society
ADC Unveils Opposition Strategy as Obi, Atiku, Amaechi Move to Challenge Tinubu in 2027
ADC Unveils Opposition Strategy as Obi, Atiku, Amaechi Move to Challenge Tinubu in 2027
By George Omagbemi Sylvester
“Opposition heavyweights explore coalition strategy under the African Democratic Congress as political analysts debate whether a united front can realistically challenge President Bola Ahmed Tinubu in the 2027 presidential election.”
Peter Obi, Atiku Abubakar, and Rotimi Amaechi are working together under the platform of the African Democratic Congress (ADC) as part of a coordinated political effort aimed at defeating Bola Ahmed Tinubu and the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) in the 2027 Nigerian presidential election, according to party insiders who revealed the strategy in Abuja in March 2026.

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The ADC leadership disclosed that the three prominent political figures (each of whom commands significant national followership) are currently holding consultations, building a broad opposition coalition, and harmonising political structures across Nigeria’s six geopolitical zones. The objective, according to the party, is to create a unified opposition front capable of challenging the electoral dominance of the APC, which has controlled Nigeria’s presidency since 2015.
Party officials said the collaboration represents a deliberate attempt to replicate the successful coalition strategy that defeated the then-ruling party in 2015, when several opposition blocs merged to form the APC and ultimately removed the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) from power after sixteen years. Analysts say the ADC coalition hopes to reverse that historical pattern by bringing together major opposition figures under a single political platform before the 2027 elections.
According to political insiders, the discussions among Obi, Atiku and Amaechi revolve around three key pillars: coalition building, electoral strategy, and national policy alternatives designed to appeal to voters dissatisfied with Nigeria’s economic direction and governance challenges. The ADC reportedly believes that combining Obi’s youth-driven support base, Atiku’s political networks across northern Nigeria, and Amaechi’s organisational influence within the political establishment could create a formidable opposition alliance.
Political scientist Prof. Pat Utomi argued that coalition politics may be the only realistic path for opposition forces seeking to defeat an incumbent government in Nigeria. According to him, “Opposition fragmentation has always been the ruling party’s greatest advantage. A coalition changes the arithmetic of Nigerian politics.”
Similarly, constitutional lawyer Femi Falana (SAN) observed that the emerging alliance reflects a broader democratic pattern. “In many democracies, opposition parties must cooperate to challenge incumbents effectively. What matters is whether such cooperation produces credible alternatives for voters,” Falana said in a recent public lecture on electoral reform.
However, not all analysts believe the coalition will automatically translate into electoral victory. Political commentator Dr. Jide Ojo noted that Nigeria’s electoral politics is shaped by regional balancing, party structures, and grassroots mobilisation, factors that may complicate the opposition’s strategy. “Coalitions are powerful, but they only work when ideological differences are managed and when leadership ambitions are carefully negotiated,” he explained.
The question of who will eventually emerge as the coalition’s presidential candidate remains one of the most sensitive issues. Both Obi and Atiku previously contested the presidency in the 2023 election, while Amaechi (former governor of Rivers State and former Minister of Transportation) also ran in the APC presidential primaries that produced Tinubu as candidate. Negotiations over the presidential ticket are therefore expected to become a central issue as coalition talks progress.
Political historian Dr. Sam Amadi, former chairman of the Nigerian Electricity Regulatory Commission, believes the coalition’s success will depend on whether it can present a clear national vision rather than merely an anti-Tinubu agenda. According to him, “Nigerians are not only interested in defeating incumbents; they want to know what comes after. A coalition must offer policy credibility.”
Meanwhile, supporters of the ruling APC dismiss the coalition as politically exaggerated. Some party leaders argue that the opposition alliance lacks cohesion and may eventually collapse under internal rivalry. They maintain that President Tinubu still commands strong political structures nationwide and remains well-positioned ahead of the 2027 race.
Despite the skepticism, the emerging ADC coalition has already intensified political discussions across the country. For many observers, the alliance represents the first serious attempt to reshape Nigeria’s opposition landscape since the 2023 general election.
