Connect with us

Politics

Alex Otti In Trouble As APC Vows To Take Over Abia In 2027

Published

on

Alex Otti In Trouble As APC Vows To Take Over Abia In 2027
By George Omagbemi Sylvester

 

The political atmosphere in Abia State is heating up, and the temperature is rising rapidly. The All Progressives Congress (APC) has fired a direct political missile at Governor Alex Otti, vowing with unshakable resolve to take over the Government House in Umuahia come 2027. It is no longer business as usual. The sleeping giant of the opposition in the state claims to be wide awake, and the battle for the soul of Abia has begun in earnest.

Alex Otti In Trouble As APC Vows To Take Over Abia In 2027
By George Omagbemi Sylvester

The APC chieftains, speaking in Umuahia last week, declared unequivocally that they are on a mission to “rescue Abia from economic stagnation and elitist governance.” Their choice of words was deliberate and direct—a sharp criticism of Otti’s leadership style, which many within and outside the state describe as more cosmetic than transformational.

A Wake-Up Call for Labour Party

Alex Otti, a former bank executive and celebrated technocrat, rode to power under the Labour Party’s banner in 2023, buoyed by the Peter Obi wave and a strong anti-establishment sentiment among the electorate. His emergence was seen as a break from decades of political recycling in Abia. But less than two years into his tenure, the narrative has begun to shift.

Critics argue that Otti has failed to address the core structural and socio-economic issues affecting the state. While flyovers, road rehabilitation, and civil service audits dominate his press briefings, many say these are mere surface-level interventions. The youth remain unemployed, the SMEs suffocating under harsh taxes, and rural areas neglected.

The APC’s bold declaration should not be taken lightly. The party, which has federal might and a national structure, is poised to exploit every misstep of the current administration. According to Chief Ikechi Emenike, a prominent APC stakeholder in Abia, “We are going to dismantle this Labour Party experiment in 2027. What is going on in Abia today is not governance—it is a reality show.”

History and the Winds of Political Change

Abia’s political history has largely been dominated by the PDP until the Labour Party disrupted the power structure in 2023. However, the euphoria of change is being quickly eroded by a growing sense of disillusionment. Political observers note that Otti’s technocratic governance style often clashes with the everyday realities of the average Abian.

The APC is capitalizing on this disconnect. They are rebranding and reorganizing. Several prominent politicians from both PDP and LP have reportedly begun secret talks with the APC ahead of 2027. As the legendary political thinker Niccolò Machiavelli wrote in The Prince, “It is better to be feared than loved, if you cannot be both.” The APC seems to be adopting this posture—less of diplomacy, more of political conquest.

Governance Under Scrutiny

The Labour Party-led administration in Abia cannot afford to ignore the mounting criticisms. While Governor Otti has been praised for promoting transparency and tackling ghost workers, many still argue that the state’s economy is shrinking. According to data from the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS), Abia ranked 24th out of 36 states in Internally Generated Revenue (IGR) in 2024—a sharp contrast to the governor’s media claims of economic transformation.

In the words of Nobel Laureate Joseph Stiglitz, “Development is not about highways and flyovers; it is about improving the lives of the people.” If the APC succeeds in framing the current administration as elitist and disconnected, they may very well succeed in 2027.

The Power of Political Messaging

The APC’s strategy is clear: target the grassroots. With over 70% of Abians living in rural communities, a political party that ignores them does so at its peril. According to Professor Chidi Odinkalu, a respected human rights activist, “Democracy must begin at the village square.” Unfortunately, many in Abia’s hinterlands claim they haven’t seen any difference since Otti assumed office.

Former President Barack Obama once said, “You can put lipstick on a pig, but it’s still a pig.” The APC seems to be deploying this line of attack: no matter how beautified Umuahia looks, if the people in Arochukwu, Bende, and Umunneochi still drink muddy water and send their children to roofless schools, the government has failed.

A Divided Opposition, or a Formidable Force?

The only potential setback for the APC is internal disunity. The party has suffered from factionalism in the past. But recent moves suggest a consensus is building around the goal of reclaiming Abia. If the party can field a charismatic candidate with both grassroots and elite appeal, Governor Otti may be in serious trouble.

Dr. Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, Director-General of the World Trade Organization, once stated, “Leadership is not about titles or positions. It is about impact, influence, and inspiration.” This is a powerful reminder that political branding alone cannot win elections. Performance must meet perception.

The People Hold the Key

No political calculation is complete without considering the voters. The people of Abia will ultimately decide who governs them. The 2023 elections demonstrated that they are tired of recycled politics. But what they want now is not just change—but results.

