Politics
XRAYING THE 2023 GENERAL ELECTIONS AS A VOTER AND AN OBSERVER
XRAYING THE 2023 GENERAL ELECTIONS AS A VOTER AND AN OBSERVER
2023 ELECTIONS– As Nigerians and the rest of the world await the swearing into office of the President-elect Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu and his vice Presidential candidate Distinguish Senator Kashim Shettima and other elected representatives following the fair, successful and credible conduct of the 2023 general elections by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), save for inconclusive elections in some constituencies of which supplementary elections have been scheduled for 15th of May 2023, it becomes imperative for Nigerians who were active participants in the process to state their own side of the story in order to debunk the litany of lies, falsehood and misinformation against the election from expected quarters and which must not be allowed to go unchallenged.
As a Nigerian who played a double role as a voter and an INEC accredited observer, one owes it to posterity to document his or her experience in the 2023 general elections as a reference for the future.
On the 25th of February 2023, Nigerians in their millions trooped out to the polls to elect the President, his Vice, Senators and members of the House of Representatives across 176, 606 polling stations nationwide. Same scenario repeated itself in the Governorship and states House of Assembly elections on the 18th of March 2023. As expected, the elections went on smoothly in some places, while in some other places, there were skirmishes which resulted in disruptions of polls. That this election was fiercely contested by the parties is not a new thing to our democracy because this has been the trend also in previous republics before 1999 when we birthed this republic. That there were disruptions of elections in some places is also not a new thing, as we have become accustomed to anti-democratic elements baring their fangs on Election Day in various forms, which is condemnable and unacceptable.
An indisputable fact of the 25th February 2023 Presidential and national assembly elections was that logistics challenge reared its ugly head again as INEC personnel arrived late at polling stations resulting in polls not commencing at the official time of 8.30am in some polling stations, though it did commence at official starting time in some other places. The truth of the matter is that because of this logistics challenge, polling in some constituencies were extended till Sunday the 26th February 2023 and we also had the issue of rescheduling of elections in some polling stations to the following day because of security challenge, (e.g. 141 units in Bayelsa state, some units in Lagos state and other states).
The 18th March 2023 gubernatorial and house of assembly elections witnessed remarkable improvements in logistics issues nationwide which could be attributed to the outcry of Nigerians which might have forced the electoral umpire to sit up. But sadly, some interest(s) who are always on the lookout for our dark side, seeing this logistics improvements by INEC, resorted to attempt to blackmail the election on the grounds of electoral violence without providing statistical data of instances to substantiate how the successful and credible conduct of the election has been marred by what they profess, which is pure mischief.
So for the hasty generalization that the election was marred by logistics challenge to be tenable in this age of science, such a person, group or organization must be asked to substantiate the blanket statement with a data of the mention of the particulars of the polling units affected out of 176, 606 polling stations, 8,809 wards and 774 local governments council areas nationwide. For the allegation of malpractice against the 2023 general elections to withstand scrutiny, we need to ask those parroting it, to identify and mention at what levels did the malpractice take place and with facts, they should mention the names/codes of the polling stations, RA/Wards, local governments and states?
According to section 63(1) of the 2022 electoral Act, The Presiding Officer must count the votes at the polling unit and enter the votes scored by each candidate into the form prescribed by INEC.
Section 63(2) states that, subsequently, this form must be signed and stamped by the Presiding Officers and counter-signed by candidates or their polling agents if they are at the polling unit.
Section 63(3) states that, thereafter, a copy of the forms must be given to the polling agents and the police by the Presiding Officer. This process is applicable to result forms completed at the ward, local government, state and national level – Section 74.
According to section 63(4), the Presiding Officer must count and announce the result at the polling unit.
Section 64 states that, in certain instances after the counting of votes, a candidate or a polling agent may request that the Presiding Officer recount the votes. In such cases, the Presiding Officer should do so, but only once.