Whether the collaboration between Obi, Atiku and Amaechi will ultimately succeed in unseating Tinubu remains uncertain. What is clear, however, is that the battle for Nigeria’s 2027 presidency has quietly begun, with coalition politics once again emerging as a decisive factor in the nation’s democratic trajectory..
society
Ariko Church Attack: IGP Disu Deploys DIG As Police Rescue Seven Kidnap Victims
Ariko Church Attack: IGP Disu Deploys DIG As Police Rescue Seven Kidnap Victims
The Inspector-General of Police, Olatunji Rilwan Disu, has ordered the immediate deployment of the Deputy Inspector-General of Police in charge of Operations, Shehu Umar Nadada, to Kaduna State following a deadly bandit attack on Ariko Village near Gurara Dam.
The assault, which occurred on April 5, 2026, targeted worshippers at ECWA and Catholic churches in the community, with gunmen opening fire indiscriminately. Five persons were confirmed dead, while no fewer than fourteen others were abducted during the coordinated হাম.
In a swift operational response, the police high command mandated a high-level intervention, tasking DIG Nadada with leading on-the-ground coordination of security efforts aimed at stabilising the area and facilitating the safe recovery of the victims.
Security operations conducted in collaboration with the Nigerian Army and the Department of State Services (DSS) have already yielded results, with seven of the abducted persons rescued. The victims were evacuated to Katari Hospital for urgent medical attention and are reported to be in stable condition, awaiting reunification with their families.
Police authorities disclosed that tactical operations remain ongoing to secure the release of the remaining captives and apprehend those responsible for the ആക്രമം, underscoring a renewed push to degrade criminal networks operating within the axis.
Reaffirming the Force’s commitment to public safety, the IGP called on residents to remain vigilant and support ongoing operations by providing credible and actionable intelligence to security agencies.
society
The Unfinished Rescue Mission: Ten Reasons Zamfara Must Re-elect Governor Dauda Lawal in 2027
The Unfinished Rescue Mission: Ten Reasons Zamfara Must Re-elect Governor Dauda Lawal in 2027
By Oladapo Sofowora
In the resilient heart of Northwestern Nigeria, a different kind of storm is blowing hard. It is not the whirlwind of banditry that has long defined Zamfara State, but the quiet, determined tempest of reconstruction and recalibration done by Governor Dauda Lawal, who took the reins of a state gasping for air choked by insecurity, bankrupt of spirit, and paralyzed by decades of maladministration steering it to the path of prosperity. Three years into his first term, the landscape is shifting and the story is changing for the better. Yet, every revolution needs time to root. For Zamfara indigenes, here are ten detailed reasons why they must hand Governor Dauda Lawal another mandate to steer the state to the promised land, so as to enable him to finish the work he has so boldly begun.
1. The Security Recalibration
For years, Zamfara’s security apparatus was reactive, arriving after villages had been razed, but Governor Lawal changed the paradigm with a shift. He didn’t just procure guns; he built a comprehensive Zamfara Community Guard integrated with local vigilantes and formal military intelligence that has served its purpose of gathering local intelligence and sharing it with security agencies to tackle all sorts of insecurity in the state. His administration invested over ₦4 billion in surveillance drones, armoured personnel carriers, and rapid-response communication towers across the 14 local government areas. The result? A 60% reduction in major attacks in the last 18 months. Another term means expanding this network to the most remote forests of Tsafe and Maradun, finally breaking the spine of the criminal enclaves. One term was used to stabilize the patient; a second term handed to him will cure the disease totally.
2. The Restoration of Integrity in the Civil Service Structure
Before Lawal, Zamfara’s civil service was a graveyard of productivity, infested with “ghost workers” who drained the treasury, leveraging a lacuna created by the previous administration. Upon resumption, the Governor commissioned a forensic biometric audit in which over 5,000 fictitious names were expunged from the payroll, saving the state over ₦1.2 billion monthly. More importantly, he cleared 18 months of salary arrears inherited from the previous administration within his first 100 days. A second term handed to him via the ballot will focus on capacity building and promotions based on merit, transforming the bureaucracy from a parasitic entity into an engine of service delivery.
3. The Educational State of Emergency
Banditry had turned over 300 schools into abandoned ruins, with teachers fleeing and children being abducted. Governor Lawal declared a state of emergency on education. He has since reconstructed 200 primary schools with fortified walls and secure hostels. The “School Feeding and Safe Return” program brought back 150,000 out-of-school children. But the job is half done. The remaining 150 schools in high-risk zones need the same treatment. Re-electing Lawal means ensuring no child in Zamfara has to choose between a bullet and a book.
