Politics
Another four years of wasted presidency beckons Tunde Odesola



If Nigeria had a surname, Disaster would’ve been a fitting fit. She would’ve come to be known as Nigeria Disaster – a befitting reflection of who she truly is. Just like the US is called the United States of America and Britain goes by the family names, Great Britain and United Kingdom. Or what do you call a country without a soul; a judiciary waltzing with corruption, a scandalous legislature and a woeful executive? It’s an absolute disaster when an oilrig produces water, a soldier ant scares a soldier, and a 20-year-journey is all about motion without movement.
February 17 is my birthday. May it not turn a sad day, I pray.
February 16 is the day Nigeria would go into labour and the world would hold their breath to see the fruit of her four-year pregnancy. The baby will be an ‘abiku’, I can loudly predict. It will never be a newborn. Because the seeds that fertilized the eggs shot forth from the loins of two genetically-deformed fathers claiming the same baby. The first father, Mallam Ethnic Bigot, forcefully led the rape of Nigeria over three decades ago. The baby from that painful coitus was not only malformed, it died at infancy. Today, the mallam is an epitome of flawless inefficiency. The other father, Mallam Bureau de Change, shot into limelight in the new era. The babies he helped father on two occasions were born blind, deaf, dumb and dead. If these two principalities had fathered ‘abikus’ in the past, one would expect Nigeria to get a young and virile man to roll in the hay with her, in the hope that the product of the union would be a bouncing baby, either a boy or a girl. But with a surname that is Disaster, our dog can’t do more than eat its vomit while our pig gets the mud for a bed.
February 17 is the day after the Nigerian presidential election. I pray blood doesn’t rain down on the country in the preceding days of the election, on the D-Day and the days after. I pray February 16 won’t be a day Nigeria’s most famous scapegoat, Mr Devil, would walk the Nigerian space shopping for heads, limbs and innards. Because I know the election will never be complete without bloodshed! And the blood to be shed won’t be that of the current impotent tenants of Aso Rock or the rapacious prodigals craving a comeback after 16 years of revelry ruination. I fear as February 16 crawls on us like the tarantula, spurning its intricate web over the paralyzed eagle.
Today, I remember the late Tai Solarin, the atheist, whose baptismal name was Augustus. In 1952, as the principal of Molusi College, Ijebu Igbo, Ogun State, Solarin cancelled morning prayers and religious studies as a subject in the school. His ‘re-education’ campaign didn’t go down well with the Ijebu Igbo community, where his brother was also a reverend. After his apostasy ran into an opposition, he quit the job to establish and run, with his late co-atheist wife, Sheila, the illustrious 8,000-student capacity Mayflower School, Ikenne. Stinking and stagnant religiosity didn’t emigrate to Nigeria from Jerusalem and Arabia on the back of a camel yesterday, it was birthed in the maternity ward of culture contact that imposed colonial imperialism over an unfortunate race.
Despite her globally renowned slogans, ‘In God we trust’, and ‘God bless America’, United State’s elementary, middle and high schools don’t teach religious studies, yet the country respects God and human diversity. Nigeria, where the loudest noise pollution booms from churches and mosques – in form of worship, disdains God and humanity. I know that thousands of the students that attended Solarin’s school were the children and wards of bishops, pastors, sheikhs and imams across Nigeria. But I’m still curious to know why many Nigerian devil-is-a-liar believers sent their children to the school of the popular pagan. Was that hypocrisy, acceptant realism or tolerance?
In his New Year wish for Nigerians on January 1, 1964, Solarin said, “May your road be rough!” Solarin’s greeting, which was contained in a letter, preaches vision, hard work, determination and resilience. When Nigeria was setting out on her democratic journey 20 years ago, little did she know that she was on the road to nowhere. If someone had predicted in 1999 that the democratic dispensation, after 20 years, would produce pains instead of gains and division instead of dividends, Nigerians would’ve disagreed. Today, the country stands regrettably on the threshold of another historic election, ruing two decades of waste, unfulfilled promises and paradise lost. From the impunity, selfishness and greed of the Olusegun Obasanjo-Atiku Abubakar years to the short-lived, static Musa Yar’Adua-Goodluck Jonathan years and the legitimized corruption of the Jonathan-Namadi Sambo years, to the Muhammadu Buhari-Yemi Osinbajo know-nothing era, it is certain that all the four successive leaderships that have steered the ship of the Nigerian state since 1999 should have, at best, headed roadside shops selling padlocks, nails and hoes, and not come anywhere near the corridors of power because the masses, whom democracy seeks to promote, have been utterly dehumanized by them.
