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APC, 2023 Presidential Primary: Kayode Fayemi as the Way Out

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APC, 2023 Presidential Primary: Kayode Fayemi as the Way Out By Alaba Osatuyi

 

 

 

As the 2023 presidential election kicks off with parties now conducting elections to pick standard bearers, one party that has continued to attract intense attention is the governing All Progressives Party (APC). It is normal that the ruling party faces more challenges about how to pick its candidate where the incumbent is not seeking a return ticket having exhausted the constitutional limit.

 

 

 

 

 

 

During a transition like this, the intensity of contestation and complexity of intrigues can sometimes get to the breaking point for the ruling party.
One should therefore sympathizes with the APC at this time, even, as it is locked in a flux in the high octane of succession politics. With twenty-three aspirants jolting to win the ticket of the party, there is no doubt that the battle is going to be sulfuric, combustible and explosive.

In spite of the motley of characters pretending to be aspiring, simply because they could pay the one hundred million naira ticket fee, what seems to be too plain to ignore is that fact that the main contenders are about four of the lots. For me, the primary will revolve around Rotimi Amaechi, Kayode Fayemi, Yemi Osinbajo and Bola Ahmed Tinubu. Of these major contenders however, it seems, destiny is waiting for the youngest of them to succeed President Muhammadu Buhari.
Even as the days get closer, what is now apparent to Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu and his fanatics is that he might not secure the ticket of the party, despite his dominant presence and larger-than-life posture. Nothing buttresses this position than his bare-knuckle but self-inflicting jibes that he threw in Ogun state on June 02, 2022.

Signs indicating all will not be too well with his campaign began to emerge when he ran through many northern states last week and he was told almost the same thing by almost all the governors he met, that, whomever the president supports and directs them to follow, they would follow. This practically devastated Asiwaju, irretrievably.
He had hoped naively that Buhari, who though, had not shown any commitment to him or to anyone, would stay neutral to allow the most “prepared” win. So, he had virtually become a traffic warder on the political streets of the northern states in the last one month. But all the hopes seemed to have collapsed with the choreographed answers he got whenever he went, including from the Borno state governor, whom many had thought was a forgone conclusion.

It was therefore an unexpected anti-climax when the president disclosed in a meeting with the progressive governors on June 1, 2022 that he would want to play a critical role in the selection of his successor. To many political observers, this was a major challenge for Asiwaju. This is because there was no doubt that Asiwaju and the president have not been best of friends since Buhari became president. Indeed, there had been instances when Asiwaju had had to publicly criticize the administration. One would even recall instances Chief Bisi Akande wrote bitter letters that clearly condemned Buhari and even asked him to resign at some point.
But, Asiwaju had another graver problem. He is not in the good books of most of the governors because of the annihilating politics he and Oshiomhole played going into 2019 election as part of his ultimate long-term plan to plant his sympathizers in all the states as governors, ahead of this day.

As a survival strategy, Asiwaju has been courting the national assembly and practically secured an alliance with them. In fact, the electoral law was amended to cure what Asiwaju thought could hinder him going into the election. So, many clauses were deliberately infused into the law to serve the political end of the NASS members and Asiwaju in particular.

Unfortunately, they were caught in their web of political conspiracy with the exclusion of statutory delegates from those eligible to vote at the convention. All their desperate effort to cure this grave self-infliction has been blocked by the president. As it stands now, the major electors at the primary will be national delegates who would have emerged from the political structure of the governors.
Worse still, to leave nothing to chances, the president seems to be interested in a consensus arrangement that will ensure a seamless process of candidate selection for the party.

So, when a frustrated Asiwaju spoke rather boisterously to the embarrassment of reasonable observers, it was obvious that he probably has gone for the broke. Much as his battalion of online supporters have tried to rationalize his intemperate speech, there is no doubt that it has caused an irredeemable damage that has eroded any possible clue for a makeup situation between him and Buhari.