Dr. John Campbell, former U.S. Ambassador to Nigeria, wrote in his book Nigeria: Dancing on the Brink, “Nigerians are not asking for miracles. They are asking for basic decency in governance.” The people of Abia want working hospitals, functioning schools, a vibrant economy, and jobs—not press releases or photo-ops.

Looking Ahead: 2027 and Beyond

With less than two years to the next election, political movements will intensify. The APC’s message of reclaiming Abia must be matched with credible plans, not just political rhetoric. They must offer an alternative that resonates with ordinary people. For now, Governor Otti still holds the mandate, but his political honeymoon is clearly over.

Former U.S. President Dwight D. Eisenhower once warned, “Leadership is the art of getting someone else to do something you want done because he wants to do it.” Governor Otti must reconnect with the aspirations of the masses or risk being dethroned by a more tactically grounded opposition.

As 2027 approaches, the state will likely witness a fierce electoral battle—one not just of personalities, but of ideologies, performance, and public trust. If the APC maintains its current momentum and strategic clarity, then indeed, Alex Otti may be in serious political trouble.

Conclusion

The vow by the APC to take over Abia in 2027 is more than political talk; it is a signal of war. A war of narratives, of performance, and of perception. Governor Alex Otti must rise above press conferences and elite commendations. He must return to the streets, listen to the people, and correct the course of his administration. The time of political grace is gone. Now begins the time of political reckoning.

As the popular African proverb goes, “The man who fetches firewood infested with ants invites lizards to his home.” If Governor Otti does not change direction quickly, the lizards of opposition may soon overrun his political household.

Politics

Hon. Olusegun Amore Clears APC Screening for Ogun Assembly Race, Promises Purposeful Representation for Yewa South

Published

on

Hon. Olusegun Amore Clears APC Screening for Ogun Assembly Race, Promises Purposeful Representation for Yewa South

 

 

ABEOKUTA, OGUN STATE, NIGERIA – In a bold and strategic move towards deepening quality representation, grassroots development, and people-oriented governance, Hon. Olusegun Olugbemileke Amore has officially obtained and successfully passed the screening exercise of the All Progressives Congress (APC) to contest for the Yewa South Local Government State Constituency seat at the Ogun State House of Assembly.

This development has continued to generate excitement, hope, and widespread acceptance among party faithful, political stakeholders, youths, women groups, and residents across Yewa South, many of whom see Hon. Amore as a vibrant, visionary, and grassroots-oriented leader with the competence, capacity, and character required to deliver purposeful representation.

Hon. Amore, who is widely respected for his humility, accessibility, leadership qualities, and unwavering commitment to community development, explained that his decision to join the race was driven by his passion to serve the people, attract meaningful development, and become a strong voice for the aspirations of Yewa South at the state legislative level.

According to him, the time has come for a new era of responsive representation anchored on youth inclusion, infrastructural advancement, educational support, empowerment initiatives, and people-centered legislation capable of positively impacting every ward and community within the constituency.

Speaking shortly after successfully scaling through the APC screening exercise, Hon. Amore expressed appreciation to party leaders, members, supporters, political associates, and well-wishers for their encouragement, trust, and overwhelming support.

He reaffirmed his loyalty and commitment to the ideals and progressive philosophy of the APC, while promising to run an issue-based, peaceful, and inclusive campaign that would further unite the people and strengthen the party ahead of the forthcoming elections.

Hon. Amore further stressed that Yewa South deserves quality representation that will prioritize youth empowerment and employment opportunities, improved educational support and scholarship initiatives, better road infrastructure and rural development, agricultural and economic advancement, enhanced healthcare delivery, and effective legislative advocacy capable of attracting greater government presence and developmental projects to the constituency.

As consultations, mobilization, and political engagements continue across Yewa South, many supporters have expressed confidence that Hon. Olusegun Olugbemileke Amore possessed the experience, credibility, leadership capacity, and political will needed to effectively represent the interests of the constituency and contribute meaningfully to the continued progress and development of Ogun State.

Indeed, the journey towards a greater, stronger, and more prosperous Yewa South appears to have gained renewed momentum with the emergence of Hon. Olusegun Olugbemileke Amore as a formidable aspirant under the progressive banner of the APC.

Political observers and supporters have also described Hon. Amore’s aspiration as a welcome development, citing his longstanding relationship with the grassroots, dedication to humanitarian causes, and passion for community growth and political inclusiveness.

The Ogun State House of Assembly remains the legislative arm responsible for lawmaking, oversight functions, and the promotion of effective governance across the state.