If not that our surname is Disaster, the Obasanjo-Atiku administration wouldn’t have mishandled the Bakassi peninsula crisis and lost the whole of the oil-rich region to Cameroon. The administration wouldn’t have mismanaged billions of dollars on non-provided infrastructure, corruptly impeached successive senate presidents, defied court orders and criminally sought a third term. But for our surname that is Disaster, Patience Jonathan wouldn’t have forfeited N1.04bn to the government and still struts about freely today. A confirmation of our Disaster surname is the nepotistic Buhari-Osinbajo lame-duck presidency, whose perpetually ‘unaware’ arrowhead, Buhari, should have long retired from politics and be at home treating his undisclosed infirmities. Our Disaster surname is the reason why several indicted and some jailed members of the Peoples Democratic Party are shamelessly mounting podiums to campaign today. It’s the reason why Atiku said he would continue with the policies of the Obasanjo years if elected. It’s the same reason why people hail the Buhari-Osinbajo government despite obvious incompetence, underachievement and lopsided anti-corruption fight.
While Nigeria’s political class stockpiles funds, arms and ammunition for the war of February 16, 2019, a look at how election is conducted outside the country would bury our surname, Disaster, in shame. An Ilora-born Nigerian living in the US, Femi Ojewole, shares his voting experience: “Voting in the US is a pleasurable experience; you’re free to take pictures with people and the electoral officers, and the whole voting is done in about three minutes. You’re even given candies to eat after voting. No policeman in sight, no stampede and your vote is counted by the computer, which immediately shows that your vote is accepted.
“Electronic accreditation had been sent to all citizens earlier in order for them to know where to vote. Early voting, which is voting before the election day, is permitted; all you need to do is go to the courthouse nearest to you and vote. This is for those who may not be available to vote on election day or who don’t want to wait till election day.”
No gift of clairvoyance is needed to reach the following conclusions:
· Atiku will fault the outcome of the election if Buhari wins and vice versa
· Life will continue to be short and brutish under either of the two
· Politicians will defect to the winning party after the election
The above-mentioned conclusions are easy to reach because there’s no evidence to show that we’ve learnt anything from the pitfalls of our past. The docile and largely uninformed masses have not helped matters either, acquiescing to the manipulative whims of the political class.
Indeed, our road has been rough, very rough and disastrous.
(Published in The PUNCH of Monday, February 4, 2019)mail: [email protected]
Politics
Kogi’s Quiet Shift: Reviewing Governor Ododo’s First 24 Months in Office
Kogi’s Quiet Shift: Reviewing Governor Ododo’s First 24 Months in Office
By Rowland Olonishuwa
On Tuesday, Kogi State paused to mark two years since Alhaji Ahmed Usman Ododo took the oath as Executive Governor. Across government circles, community halls, and everyday conversations, the anniversary was more than a date on the calendar; it was a milestone that invites both reflection and renewed optimism. A moment to look back at how far the state has travelled in just twenty-four months, and where it is heading next.
Since assuming office in January 2024, Ododo has steered the state through a period of measured consolidation, delivering strategic interventions across security, infrastructure, human capital, and economic revitalisation that are beginning to translate into real improvements for residents.
Governor Ododo stepped into office at a time when expectations were high, and confidence in public institutions needed rebuilding.
His response to these was not loud declarations, but steady consolidation, strengthening structures, restoring order in governance, and setting a clear direction. Over time, that calm approach has become his signature: leadership that listens first, plans carefully, and moves with purpose.
Security has remained the most urgent concern for Nigerians, and Kogi residents are no exceptions; the Ododo-led administration has treated it as such. From deploying surveillance drones to support intelligence operations to recruiting and integrating local hunters and vigilante personnel into formal security frameworks, the government has built a layered safety net.
For farmers returning to their fields, travellers moving along highways, and families in rural communities, the impact is simple and deeply personal: fewer fears, quicker response, and growing confidence that the government is present and concerned about the ordinary people.
Infrastructural development has followed the same practical logic. Roads have been rehabilitated, easing movement for traders and commuters. Budget priorities have shifted toward capital projects and human development, while revived facilities like the Confluence Rice Mill now provide farmers with real economic opportunity. For many households, this means better income prospects, stronger local trade, and renewed belief that development is no longer a distant promise.
Health and education are not left out; the Ododo-led administration has expanded free healthcare services and supported students through examination funding and institutional improvements.
Parents who once struggled with medical bills and school fees have felt relief. Young people preparing for their futures now see government investment not as abstract policy but as something that touches their daily lives.
Governance reforms, from civil service strengthening to new legislative frameworks, have quietly improved how government functions. Salaries are more predictable, public offices are more responsive, and local government structures are more coordinated. These may not always make headlines, but they shape how citizens experience leadership every day.
As the second year anniversary celebrations fade into routine today and Governor Ododo enters his third year in office, the true meaning of the anniversary will continue to linger on.