For some unclear reason, the Tinubu supporters have made Osinbajo the focus of their acerbic campaigns and there seems to be the feeling that he is the only “real” challenge to Asiwaju’s passage. His sights generally irritates them and every of his steps is scrutinized bitterly.
Indeed, Osinbajo is a formidable figure in this contest. He has a lovable and easily ingratiating personality. His intelligence, charm and confidence can truly rankle a jealous competitor. Indeed, if the party ticket were to be decided directly by Nigerian generally, Osinbajo will be the undisputed winner of the ticket; however the politics of this particular primary election seems to be out of his pick for some factors beyond his control.

And this is understandable. Anywhere in the world, the primary election of any party is mainly a product of intense political horse-trading among the conclaves of party caucuses. In the Nigeria political environment, the governors of the ruling party are the most potent and dominant caucus. The National Assembly can sometimes provide a strong voice, but during a national election where their own political survival is at the local level, their ability to deploy their number to an advantage is grossly hampered.

In this particular instance, unfortunately, the NASS members have amputated and castrated themselves out of relevance. The Asiwaju factor, which Buhari usually tried hard to propitiate to, is, unfortunately now under a testy situation that only days can tell, if it has not completely lost its potency.

Consequently, those who would eventually decide who will be the party’s standard bearers are not those whose consideration would be the sartorial photogenicity of Professor Osinbajo or the monarchial carriage of Asiwaju, but cold power brokers who would negotiate to ensure their own continued relevance in the scheme of things.
According to analysts the ticket seems to be between Kayode Fayemi and Rotimi Amaechi. But the current political configuration of APC and the need to get the middle position may work for the former. According to some insiders, the two forces at play are the governors who want one of them to succeed the president and the inner circle of the president who seem to prefer Rotimi Amaechi for some obvious reasons.

Luckily for Kayode Fayemi, he also enjoys a good relationship with the so-called inner caucus of the Buhari administration. In fact, the Tinubu forces recognized this since 2016, when Fayemi led the political master stroke that produced Akeredolu in spite of all the machinations of Asiwaju to ensure Akeredolu never won the primary and the governorship election. Thereafter, the Tinubu forces started a barrage of media hostilities against Fayemi whom they first derided as a “traitor”, an “ingrate” and an “Akintola”, among other uncomplimentary expletives used to umbrage him then. All these they now direct at Osinbajo.

Similarly, Kayode Fayemi is a man personally loved by the president for his sound intellect, maturity and ability to build bridges and consensus among diverse interests. The president said this much in a speech he gave when Kayode Fayemi was quitting Buhari’s cabinet to re-contest for the Ekiti State governorship election in 2018.

Since becoming the Chairman of Governors’ Forum, Fayemi has steered the Forum from unhealthy acrimony and controversies that used to be its hallmark to that of potent policy peer-review platform that has worked cooperatively with the federal government on so many socioeconomic programmes. He has worked with uncommon maturity to ensure mutual respect between the federal government and the Forum without any major antagonism as it used to be.

What observers have come to the conclusion about is that Kayode Fayemi is the median candidate for all the converging factors. Being Yoruba will assuage the thirst of the South West and be easy to placate Asiwaju. His age, education, Teflon image and ability to build network will easily sell him across board. Even though there will be an initial shock and pushback, the emergence of Fayemi, will ultimately represent the finest hours of the political shift that the nation has been yearning for a long time.

Even those who have become so fanatical about some of the candidates will be easy to persuade to accept the compromised candidate because of his less problematic nature. It will be a ticket that the youths, the not too old, the old and many other interests can easily connect with.
Except if it is not God’s wish, it seems the Fayemi presidency has become inevitable. This will be Ekiti’s finest hour, even as we wait for the outcome of the APC convention over the next few days.

Alaba Osatuyi
Ado-Ekiti

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Lagos APC in Turmoil as Chairmanship Aspirants Reject ‘Imposition Plot’ Ahead of Council Polls

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Lagos APC in Turmoil as Chairmanship Aspirants Reject ‘Imposition Plot’ Ahead of Council Polls

Lagos APC in Turmoil as Chairmanship Aspirants Reject ‘Imposition Plot’ Ahead of Council Polls

LAGOS — With barely two months to the July 12 local government elections in Lagos State, crisis is rocking the state chapter of the All Progressives Congress (APC) amid growing outrage over alleged attempts by party powerbrokers to impose chairmanship candidates across several councils.