Continue Reading

Politics

2027 BATTLE: How Much Nigeria Can Save, Invest In Infrastructure By Rotating Power Among Six Geo-political Zones For A Single Term Of Five Or Six Years

Published

on

2027 BATTLE: How Much Nigeria Can Save, Invest In Infrastructure By Rotating Power Among Six Geo-political Zones For A Single Term Of Five Or Six Years

As a Southernern, particularly from the South East Geo-Political Zone, I believe the most potent argument for us in 2027 is that the North/South zoning arrangement of political power at the center is a scam. It’s a scam because it has only benefitted the South West and the North West geo-political zones since the return of ‘democracy’ (civil rule) in Nigeria on May 29, 1999. Nigeria, it must be clarified has six geo-political zones, not two.

Nigeria was divided into six geo-political zones in 1996 by the military government of General Sanni Abacha. This new zoning arrangement was a brainchild of the 1994/1995 Constitutional Conference chaired by the late Justice Adolphus Karibi-Whyte and empaneled by General Sanni Abacha.

At that Conference, no less a person than former Vice President Chief Alex Ekwueme and a group called Mkpoko Igbo proposed that since Nigeria will now be divided into six geo-political zones, to give all zones a sense of belonging within the Nigerian State, that power at the center should rotate among the six geo-political zones for a single term of five or six years. In their thinking, if power was rotated among the six geo-political zones for a single term of five or six years, within 30 years or 36 years, all six zones would have had one of their own leading Nigeria, particularly, from their first 11 (primus inter pares). The North and the South West delegations at that conference pooh-poohed Chief Alex Ekwueme and summarily shut down that all-important proposal. The rest they say is history.

More than 30 years later, there is yet no national peace, national cohesion, national political stability, national unity, and national loyalty to the Nigerian State. Had the proposal of Chief Alex Ekwueme and Mkpoko Igbo been adopted and implemented since 1999, at least, the 5th Geo-Political Zone would have had one of their own in Aso Villa today, and by 2035, the last geo-political zone would have being sending us one of their own to contest the Presidency across Nigeria’s current 18 political parties. This mathematics is if we had gone with a single term of six years (the maximum limit) as proposed by Dr. Ekwueme and the South East and South South delegates in that 1994/1995 Constitutional Conference.

Fast forward to today, in his recent Arise TV interview, and in some other public and private fora, H.E. Atiku Abubakar asked for Dr. Ekwueme’s forgiveness as he was among key Northern delegates in that Constitutional Conference from the Shehu Musa Yar’Adua group that opposed the rotational presidency among Nigeria’s geo-political zones. Waziri Adamawa had disclosed that he even apologized to Alex Ekwueme when he visited Oko, Anambra State, to pay homage to the former late vice president sometime in 2017/2018.

By and large, for 2027, I believe that the most potent argument that will sell in the South East is that the North East where Waziri Adamawa hails from, just like the South East (our region), had also been marginalized in the scheme of things in Nigeria. Aside from Alhaji Tafawa Balewa from Bauchi State (North East), nobody from the region/zone has been head of national government, head of state, or even president since 1966.

So, H.E. Atiku Abubakar is right in contesting the Presidential election billed for January 16, 2027, to right this wrong, and return Nigeria’s presidency to an equitable distribution of power at the center. When elected, and it’s entrenched in the Nigerian 1999 Constitution (as amended), that power rotates among the six geo-political zones for a single term of five or six years, this new formula will bring about national peace, national cohesion, national unity, and tremendously commandeer national loyalty among Nigerians from across the six geo-political zones for their beloved country, the Nigerian State.

As a budding political scientist of repute and ardent student of contemporary Nigerian history and politics, let me tell us what this formular would do for the Nigerian State. The battle for the soul of the Nigerian State will be ferocious at the zonal level, while the center will become unattractive. So, let’s say it is the turn of the North East Geo-Political Zone to produce the Presidency in 2027, the battle to gift Nigerians their First 11 (primus inter pares) will be ferocious across the States in the region. The people of Adamawa, Bauchi, Borno, Gombe, Taraba, and Yobe will now be more interested in partisan politics, thus being proactive participants within the current 18 political parties in Nigeria.

Giving Nigeria’s configurations and peculiarities, one of the positives of this political proactiveness is that it’s a win-win situation for the entire region if a man from Adamawa becomes President of Nigeria in 2027. The people from Yobe, Borno, Taraba, Gombe, and Bauchi will be largely happy, contented, hold their peace, love Nigeria better, and be more loyal to the Nigerian State because one of their own is now the GCFR, the primus inter pares, and the No. 1 Citizen of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. The steep insecurity that has ravaged the North East Geo-Political Zone since 2009, largely owing to perceived agelong marginalisation, oppression, injustices, would largely die down.