Section 65 states that, after the recording and announcement of the result, the Presiding Officer has a duty to deliver the result along with election materials under security accompanied by the candidate or their polling agents to a person that has been prescribed by INEC.
In addition, Article 38(I) of INEC revised rules and guidelines states that, “On completion of all the polling unit voting and results procedures, the Presiding Officer shall: (1) Electronically transmit OR transfer the result of the Polling Unit, direct to the collation system as prescribed by the commission.
(II) Use the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) to upload a scanned copy of the EC8A to the INEC Result Viewing Portal (IReV), as prescribed by the Commission.
(III) Take the BVAS and the original copy of each of the forms in tamper evident envelope to the Registration Area/Ward Collation Officer, in the company of the security agents. The Polling Agents may accompany the Presiding Officer to the RA/Ward Collation Centre”.
From the narrations of the electoral act 2022 and INEC rules and guidelines as cited above, one can see and read very clearly what the law says about procedures of vote counting and collation of election results which passes through several stages from the polling station, to the ward, local government, state and national level. At every stage save for the polling unit where the voters are present, every other stage accommodates all the other stakeholders and even makes it compulsory for the party agents if they are present, to be witness who must counter-sign and be given copies of result sheets as well as the security agencies in order to confer legitimacy on the process.
According to both the 2022 electoral act and INEC rules and guidelines, the emphasis is on, as prescribed by the Commission. We must also take special notice of Article 38(I) of INEC rules and guidelines which states, …..Electronically transmit OR transfer the result of the Polling Unit direct to the collation system as prescribed by the Commission. So one wonders the source of authority of claimants of stolen mandate on the basis of non-uploading of polling station results on IReV? We must ask them to provide proof of provisions in the electoral act, where this action translates to electoral malpractice?
With the successful and credible conduct of the 2023 general elections so far, no political party or candidate has been bold enough to come out publicly and provide with evidence, where in any stage of the process, in any part of the country, the above mentioned provisions of the electoral law were violated by INEC. Rather, some candidates and their supporters have been fouling the public space with emotional outburst of rigging, malpractice and stolen mandate just to incite and threaten national security.
Infact, a particular candidate, party and supporters have hinged their cries of electoral malpractice of the 2023 general elections on the grounds that the results were not uploaded on the IRev viewing portal, which is mischievous and laughable. Nigerians should ask such people if the non-uploading of polling units results on the IRev portal invalidates the counter signed polling station results sheets given to their party agents by the Presiding Officer and of which a copy was also given to security officials? We should ask them to provide copies of the results collated at the ward, local government and state levels as attested to and counter-signed by their party agents in order to expose their mischief and fraud.
An undeniable truth of the 2023 general elections is that it was successfully and creditably conducted by INEC in substantial compliance with the provisions of the electoral law as stipulated which is commendable. Any candidate or party which feels otherwise, is hereby advised to seek the judicial option rather than the mischief, lies, falsehood, misinformation and emotional outcry of malpractice and stolen mandate.
Nigerians should reject any attempt to take them for a ride and ridicule by person(s), groups and organizations whether local or international who are crying wolf over the 2023 general elections only on the basis of emotions and political bias and not facts. We should demand and remind those who are alledging electoral malpractice to stop insulting our collective intelligence in the public space, but that they should gather their evidence to establish their case in court as prescribed by the law, enough is enough of this political shenanigan and incitement.
God bless the Federal Republic of Nigeria.
Thanks.
Yours Sincerely,
Nelson Ekujumi,
Director, media and mobilization,
Voters Awareness Initiative (VAI), INEC accredited observer organization for the 2023 general elections.
Kogi’s Quiet Shift: Reviewing Governor Ododo’s First 24 Months in Office
By Rowland Olonishuwa
On Tuesday, Kogi State paused to mark two years since Alhaji Ahmed Usman Ododo took the oath as Executive Governor. Across government circles, community halls, and everyday conversations, the anniversary was more than a date on the calendar; it was a milestone that invites both reflection and renewed optimism. A moment to look back at how far the state has travelled in just twenty-four months, and where it is heading next.