What began as routine preparations for the party’s primary elections has exploded into factional disputes, protests, and petitions—threatening to fracture the APC’s long-standing grip on Lagos politics.

Aspirants and stakeholders across multiple Local Government Areas (LGAs) and Local Council Development Areas (LCDAs) have accused influential party figures of hijacking the screening and selection process under the guise of “consensus,” which many claim is being used as a smokescreen for imposition.

In Ojokoro LCDA, tension escalated after a group known as the Ojokoro Apex Council declared Mobolaji Sanusi as the consensus candidate in a letter endorsed by former House of Reps members, Ipoola Omisore and Adisa Owolabi. However, controversy erupted when a rival group presented Rosiji Yemisi as their preferred aspirant, sparking accusations of “importing a candidate backed by Speaker Mudashiru Obasa.”

“You can’t force a stranger with no political roots here on us,” said a local party member who requested anonymity. “This is not democracy; it’s dictatorship in disguise.”

Similar unrest flared up in Yaba LCDA, where a coalition of landlords, electorates, and political stakeholders cried foul over an alleged attempt to replace top-ranked aspirant William Babatunde—who scored 85% in the screening exercise—with Babatunde Ojo, who reportedly came 11th.

In a passionate petition addressed to First Lady Oluremi Tinubu, the group warned that repeating the politics of imposition could destabilize the APC’s base and impede development.

“We urge President Tinubu and Her Excellency to intervene and halt this travesty,” said Amoo Ismail, the coalition leader. “We must protect the democratic voice of our communities.”

The discontent isn’t isolated. In Agboyi-Ketu LCDA, Opeyemi Ahmed, media aide to outgoing chairman Dele Osinowo, slammed party leaders in a now-deleted Facebook post. He warned that ignoring internal democracy could backfire in 2027.

“If a few are writing names at the top and using fake strategy to call for consensus at the bottom, then Tinubu should be ready to lose Lagos come 2027,” Ahmed cautioned.

Veteran APC chieftain Fouad Oki added weight to the warnings in a scathing open letter titled “Lagos APC’s Crisis of Democracy”. Oki described the brewing conflict as a “crisis of confidence” and warned of an electoral backlash that could reverberate beyond local elections.

“Unity forged under injustice is brittle. Lasting strength requires inclusivity,” Oki wrote. “Let this be a rallying cry: abandon the politics of imposition or risk losing Lagos to our own internal discord.”

Reacting to the mounting accusations, APC Lagos Publicity Secretary Seye Oladejo denied any wrongdoing, insisting that the primary process had not been concluded. He defended the use of consensus as a valid and constitutionally backed method that had helped reduce post-primary tensions in the past.

“Where consensus fails, delegates will vote. Nobody is being sidelined,” Oladejo stated.

Despite assurances from the party’s leadership, the storm within the Lagos APC appears far from over. With primaries slated for today, the credibility of the process—and the party’s unity—hangs in the balance.

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PDP in Crisis: The Political Exodus That May End Africa’s Largest Party

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PDP in Crisis: The Political Exodus That May End Africa’s Largest Party

By George Omagbemi Sylvester

Never did we imagine that the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), once hailed as Africa’s largest political coalition, would witness such dramatic erosion from within. But in today’s Nigeria, where political loyalty is as volatile as the economy, the PDP is now hanging by a thread. What was once a formidable machinery that ruled Nigeria for 16 unbroken years has become a political shadow, limping from one internal crisis to another, gasping under the weight of ambition, betrayal and irrelevance.

This is no longer mere speculation. This is a full-blown political exodus.