Two years may not have solved every challenge in the Confluence State -no government ever does, by the way- but they have set a tone of stability, responsiveness, and direction. The next phase will demand deeper impact, broader reach, and sustained security gains.
But for many in Kogi State, the story of the past twenty-four months is already clear: steady hands on the wheel, and a journey that is firmly underway.
Olonishuwa is the Editor-in-Chief of Newshubmag.com. He writes from Ilorin
Politics
Lagos Assembly Debunks Abuja House Rumour, Warns Against Election Season Propaganda
Lagos Assembly Debunks Abuja House Rumour, Warns Against Election Season Propaganda
The Lagos State House of Assembly has described as misleading and mischievous the widespread misinformation that it budgeted for the purchase of houses in Abuja for its members in the 2026 Appropriation Law.
This rebuttal is contained in a statement jointly signed by Hon. Stephen Ogundipe, Chairman, House Committee on Information, Strategy, and Security, and Hon. Sa’ad Olumoh, Chairman, House Committee on Economic Planning and Budget.
Describing the report as a deliberate and disturbing falsehood being peddled by patently ignorant people, the statement reads, “There is no provision whatsoever in the 2026 Budget for the purchase of houses in Abuja or anywhere else for members of the Lagos State House of Assembly. The report is a complete fabrication and a product of political mischief intended to misinform the public.
“The Lagos State House of Assembly does not operate in Abuja. Our constitutional responsibilities, constituencies, and legislative duties are entirely within Lagos State. It is, therefore, illogical, irrational, and irresponsible for anyone to suggest that legislators would appropriate public funds for personal housing outside their jurisdiction.”
The statement emphasised that the budget is already in the public domain and accessible for scrutiny by discerning Lagosians and Nigerians alike. It reiterated that the Lagos State Government operates a transparent budget that speaks to the needs of the people and the demands of a megalopolis.
“We view this rumour as part of a wider attempt at election-season propaganda, designed to erode public trust, sow discord, and malign democratic institutions.”
The chairmen further clarified that the 2026 capital expenditure of the House of Assembly is less than 0.04% of the total CAPEX of the state, which clearly demonstrates the culture of prudence, accountability, and fiscal responsibility that guides the legislature. However, they noted, “Historically, the House does not even access up to its approved budget in many fiscal years.”
They stressed that the Assembly remains fully committed to excellence, transparency, good governance, and the collective welfare of the people of Lagos State, in line with the objectives of the 2026 Budget of Shared Prosperity.
“We therefore challenge those behind this harebrained allegation to produce credible evidence or retract their statements forthwith. Failure to do so may attract appropriate legal actions.
“We urge Lagosians and the general public to disregard this baseless rumour and always verify information from official and credible sources.”
Politics
Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent
Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent.
By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by saharaweeklyng.com
“Tinubu’s Government, the EFCC and the Strategic Undermining of Opposition Governors”.
In a striking indictment of Nigeria’s current political reality, Governor Seyi Makinde of Oyo State declared that “you cannot speak truth to power in this dispensation”, directly accusing the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu of intolerance for dissent and an erosion of democratic norms.
Makinde’s remarks (made during a public event in Ibadan on January 25, 2026) were more than a local governor’s lament. They crystallised a mounting national frustration: that Nigeria’s political landscape has tilted dangerously toward executive overreach, institutional capture and political engineering.
This narrative is not isolated. Across Nigeria, governors from opposition parties have defected to the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) in numbers unprecedented in the nation’s democratic history. Critics argue that these defections are not merely voluntary political choices, but part of a strategic pressure campaign leveraging federal power and institutions to fracture opposition influence.
At its centre lies Nigeria’s principal anti-graft agency – the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC).
The EFCC: Anti-Graft Agency or Political Instrument? Founded to combat corruption, the EFCC’s constitutional mandate is to investigate and prosecute financial and economic crimes across public and private sectors. Its legal independence is enshrined in statute and it has historically pursued high-profile cases, including recovery of nearly $500 million in illicit assets in a single year, demonstrating its capacity for tackling corruption.
However, critics now claim that under the Tinubu administration, the EFCC’s prosecutorial power is being perceived (if not deployed) as a political instrument.
Opposition leaders, including former Vice President Atiku Abubakar and coalition parties such as the African Democratic Congress (ADC), have publicly accused the federal government of using anti-corruption agencies to intimidate opposition figures and governors, effectively pressuring them into aligning with the APC.
In a statement released in December 2025, opposition figures alleged that institutions such as the EFCC, the Nigerian Police and the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission were being selectively wielded to weaken political competitors rather than combat financial crime impartially.
This is not merely rhetorical noise. The opposition’s grievances centre on several observable patterns:
Reopened or New Investigations Against Opposition Figures: The ADC pointed to recent abnormal reactivation of long-dormant cases or new inquiries into financial activities involving senior opposition politicians. These, they argue, often arise shortly before critical elections or political realignments.