Since assuming office in January 2024, Ododo has steered the state through a period of measured consolidation, delivering strategic interventions across security, infrastructure, human capital, and economic revitalisation that are beginning to translate into real improvements for residents.
Governor Ododo stepped into office at a time when expectations were high, and confidence in public institutions needed rebuilding.
His response to these was not loud declarations, but steady consolidation, strengthening structures, restoring order in governance, and setting a clear direction. Over time, that calm approach has become his signature: leadership that listens first, plans carefully, and moves with purpose.
Security has remained the most urgent concern for Nigerians, and Kogi residents are no exceptions; the Ododo-led administration has treated it as such. From deploying surveillance drones to support intelligence operations to recruiting and integrating local hunters and vigilante personnel into formal security frameworks, the government has built a layered safety net.
For farmers returning to their fields, travellers moving along highways, and families in rural communities, the impact is simple and deeply personal: fewer fears, quicker response, and growing confidence that the government is present and concerned about the ordinary people.
Infrastructural development has followed the same practical logic. Roads have been rehabilitated, easing movement for traders and commuters. Budget priorities have shifted toward capital projects and human development, while revived facilities like the Confluence Rice Mill now provide farmers with real economic opportunity. For many households, this means better income prospects, stronger local trade, and renewed belief that development is no longer a distant promise.
Health and education are not left out; the Ododo-led administration has expanded free healthcare services and supported students through examination funding and institutional improvements.
Parents who once struggled with medical bills and school fees have felt relief. Young people preparing for their futures now see government investment not as abstract policy but as something that touches their daily lives.
Governance reforms, from civil service strengthening to new legislative frameworks, have quietly improved how government functions. Salaries are more predictable, public offices are more responsive, and local government structures are more coordinated. These may not always make headlines, but they shape how citizens experience leadership every day.
As the second year anniversary celebrations fade into routine today and Governor Ododo enters his third year in office, the true meaning of the anniversary will continue to linger on.
Two years may not have solved every challenge in the Confluence State -no government ever does, by the way- but they have set a tone of stability, responsiveness, and direction. The next phase will demand deeper impact, broader reach, and sustained security gains.
But for many in Kogi State, the story of the past twenty-four months is already clear: steady hands on the wheel, and a journey that is firmly underway.
Olonishuwa is the Editor-in-Chief of Newshubmag.com. He writes from Ilorin
Lagos Assembly Debunks Abuja House Rumour, Warns Against Election Season Propaganda
The Lagos State House of Assembly has described as misleading and mischievous the widespread misinformation that it budgeted for the purchase of houses in Abuja for its members in the 2026 Appropriation Law.
This rebuttal is contained in a statement jointly signed by Hon. Stephen Ogundipe, Chairman, House Committee on Information, Strategy, and Security, and Hon. Sa’ad Olumoh, Chairman, House Committee on Economic Planning and Budget.
Describing the report as a deliberate and disturbing falsehood being peddled by patently ignorant people, the statement reads, “There is no provision whatsoever in the 2026 Budget for the purchase of houses in Abuja or anywhere else for members of the Lagos State House of Assembly. The report is a complete fabrication and a product of political mischief intended to misinform the public.
“The Lagos State House of Assembly does not operate in Abuja. Our constitutional responsibilities, constituencies, and legislative duties are entirely within Lagos State. It is, therefore, illogical, irrational, and irresponsible for anyone to suggest that legislators would appropriate public funds for personal housing outside their jurisdiction.”
The statement emphasised that the budget is already in the public domain and accessible for scrutiny by discerning Lagosians and Nigerians alike. It reiterated that the Lagos State Government operates a transparent budget that speaks to the needs of the people and the demands of a megalopolis.