The warning signs have long been in the air, but the silence of the party’s leadership only emboldened the defections. More PDP governors, senators and influential political actors are preparing to “throw in the dirty towel” to use a common Nigerian parlance and “get a change of toiletries” from a more promising political vehicle. The All Progressives Congress (APC), despite its governance failures, has remained the dominant force. Meanwhile, Labour Party (LP) and its ideological frontmen have seized the imagination of Nigeria’s politically conscious youth. Where is the PDP in all this? Nowhere near the pulse of the nation.

The Collapse of a Giant

Once upon a time, PDP stood like a colossus, commanding national attention and holding sway across all six geopolitical zones. In 2007, it controlled 28 out of 36 state governorships. By 2015, that number had dropped to 21. Today in 2025, the PDP controls just 9 states, an embarrassing decline that reveals the party’s waning appeal and fractured internal unity. Analysts have blamed this on the party’s failure to manage its primaries democratically, an outdated power-sharing formula and the overbearing influence of godfathers.

“Power is not something you hold forever. You must constantly renew your legitimacy through the people,” said late President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua, a former PDP leader known for his integrity. The party has clearly forgotten this principle.

The Atiku Albatross

The PDP’s 2023 presidential campaign was marred by one fatal error: the insistence of fielding Atiku Abubakar, a serial contestant whose political capital has been dwindling with each election cycle. The PDP’s inability to learn from its past mistakes and reinvent itself through younger, credible candidates shows how deeply the party has lost touch with contemporary realities.

Even within the party, Atiku is increasingly seen not as a unifier but a divider. His constant grip on the presidential ticket has frustrated younger aspirants and caused internal blockades that push members away.

“One man cannot hold a whole party to ransom,” said former Senate President Bukola Saraki in a private meeting leaked last year. That message reflects what many insiders are saying in hushed tones.

The Shockwaves of 2027

As the 2027 election cycle begins to take shape, permutations are in full gear. And while Atiku may be warming up for a record-breaking sixth attempt at the presidency, his influence is anything but stable. The PDP is already seeing rebellion from within, particularly from southern blocs who believe it is time the North stopped dominating the party’s presidential ambition.

Key political actors are already exploring alternative alliances. Rumours abound of secret talks between PDP governors and Tinubu’s men. Some are also aligning quietly with Peter Obi’s Labour Party, hoping to hedge their bets.

A recent poll by SBM Intelligence showed that 61% of PDP voters in the South-East and South-South are “open to switching allegiance” if the party fails to restructure before 2026. That’s a political red flag.

Why Governors Are Jumping Ship

What exactly is triggering this mass departure? The reasons are numerous, but four stand out:

Self-Preservation: Most Nigerian governors operate in a transactional political environment. Their loyalty lies not with ideology but with continuity of power. With the PDP unlikely to win the presidency in 2027, many are seeking new alliances to protect their political future.

Lack of Internal Democracy: The PDP has failed repeatedly to conduct transparent and fair primaries. Recent gubernatorial primaries in states like Delta, Rivers and Abia were marred by allegations of imposition and backdoor deals.

Atiku’s Grip: The feeling that Atiku is determined to contest in 2027, regardless of public sentiment, is unsettling. Many believe that as long as he remains a central force in the party, others have no space to thrive.

Tinubu’s Strategic Poaching: The current APC-led administration is systematically targeting opposition strongholds. Governors are being enticed with promises of federal appointments, project funding and legal shields from EFCC investigations.

Can the PDP Survive?

This is the pressing question. The answer lies in whether the party is willing to undergo painful introspection and renewal. It must adopt a bottom-up approach, re-engage with the grassroots, purge itself of godfatherism and allow credible young candidates to emerge.

It also needs to redefine its ideology. The APC may have failed economically, but it succeeded politically by branding itself as a party of change, regardless of how false that branding turned out to be. The PDP has no distinct narrative today.

What the Experts Say

Prof. Ayo Olukotun, a leading political scientist at Obafemi Awolowo University, recently argued: “The PDP is a classic case of political entropy. Without internal reform, it will disintegrate not by collapse, but by irrelevance.”