4. Functioning Primary Healthcare Across the State
For a decade, rural Zamfara relied on patent medicine sellers for life-saving care. Governor Lawal refurbished 147 Primary Healthcare Centers (PHCs), equipping each with solar power, vaccines, and at least two resident nurses. He launched the Zamfara Health Voucher Scheme, giving 50,000 vulnerable women free antenatal and delivery care. The time of medical pilgrimage is over as the state now boasts of a functioning MRI machine among other sophisticated medical machines. A second term will see the full completion and upgrade of three zonal general hospitals in Gusau, Kaura Namoda, and Anka, bringing surgery and emergency care within reach of every citizen.
5. Agricultural Revolution
Zamfara is a state predominantly with farmers; true to its slogan, ‘Farming is our pride’, despite the rich soil, farmers are poor and are being terrorized from their farmlands due to insecurity. Lawal’s “Farming Without Fear” initiative partnered with the military to create secure agricultural corridors during planting and harvest seasons. He distributed drought-resistant seeds and solar-powered water pumps to 40,000 farmers. The state’s rice and maize output tripled last year. Yet, the missing link is processing. With a cargo airport in place and a readily available market, there will be a major boost in agricultural business in the state. A second term will see the establishment of a staple crop processing zone (SCPZ) in Gusau, turning raw produce into export-ready goods and ending the exploitation of middlemen.
6. The Portable Water Revolution
Gusau and its environs relied on a water treatment plant built in 1978. It was a relic, but Governor Lawal secured a ₦15 billion loan from the World Bank to rehabilitate the Damaturu Water Scheme, increasing daily capacity from 15 million to 50 million liters. For the first time in a generation, taps are flowing in Talata Mafara and Shinkafi. But some rural communities still trek for hours to get portable drinking water. A second term will extend this reticulated network to 200 additional rural communities, making water a right, not a luxury.
7. The Economic Inclusion of Empowering Women and Youth
Banditry thrived because idle young men were easily lured. Lawal countered this with the Zamfara Youth Empowerment Trust (ZAYET), training 10,000 youths in tailoring, ICT, and solar installation, and giving them startup capital. His Kaura Economic Stimulus provided 20,000 women with ₦50,000 each to revive small-scale trading. The recidivism rate into crime among beneficiaries is less than 2%. A second term will scale this to reach all 147 wards, ensuring that the economic ladder is long enough for every willing citizen to climb.
8. Transparency and Accountability in Governance Pact
Governor Lawal is the first Zamfara governor to publish monthly financial statements on the state government website, including details of every constituency project actualized. He voluntarily subjected the state’s accounts to a forensic audit by the EFCC and ICPC; a move his predecessors fought to block. The result is a restored relationship with international donors (UNDP, EU), who have returned to fund developmental projects across the state because Governor Lawal puts to use every fund given with accountability. One term has proven his integrity; a second term will institutionalize it, creating a culture of governance where public funds are put to judicious use without being siphoned.
9. Justice Sector Reform by Decongesting the Prisons and Prosecuting the Convicted
Zamfara’s prisons were incubators for radicalization, filled with petty offenders and low-level herders, while bandit kingpins roamed freely across the state. Lawal’s administration, in partnership with the judiciary, released 1,200 detainees held for minor offenses without trial, decongesting the facilities. Simultaneously, a specialized mobile court has secured 50 convictions against bandit collaborators and informants. A second term will focus on building a modern correctional center and strengthening the witness protection program, ensuring that justice is both swift and safe to administer.
10. The Legacy of Resilience in Rebuilding Social Trust
The most profound reason to re-elect Dauda Lawal is the hope his administration brings. He inherited a traumatized populace that no longer believed the state could protect them. Today, markets in Gusau stay open past 6 PM. Farmers sleep in their own homes instead of bush hideouts. Internally displaced persons are voluntarily returning to their ancestral lands. This psychological shift from fear to cautious optimism is the most fragile and precious asset Zamfara has gained. Destroying it by returning to the old ways would be catastrophic. A second term will solidify this trust, transforming resilience into permanent recovery.