This will be the same case for the South East Geo-Political Zone. Biafra secessionist agitations, IPOB, ESN led by Nnamdi Kanu, will die a natural death. Justice and equity for all breeds contentment among men, and contentment among men births peace, unity, commandeers loyalty, and tremendously brings about prosperity. I stand to be challenged on this self-evident truth on any national television station.

When it is the turn of another region to produce the Presidency, after the North East has had their turn, all political parties in Nigeria must constitutionally present a Presidential candidate from the region whose turn it is to produce the presidency for a single term of six years. This rotational presidency formula must be entrenched in Nigeria’s 1999 Constitution (as amended) by May 29, 2027.

I avow that rotational presidency among Nigeria’s six geo-political zones for a single term of five or six years is the best political science solution to the agelong hydra-headed problem of Nigeria, especially in the guise of disunity, unpeaceful, and disloyalty problems among Nigerian citizens. Doing this will also largely curtail the executive rascalities, legislative rascalities, and judicial rascalities currently being perpetrated by the Bola Ahmed Tinubu led Executive arm; the Godswill Akpabio led Legislative arm; and the CJN Kudirat Motonmori Olatokunbo Kekere-Ekun led Judiciary arm.

The over desperation of getting re-elected for a second term in office, as shown today by Bola Tinubu, will be eraced for future Nigerian Presidents. The humongous money and depletion of Nigeria’s national treasury just for seeking re-election at all cost, and conducting elections will also be erased.

The Highfalutin, Draining Cost Of Conducting Elections In Nigeria?

For the 2023 general election, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) proposed N305 billion in May 2022, which was a 62 percent increase over the 2019 budget. Ultimately, the National Assembly approved N355 billion for the exercise, though the commission spent N313.4 billion as of September 2023.

For the 2027 general election, INEC Chairman Prof. Joash Amupitan proposed a total budget of N873.78 billion to the National Assembly in February 2026. This proposal includes N375.75 billion for election operations, N209.21 billion for technology, and N92.31 billion for administrative costs. The Bola Ahmed Tinubu led APC regime had previously allocated N1.01 trillion to INEC in the 2026 budget presented in January 2026.

Ladies and gentlemen, INEC’s election budget ballooned from N355 billion in 2023 to a whopping N873.78 billion for a re-election season in 2027? This is approximately a percentage increase of 146.13%. This is unacceptable, opprobrious, and insalubrious.

If we entrench in the Nigerian 1999 Constitution (as amended), zoning the presidency among the six geo-political zones for a single term of five or six years, this proposed N873.78 billion to coduct the 2027 re-election season would have been eliminated.

What Can N873.78 billion Do For Nigerians In Terms Of Infrastructural Developmental Projects?

If hypothetically redirected or matched in scale for infrastructure development, N873.78 billion could significantly advance Nigeria’s infrastructure across key sectors:

1. Roads and Transportation: This amount could fund the rehabilitation of over 10,000 kilometers (6213.712 miles) of rural and urban roads, especially when combined with technical support from institutions like the World Bank’s RAAMP-SU project.

It could complete critical projects like the Lagos-Ibadan Expressway or support the Lagos-Calabar Coastal Highway, enhancing regional connectivity and trade.

2. Railway Development: Based on past projects, N873 billion could finance a new 600–800 km (373-497 miles) standard gauge rail line, similar to the Abuja-Kaduna or Lagos-Ibadan lines, which were partially funded by Chinese loans.

Rail expansion would boost freight movement, reduce road congestion, and create thousands of jobs.

3. Power and Energy: The sum could support renewable energy projects, such as solar mini-grids for 10,000 rural communities, or fund transmission infrastructure to reduce power losses.

For context, Power Africa facilitated $63 million in renewable energy investments over 26 months—N873 billion could scale such efforts dramatically.

4. Water and Sanitation: Funds could build or upgrade water treatment plants, boreholes, and sanitation systems in underserved urban and rural areas, improving public health and reducing waterborne diseases.

5. Agricultural Infrastructure: The NSIA’s Multipurpose Industrial Platform Ltd (MIPL) in Akwa Ibom, including an ammonia and fertilizer plant, is a multi-billion-dollar project. N873 billion could fund multiple such agro-industrial hubs, boosting food security and reducing import dependence.

Analyzing The Current Infrastructure Spending In Nigeria In Relation To N873.78 Billion?

For comparison, Nigeria’s actual infrastructure allocations are much lower than the humongous money INEC is proposing to conduct the shaky 2027 general elections in Nigeria.