Similarly, Dr. Remi Adekoya, political analyst and author of “Politics of Identity in Nigeria”, notes: “The PDP has become a party for political pensioners. It is not inspiring to young voters nor innovative in its messaging.”

A Last Chance

If Atiku and the old guard truly care about the future of PDP, they must step back and allow a new leadership to emerge. Nigeria is moving on. The PDP must do the same. The 2027 ticket cannot be an inheritance. It must be earned. And it must reflect the shifting demographics of Nigerian voters, 65% of whom are under the age of 35.

This is not just about Atiku. It is about the soul of the PDP and whether it can reclaim its place in Nigerian political history or fade into obscurity like the National Republican Convention (NRC) and the Social Democratic Party (SDP) of the 1990s.

Furthermore

History is not kind to political parties that fail to evolve. The PDP has been served many warnings. The defections we see today are not just acts of betrayal; they are symptoms of decay. If the party does not reinvent itself quickly and decisively, it will not survive the coming storm.

The words of Chinua Achebe ring truer than ever: “A man who brings home ant-infested firewood should not be surprised when lizards come to feast.” The PDP brought this upon itself. The only question now is: will it learn, or will it perish?

PDP in Crisis: The Political Exodus That May End Africa’s Largest Party
By George Omagbemi Sylvester

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Lagos Assembly Charges Security Agencies To Redouble Efforts In Combating Extortion By Miscreants

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Lagos Assembly Charges Security Agencies To Redouble Efforts In Combating Extortion By Miscreants

Lagos Assembly Charges Security Agencies To Redouble Efforts In Combating Extortion By Miscreants

 

Acknowledging that the scourge of brazen extortion by miscreants on Lagos streets was on the increase, the Lagos State House of Assembly has called on the Commissioner of Police, CP Olohunda Moshood Jimoh, and heads of other security agencies to intensify intelligence gathering with the latest security apparatuses, increase surveillance on black spots across the metropolis, and, where necessary, arrest such miscreants, and have the state rehabilitate them.

Lagos Assembly Charges Security Agencies To Redouble Efforts In Combating Extortion By Miscreants

Hon. Sanni Okanlawon (representing Kosofe Constituency 1) raised the alarm at plenary Tuesday, May 6, under ‘Matter of Urgent Public Importance’ stating; “The unlawful extortion of stranded and innocent motorists by miscreants remains a growing concern that demands urgent attention. Nobody on the streets of Lagos is immune to their activities. If left unchecked, they could render the state unsafe.” He painted different unsavoury scenarios of how the street urchins operate brazenly, which he described as unacceptable, and called for urgent intervention to protect road users.

Supporting the motion, Hon. Kehinde Joseph (Alimosho Constituency II) noted that this particular trend threatens the safety and sanity of road transportation in the state. Hon. Desmond Elliot (Surulere Constituency 1) corroborated this and emphasised the need for active surveillance by security agencies. He also suggested the involvement of the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA), noting that many of the offenders act under the influence of illegal substances.

Similarly, Hon. Aro Moshood (Ikorodu Constituency II) urged the Commissioner of Police to set up a tactical team dedicated mainly to road monitoring because “It is high time the government took the bull by the horns.” Commending Hon. Okanlawon for moving the motion, Hon. Adebola Shabi (Lagos Mainland Constituency 2) said local government chairmen have a huge role in combating this menace. Effective strategies, she added, have to be devised while recommending the installation of CCTV cameras at identified black spots.

However, Hon. Obafemi Saheed (Kosofe Constituency 2) disclosed that the government has invested heavily in security through the Lagos State Security Trust Fund, LSSTF, and, therefore, should not sit back and watch miscreants take over the city.

Speaker of the Assembly, Rt. Hon. (Dr.) Mudashiru Obasa commended Hon. Okanlawon and the lawmakers who contributed robustly to the debate. He said that the police and other security agencies, including the Lagos Neighbourhood Safety Corps (LNSC), must collaborate to ensure that Lagos remains safe for residents, commuters, and visitors alike.

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