“We view this rumour as part of a wider attempt at election-season propaganda, designed to erode public trust, sow discord, and malign democratic institutions.”
The chairmen further clarified that the 2026 capital expenditure of the House of Assembly is less than 0.04% of the total CAPEX of the state, which clearly demonstrates the culture of prudence, accountability, and fiscal responsibility that guides the legislature. However, they noted, “Historically, the House does not even access up to its approved budget in many fiscal years.”
They stressed that the Assembly remains fully committed to excellence, transparency, good governance, and the collective welfare of the people of Lagos State, in line with the objectives of the 2026 Budget of Shared Prosperity.
“We therefore challenge those behind this harebrained allegation to produce credible evidence or retract their statements forthwith. Failure to do so may attract appropriate legal actions.
“We urge Lagosians and the general public to disregard this baseless rumour and always verify information from official and credible sources.”
Politics
Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent
Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent.
By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by saharaweeklyng.com
“Tinubu’s Government, the EFCC and the Strategic Undermining of Opposition Governors”.
In a striking indictment of Nigeria’s current political reality, Governor Seyi Makinde of Oyo State declared that “you cannot speak truth to power in this dispensation”, directly accusing the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu of intolerance for dissent and an erosion of democratic norms.
Makinde’s remarks (made during a public event in Ibadan on January 25, 2026) were more than a local governor’s lament. They crystallised a mounting national frustration: that Nigeria’s political landscape has tilted dangerously toward executive overreach, institutional capture and political engineering.
This narrative is not isolated. Across Nigeria, governors from opposition parties have defected to the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) in numbers unprecedented in the nation’s democratic history. Critics argue that these defections are not merely voluntary political choices, but part of a strategic pressure campaign leveraging federal power and institutions to fracture opposition influence.
At its centre lies Nigeria’s principal anti-graft agency – the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC).
The EFCC: Anti-Graft Agency or Political Instrument? Founded to combat corruption, the EFCC’s constitutional mandate is to investigate and prosecute financial and economic crimes across public and private sectors. Its legal independence is enshrined in statute and it has historically pursued high-profile cases, including recovery of nearly $500 million in illicit assets in a single year, demonstrating its capacity for tackling corruption.
However, critics now claim that under the Tinubu administration, the EFCC’s prosecutorial power is being perceived (if not deployed) as a political instrument.
Opposition leaders, including former Vice President Atiku Abubakar and coalition parties such as the African Democratic Congress (ADC), have publicly accused the federal government of using anti-corruption agencies to intimidate opposition figures and governors, effectively pressuring them into aligning with the APC.
In a statement released in December 2025, opposition figures alleged that institutions such as the EFCC, the Nigerian Police and the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission were being selectively wielded to weaken political competitors rather than combat financial crime impartially.
This is not merely rhetorical noise. The opposition’s grievances centre on several observable patterns:
Reopened or New Investigations Against Opposition Figures: The ADC pointed to recent abnormal reactivation of long-dormant cases or new inquiries into financial activities involving senior opposition politicians. These, they argue, often arise shortly before critical elections or political realignments.
Alleged Differential Treatment: According to opponents of the current administration, individuals who have defected to the APC appear less likely to face sustained legal scrutiny or prosecution in EFCC proceedings, even in cases of credible allegations of mismanagement.
Timing of Actions: The timing of certain high-profile investigations, emerging ahead of the 2027 general elections, reinforces perceptions that anti-graft measures are tailored to political cycles rather than legal merit.
The EFCC and Presidency have publicly denied these allegations, insisting that the commission operates independently and pursues corruption irrespective of political affiliation and that Nigeria’s democratic freedoms (including party choice and mobility) remain intact.
Yet the perception of bias, once systemic, is hard to erase, especially when political actors deploy powerful state machinery with strategic timing and selective intensity.