The 2025 Federal Budget allocated ₦4.06 trillion ($2.7 billion) for infrastructure—about 7.4% of total spending.
The National Integrated Infrastructure Master Plan (NIIMP) aims to raise infrastructure stock to 70% of GDP by 2043, requiring $100 billion annually—far above current spending levels.

Pension funds invested ₦262.57 billion in infrastructure in the first 10 months of 2025. This is below N873.78 billion being earmarked for the 2027 elections.

Without mincing words, let me aver that the N873.78 billion could transform infrastructural developmental projects in Nigeria, But the fact that this amount is proposed for elections, not infrastructural developmental projects, highlights a mismatch between public needs and government spending priorities in Nigeria, especially under the disastrous APC regime of Bola Tinubu.

Conclusion

While N873.78 billion is earmarked for elections, its scale underscores what Nigeria could achieve in infrastructure if similar resources were consistently invested. Redirecting even a fraction of election budgets toward roads, power, rail, water, and agriculture could accelerate economic growth, create jobs, and improve quality of life in Nigeria. However, transparency, accountability, and long-term planning are essential to ensure such investments yield lasting benefits.

Finally, ladies and gentlemen, let’s consider the substantial ingredients of this political seminal and fix this mess of power rotation at the center among Nigeria’s six geo-political zones for a single term of five or six years. Let’s stop wasting scarce resources in Nigeria conducting re-elections at the center and across state levels. Let’s stop wasting everybody’s time in Nigeria.

Ikenna Asomba is a political scientist and journalist. He writes from the State of Illinois, United States.

Continue Reading

Politics

2027 BOMBSHELL: Dismantling The Myth Around Kwankwaso’s So-Called Electoral Dominance In Kano

Published

on

2027 BOMBSHELL: Dismantling The Myth Around Kwankwaso’s So-Called Electoral Dominance In Kano

2027 BOMBSHELL: Dismantling The Myth Around Kwankwaso’s So-Called Electoral Dominance In Kano

As political permutations ahead of the 2027 presidential election gather momentum, there is a growing attempt by supporters of Alhaji Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso and elements within the Kwankwasiyya Movement to rewrite history by claiming that Kwankwaso was solely responsible for delivering massive votes to late President Muhammadu Buhari in Kano during previous elections.
But historical electoral records tell a completely different story.
For years, Muhammadu Buhari enjoyed a cult-like political following across Kano and the wider Arewa North long before any alliance with Kwankwaso emerged. The numbers consistently show that Buhari’s popularity in Kano was deeply personal and independent of Kwankwaso’s political structure.
Consider the facts:
• In 2003, Buhari secured over 1.6 million votes in Kano despite Kwankwaso serving as governor under the PDP. Kwankwaso failed to deliver Kano to President Olusegun Obasanjo.
• In 2007, Buhari again polled about 1 million votes in Kano, while Kwankwaso could not swing the state for Umaru Musa Yar’Adua and the PDP.
• In 2011, Buhari received about 1.6 million votes in Kano even with then-Governor Ibrahim Shekarau also commanding influence in the state. Ironically, Kwankwaso himself benefited from Buhari’s grassroots popularity while reclaiming the governorship.
• In 2019, Buhari secured about 1.4 million votes in Kano, yet Kwankwaso failed to deliver the state for Atiku Abubakar and the PDP. His political camp also lost all senatorial seats and struggled badly in House of Representatives contests.
• In 2023, Kwankwaso contested as a presidential candidate but failed to reach the symbolic 1 million-vote mark in Kano, polling 997,279 votes in his supposed political stronghold.
2027 BOMBSHELL: Dismantling The Myth Around Kwankwaso’s So-Called Electoral Dominance In Kano
These realities raise serious questions about the repeated claim that Kwankwaso “delivered” 1.9 million votes to Buhari in 2015. The evidence instead suggests that Kwankwaso rode on Buhari’s unmatched northern popularity to strengthen his own political relevance.
History has consistently shown that Kano voters separate presidential politics from local political alliances. Buhari’s electoral strength predated Kwankwaso and survived multiple political realignments.
This is why many political observers believe Peter Obi and sections of the Obidient Movement may be overestimating Kwankwaso’s actual electoral influence ahead of 2027. Similar calculations failed for Obasanjo, Yar’Adua, Jonathan, and Atiku in previous election cycles.
Political noise on social media does not always translate to electoral dominance at the ballot box.
As 2027 approaches, Nigerians will once again witness whether Kwankwaso truly commands independent electoral machinery capable of determining presidential outcomes in Kano and the wider North, or whether his perceived influence has been exaggerated over the years.
By the time the ballots are counted, the difference between online propaganda and political reality may become clearer than ever before.
Continue Reading

Cover Of The Week

Trending