Alleged Differential Treatment: According to opponents of the current administration, individuals who have defected to the APC appear less likely to face sustained legal scrutiny or prosecution in EFCC proceedings, even in cases of credible allegations of mismanagement.
Timing of Actions: The timing of certain high-profile investigations, emerging ahead of the 2027 general elections, reinforces perceptions that anti-graft measures are tailored to political cycles rather than legal merit.
The EFCC and Presidency have publicly denied these allegations, insisting that the commission operates independently and pursues corruption irrespective of political affiliation and that Nigeria’s democratic freedoms (including party choice and mobility) remain intact.
Yet the perception of bias, once systemic, is hard to erase, especially when political actors deploy powerful state machinery with strategic timing and selective intensity.
Defections and Power Realignment: A Democracy at Risk? Since 2023 and particularly through 2025, a remarkable number of state governors and senior political leaders have crossed over from opposition parties (notably the Peoples Democratic Party – PDP) to the APC. Though defections are normal in Nigeria’s fluid political system, the scale and speed in recent years are historically noteworthy, raising critical questions about underlying incentives.
The SaharaWeeklyNG reported Makinde’s comments within the broader context of a political climate where dissenting voices face greater obstacles than at any time in recent democratic memory.
Governors who remain in opposition find themselves squeezed between growing federal assertiveness and dwindling political capital. Some analysts argue that the combination of federal resource control, political appointments and influence over public agencies exerts tangible pressure on subnational leaders to align with the ruling party for political survival. This dynamic, they contend, undermines competitive party politics and weakens Nigeria’s multiparty democracy.
Speaking Truth to Power: What Makinde’s Critique Exposes. Governor Makinde’s core grievance (that it is increasingly difficult, perhaps perilous, to speak truth to power) resonates widely among civil society actors, political analysts and democratic advocates:
“YOU CANNOT SPEAK TRUTH TO POWER IN THIS DISPENSATION,” Makinde declared, specifically citing the government’s handling of contentious tax reform bills as an example where dissent was neither welcomed nor transparently debated.
Makinde’s critique reflects deeper structural concerns:
Exclusion of Key Stakeholders: Opposition leaders and state executives report being marginalised from meaningful consultation on national policies affecting federal-state relations, revenue sharing and fiscal reforms.
Institutional Intimidation: The perception that state politicians become targets of federal legal scrutiny after taking firm oppositional stances (real or perceived) discourages robust democratic debate.
Erosion of Opposition Space: A symbiotic effect of party defections and institutional pressure is a shrinking viable space for genuine political opposition, weakening checks and balances essential to democratic governance.
A respected political scientist, Dr. Aisha Bello of the University of Lagos, recently argued that “when opposition becomes fraught with state leverage instead of ideological competition, the very foundation of democratic contestation collapses,” adding that “a government that shies away from criticism risks inversion into autocracy.”
Another expert, Prof. Chinedu Eze, former dean of political studies at Ahmadu Bello University, warned that “selective use of anti-corruption agencies as political tools corrodes public trust and ultimately delegates justice into the hands of incumbents rather than independent courts.” These observations echo growing public skepticism.
The Way Forward: Strengthening Democracy and Institutions. Nigeria’s path forward depends on restoring confidence in democratic norms and institutional independence.
Transparent EFCC Processes: Civil society groups and legal scholars are advocating for enhanced transparency in anti-graft investigations, including clear prosecutorial thresholds and independent audits of case initiation and closures.
Judicial Oversight: Strengthening the judiciary’s capacity and independence is critical to ensuring that allegations of political weaponisation do not go unchecked. Courts must remain the ultimate arbiters of evidence and guilt.
Political Reforms: Advocates demand reforms to party financing, federal-state fiscal relations, and consultation mechanisms to reduce incentives for defections driven by federal resource leverage.
Public Engagement: A more informed and engaged civil society, anchored by independent media and civic education, must hold both government and opposition accountable for adherence to democratic principles.
Beyond The Present Moment.
Governor Makinde’s assertion that it is no longer tenable to “speak truth to power” under the current administration reflects unsettling trends in Nigeria’s evolving democratic landscape. While the EFCC and the Presidency maintain that anti-corruption efforts are independent and constitutionally grounded, opposition leaders (backed by political data and patterns of defections) argue that state power is being used to consolidate one-party dominance and undermine political pluralism.
At this critical juncture, Nigeria must choose between entrenching competitive democracy or sliding toward a political monopoly where dissent is subdued, institutions compromised, and power concentrated.
For Nigeria’s democratic ideals to survive (and thrive) its leaders and citizens must ensure that speaking truth to power remains not a perilous act of defiance but an honoured pillar of national life.
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