Defections and Power Realignment: A Democracy at Risk? Since 2023 and particularly through 2025, a remarkable number of state governors and senior political leaders have crossed over from opposition parties (notably the Peoples Democratic Party – PDP) to the APC. Though defections are normal in Nigeria’s fluid political system, the scale and speed in recent years are historically noteworthy, raising critical questions about underlying incentives.
The SaharaWeeklyNG reported Makinde’s comments within the broader context of a political climate where dissenting voices face greater obstacles than at any time in recent democratic memory.
Governors who remain in opposition find themselves squeezed between growing federal assertiveness and dwindling political capital. Some analysts argue that the combination of federal resource control, political appointments and influence over public agencies exerts tangible pressure on subnational leaders to align with the ruling party for political survival. This dynamic, they contend, undermines competitive party politics and weakens Nigeria’s multiparty democracy.
Speaking Truth to Power: What Makinde’s Critique Exposes. Governor Makinde’s core grievance (that it is increasingly difficult, perhaps perilous, to speak truth to power) resonates widely among civil society actors, political analysts and democratic advocates:
“YOU CANNOT SPEAK TRUTH TO POWER IN THIS DISPENSATION,” Makinde declared, specifically citing the government’s handling of contentious tax reform bills as an example where dissent was neither welcomed nor transparently debated.
Makinde’s critique reflects deeper structural concerns:
Exclusion of Key Stakeholders: Opposition leaders and state executives report being marginalised from meaningful consultation on national policies affecting federal-state relations, revenue sharing and fiscal reforms.
Institutional Intimidation: The perception that state politicians become targets of federal legal scrutiny after taking firm oppositional stances (real or perceived) discourages robust democratic debate.
Erosion of Opposition Space: A symbiotic effect of party defections and institutional pressure is a shrinking viable space for genuine political opposition, weakening checks and balances essential to democratic governance.
A respected political scientist, Dr. Aisha Bello of the University of Lagos, recently argued that “when opposition becomes fraught with state leverage instead of ideological competition, the very foundation of democratic contestation collapses,” adding that “a government that shies away from criticism risks inversion into autocracy.”
Another expert, Prof. Chinedu Eze, former dean of political studies at Ahmadu Bello University, warned that “selective use of anti-corruption agencies as political tools corrodes public trust and ultimately delegates justice into the hands of incumbents rather than independent courts.” These observations echo growing public skepticism.
The Way Forward: Strengthening Democracy and Institutions. Nigeria’s path forward depends on restoring confidence in democratic norms and institutional independence.
Transparent EFCC Processes: Civil society groups and legal scholars are advocating for enhanced transparency in anti-graft investigations, including clear prosecutorial thresholds and independent audits of case initiation and closures.
Judicial Oversight: Strengthening the judiciary’s capacity and independence is critical to ensuring that allegations of political weaponisation do not go unchecked. Courts must remain the ultimate arbiters of evidence and guilt.
Political Reforms: Advocates demand reforms to party financing, federal-state fiscal relations, and consultation mechanisms to reduce incentives for defections driven by federal resource leverage.
Public Engagement: A more informed and engaged civil society, anchored by independent media and civic education, must hold both government and opposition accountable for adherence to democratic principles.
Beyond The Present Moment.
Governor Makinde’s assertion that it is no longer tenable to “speak truth to power” under the current administration reflects unsettling trends in Nigeria’s evolving democratic landscape. While the EFCC and the Presidency maintain that anti-corruption efforts are independent and constitutionally grounded, opposition leaders (backed by political data and patterns of defections) argue that state power is being used to consolidate one-party dominance and undermine political pluralism.
At this critical juncture, Nigeria must choose between entrenching competitive democracy or sliding toward a political monopoly where dissent is subdued, institutions compromised, and power concentrated.
For Nigeria’s democratic ideals to survive (and thrive) its leaders and citizens must ensure that speaking truth to power remains not a perilous act of defiance but an honoured pillar of national life.
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