2026 capital expenditure of the House of Assembly is less than 0.04% of the total CAPEX of the state, which clearly demonstrates the culture of prudence, accountability, and fiscal responsibility that guides the legislature. However, they noted, “Historically, the House does not even access up to its approved budget in many fiscal years.”
They stressed that the Assembly remains fully committed to excellence, transparency, good governance, and the collective welfare of the people of Lagos State, in line with the objectives of the 2026 Budget of Shared Prosperity.
“We therefore challenge those behind this harebrained allegation to produce credible evidence or retract their statements forthwith. Failure to do so may attract appropriate legal actions.
“We urge Lagosians and the general public to disregard this baseless rumour and always verify information from official and credible sources.”
Politics
Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent
Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent.
By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by saharaweeklyng.com
“Tinubu’s Government, the EFCC and the Strategic Undermining of Opposition Governors”.
In a striking indictment of Nigeria’s current political reality, Governor Seyi Makinde of Oyo State declared that “you cannot speak truth to power in this dispensation”, directly accusing the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu of intolerance for dissent and an erosion of democratic norms.
Makinde’s remarks (made during a public event in Ibadan on January 25, 2026) were more than a local governor’s lament. They crystallised a mounting national frustration: that Nigeria’s political landscape has tilted dangerously toward executive overreach, institutional capture and political engineering.
This narrative is not isolated. Across Nigeria, governors from opposition parties have defected to the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) in numbers unprecedented in the nation’s democratic history. Critics argue that these defections are not merely voluntary political choices, but part of a strategic pressure campaign leveraging federal power and institutions to fracture opposition influence.
At its centre lies Nigeria’s principal anti-graft agency – the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC).
The EFCC: Anti-Graft Agency or Political Instrument? Founded to combat corruption, the EFCC’s constitutional mandate is to investigate and prosecute financial and economic crimes across public and private sectors. Its legal independence is enshrined in statute and it has historically pursued high-profile cases, including recovery of nearly $500 million in illicit assets in a single year, demonstrating its capacity for tackling corruption.
However, critics now claim that under the Tinubu administration, the EFCC’s prosecutorial power is being perceived (if not deployed) as a political instrument.
Opposition leaders, including former Vice President Atiku Abubakar and coalition parties such as the African Democratic Congress (ADC), have publicly accused the federal government of using anti-corruption agencies to intimidate opposition figures and governors, effectively pressuring them into aligning with the APC.
In a statement released in December 2025, opposition figures alleged that institutions such as the EFCC, the Nigerian Police and the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission were being selectively wielded to weaken political competitors rather than combat financial crime impartially.
This is not merely rhetorical noise. The opposition’s grievances centre on several observable patterns:
Reopened or New Investigations Against Opposition Figures: The ADC pointed to recent abnormal reactivation of long-dormant cases or new inquiries into financial activities involving senior opposition politicians. These, they argue, often arise shortly before critical elections or political realignments.
Alleged Differential Treatment: According to opponents of the current administration, individuals who have defected to the APC appear less likely to face sustained legal scrutiny or prosecution in EFCC proceedings, even in cases of credible allegations of mismanagement.
Timing of Actions: The timing of certain high-profile investigations, emerging ahead of the 2027 general elections, reinforces perceptions that anti-graft measures are tailored to political cycles rather than legal merit.
The EFCC and Presidency have publicly denied these allegations, insisting that the commission operates independently and pursues corruption irrespective of political affiliation and that Nigeria’s democratic freedoms (including party choice and mobility) remain intact.
Yet the perception of bias, once systemic, is hard to erase, especially when political actors deploy powerful state machinery with strategic timing and selective intensity.
Defections and Power Realignment: A Democracy at Risk? Since 2023 and particularly through 2025, a remarkable number of state governors and senior political leaders have crossed over from opposition parties (notably the Peoples Democratic Party – PDP) to the APC. Though defections are normal in Nigeria’s fluid political system, the scale and speed in recent years are historically noteworthy, raising critical questions about underlying incentives.
The SaharaWeeklyNG reported Makinde’s comments within the broader context of a political climate where dissenting voices face greater obstacles than at any time in recent democratic memory.
Governors who remain in opposition find themselves squeezed between growing federal assertiveness and dwindling political capital. Some analysts argue that the combination of federal resource control, political appointments and influence over public agencies exerts tangible pressure on subnational leaders to align with the ruling party for political survival. This dynamic, they contend, undermines competitive party politics and weakens Nigeria’s multiparty democracy.
Speaking Truth to Power: What Makinde’s Critique Exposes. Governor Makinde’s core grievance (that it is increasingly difficult, perhaps perilous, to speak truth to power) resonates widely among civil society actors, political analysts and democratic advocates:
“YOU CANNOT SPEAK TRUTH TO POWER IN THIS DISPENSATION,” Makinde declared, specifically citing the government’s handling of contentious tax reform bills as an example where dissent was neither welcomed nor transparently debated.
Makinde’s critique reflects deeper structural concerns:
Exclusion of Key Stakeholders: Opposition leaders and state executives report being marginalised from meaningful consultation on national policies affecting federal-state relations, revenue sharing and fiscal reforms.
Institutional Intimidation: The perception that state politicians become targets of federal legal scrutiny after taking firm oppositional stances (real or perceived) discourages robust democratic debate.
Erosion of Opposition Space: A symbiotic effect of party defections and institutional pressure is a shrinking viable space for genuine political opposition, weakening checks and balances essential to democratic governance.
A respected political scientist, Dr. Aisha Bello of the University of Lagos, recently argued that “when opposition becomes fraught with state leverage instead of ideological competition, the very foundation of democratic contestation collapses,” adding that “a government that shies away from criticism risks inversion into autocracy.”
Another expert, Prof. Chinedu Eze, former dean of political studies at Ahmadu Bello University, warned that “selective use of anti-corruption agencies as political tools corrodes public trust and ultimately delegates justice into the hands of incumbents rather than independent courts.” These observations echo growing public skepticism.
The Way Forward: Strengthening Democracy and Institutions. Nigeria’s path forward depends on restoring confidence in democratic norms and institutional independence.
Transparent EFCC Processes: Civil society groups and legal scholars are advocating for enhanced transparency in anti-graft investigations, including clear prosecutorial thresholds and independent audits of case initiation and closures.
Judicial Oversight: Strengthening the judiciary’s capacity and independence is critical to ensuring that allegations of political weaponisation do not go unchecked. Courts must remain the ultimate arbiters of evidence and guilt.
Political Reforms: Advocates demand reforms to party financing, federal-state fiscal relations, and consultation mechanisms to reduce incentives for defections driven by federal resource leverage.
Public Engagement: A more informed and engaged civil society, anchored by independent media and civic education, must hold both government and opposition accountable for adherence to democratic principles.
Beyond The Present Moment.
Governor Makinde’s assertion that it is no longer tenable to “speak truth to power” under the current administration reflects unsettling trends in Nigeria’s evolving democratic landscape. While the EFCC and the Presidency maintain that anti-corruption efforts are independent and constitutionally grounded, opposition leaders (backed by political data and patterns of defections) argue that state power is being used to consolidate one-party dominance and undermine political pluralism.
At this critical juncture, Nigeria must choose between entrenching competitive democracy or sliding toward a political monopoly where dissent is subdued, institutions compromised, and power concentrated.
For Nigeria’s democratic ideals to survive (and thrive) its leaders and citizens must ensure that speaking truth to power remains not a perilous act of defiance but an honoured pillar of national life.
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