Governor Dauda Lawal has not performed miracles in one term; miracles are for saints, not statesmen. But what he has done is to perform the harder task ahead. He has laid a solid foundation of competence, security, and integrity where there was only rubble. The Zamfara of today does not need a new experiment; it needs the continuation of a working plan already in motion. Re-electing Dauda Lawal again is not about rewarding the past; it is about securing the future ahead. The first term broke the curse of neglect; the second term will recalibrate the fortune of the state to prosperity.
society
WHEN PUBLIC TRUST IS TRADED: A PASSIONATE CALL FOR TRANSPARENCY AND ACCOUNTABILITY IN THE FGCK KANO LAND CONCESSION
WHEN PUBLIC TRUST IS TRADED: A PASSIONATE CALL FOR TRANSPARENCY AND ACCOUNTABILITY IN THE FGCK KANO LAND CONCESSION
By Tijjani Sarki
It is with deep concern and a profound sense of civic responsibility that I respond to the recent press release issued by Pluck Global Construction Company regarding the proposed concession of a substantial portion of land within Federal Government College, Kano. Beyond the polished assurances and technical justifications lies a matter that touches the very soul of public trust, institutional heritage, and the collective conscience of our society. I feel obliged to add my voice to that of the old students and other critical stakeholders, while also expressing serious concern regarding the implications this arrangement may have on the school’s future expansion projects.
This is not merely about land. It is about legacy, about the sanctity of a national institution, and about the obligation we owe to future generations who deserve to inherit not diminished assets,but strengthened foundations.
While the Company attempts to justify the arrangement under the framework of a Public-Private Partnership (PPP), its response raises more concerns than assurances, and leaves several critical issues either insufficiently addressed or deliberately glossed over.
At the heart of the matter is the proposed concession of approximately 40% of the College’s total land area,a decision of far-reaching implications for the heritage, future expansion, environmental balance, and overall integrity of one of Nigeria’s foremost unity colleges. The characterization of such a vast portion of institutional land as merely “underutilised” is, at best, subjective and, at worst, a convenient pretext for a transaction whose long-term consequences remain unclear.
The justification that this concession is in exchange for infrastructural development valued at over ₦8 billion further invites scrutiny. Given prevailing economic realities, inflationary trends, and the dynamic nature of project costing, the assertion that such an agreement is not subject to review or adjustment raises legitimate questions about transparency, fairness, and value-for-money. Who determined this valuation, and on what basis should it remain static despite changing economic conditions?
Furthermore, while regulatory approvals from bodies such as the Infrastructure Concession Regulatory Commission (ICRC) are cited, mere compliance with procedural requirements does not equate to public acceptability, stakeholder consent, or ethical soundness. Due process must go beyond paperwork, it must reflect inclusiveness, accountability, and sensitivity to institutional legacy.
Of particular concern is the underlying rationale for situating a commercial or quasi-commercial land-swap arrangement within the premises of a functioning educational institution. This naturally leads to a fundamental question:
Why must such a project be tied to land within the school environment?
If indeed the Company possesses the technical and financial capacity it claims, why has it not sought to execute similar developments on virgin land outside the state capital, where there would be no conflict with an academic setting, historical legacy, or public sentiment?
The insistence on acquiring a substantial portion of land within a prestigious federal institution inevitably fuels skepticism regarding the true motives behind the arrangement. Is the primary objective the development of educational infrastructure, or the strategic acquisition of high-value urban land under the guise of a PPP?
Additionally, the assurance that possession of the land will only occur upon project completion, while noted, does not sufficiently mitigate concerns about the eventual permanent transfer of public institutional assets into private hands. What guarantees exist to protect future generations from irreversible decisions taken today?
Equally troubling is the apparent disconnect between the scale of the concession and the voice of critical stakeholders. Institutions such as Federal Government College, Kano, are not merely physical spaces, they are national assets with deep historical and emotional significance. Any decision affecting such institutions must command broad-based consensus,not just regulatory approval.
In light of the foregoing, several key questions remain unanswered:
What independent valuation was conducted to justify the exchange of 40% of institutional land for the proposed developments?
Why is the agreement insulated from review despite obvious economic fluctuations?
What alternative sites were considered, and why were they deemed unsuitable?
What long-term safeguards exist to protect the school’s territorial integrity and future expansion needs?
To what extent were stakeholders, including alumni and the host community, consulted prior to finalizing this agreement?
Until these questions are satisfactorily addressed, the concerns raised by stakeholders remain valid, urgent, and compelling.
This is a defining moment. We must decide whether public institutions exist for the common good or as convenient instruments for opaque transactions. Silence, in this instance, would amount to complicity.
We therefore call on all relevant authorities to act with courage and conscience,revisit this agreement, open it to public scrutiny, and ensure that decisions of such magnitude are guided not only by technical compliance, but by transparency, equity, and the enduring public interest.
Tijjani Sarki
*Good Governance Advocate and Public Policy Analyst*
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