Politics
Why Ayedatiwa is the best man for the job, by Ajanaku
Why Ayedatiwa is the best man for the job, by Ajanaku
Sahara Weekly Reports That IDOWU AJANAKU, former Director of media and media for Akeredolu ,former Special Adviser to Governor Akinwumi Ambode , a close ally of President Bola Tinubu is from Idogun,Ose local government areas of Ondo State. In this interview, he speaks on the forthcoming governorship primary of the All Progressives Congress, (APC) in Ondo State and why the issue of continuity should be taken into consideration.
The National Working Committee of APC had said there won’t be any automatic ticket for all aspirants in the next gubernatorial primary schedule for April, including Governor Aiyedatiwa, does this not sound counterproductive?
There are 3 ways specified in the Constitution of the APC for choosing candidates for elective offices. The first is through Direct Primaries where every member of the party votes for the candidate of their choice; the second is through Delegates where elected delegates are the ones to vote in the primaries to choose the candidate for the office; and the third is through Consensus where there is only one candidate for the office or where all the candidates other candidates decide to step down for one of them.
The NWC of APC has not said anything to undermine anyone;they have only reiterated what is in the Constitution of the party that where there is more than one candidates there would be primaries election. This was done in Kogi recently, nothing they have said is new. You may also recollect that in 2020, the Late Arakunrin Akeredolu contested as a sitting Governor in the primaries to become the candidate of the party in that election. It cannot be counter-productive and cannot in anyway be to the disadvantage of any candidate.
Why should Aiyedatiwa be given special privilege over other contestants?
As far as I can see , no special privilege have been given to him by the National leadership but you can see that he is shoulder higher than all the other candidates in this contest.
The reasons are not farfetched. Ayedatiwa has been part and parcel of the vision of Akeredolu since 2012. He was involved in production and publicizing of the 5 point Agenda designated AKETI in the first attempt at the Governorship of Ondo State which did not succeed at that time. He never left the party. Even when he wanted to go the Senate in 2019 and the National leadership decided to return the sitting Federal Legislators he took it in good faith and did not follow the others who decided to run in the AA party against the APC. This is a testament to his consistency in the progressive fold.
In terms of experience he had served as Commissioner in the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC), a full-fledged Deputy Governor, an Acting Governor and now a sitting Governor. Who amongst the other contestant can parade such experience in governance, tell me?
It was reported that one of the aspirants said he wants to provide leadership for the party and the state. This is after becoming everything he wanted in the PDP! He had never been part of the progressive fold. Is it not the same person who in the full glare of the media in 2015 during the Presidential campaign for PDP,told the whole world that APC should be sweeping the country with their broom while PDP would remain in power? This is a fair weather politician who is neither here nor there but only constant in his thirst for power and cannot be trusted.
Another one who created a crisis in his party by holding parallel congresses and holding the candidate down in court until they lost the election and who has never been a part of the progressive fold is claiming to have the magic wand. The magic wand with which he had always ran anything he touches aground is not what Ondo state needs now.
This was the same man who went completely against the President and the party in the election for the Senate President. In fact he moved the motion for the nomination of the other candidate against the wish of the party leadership. How do you trust that kind of individual?
It is a fact that majority of the aspirants jostling for the APC ticket in Ondo State today are images of the PDP who used fake soldiers to drive out the progressive government under the leadership of Adefarati in 2003. They are the same people regrouping to steal the ticket of the APC to foster their conservative and reactionary ideals on the State reputed as the cradle of the progressive politics in Nigeria. APC cannot be deceived – the wind has blown and we have seen whatever they believed they were hiding!
Do you not foresee a scenario where other aspirants may work against the incumbent governor if he wins the primary?
At the end of the day when Ayedatiwa wins the ticket it will separate the wheat from the shaft. It is the shaft that would be blown away.
Do not forget that after the primaries, the candidate will become the candidate of the party and all the genuine members of the progressive stock in the State will work for his victory. Moreover, the man is already showing signs of good leadership and has demonstrated capacity for progressive ideas. He still has over seven months to further impress the people of Ondo State and deliver the dividend of democracy such that there would no reason why genuine members of the party and the people of Ondo State would not vote for him.
Here is a man who gave the members recognition for the first time since 2016 when he gathered them in a stakeholder forum recently. The members of the party were elated and joyous. It would be a pipe dream for anyone to think he would be able to rally such people against him after he has won the party’s ticket. They will only labour in vain. Mark my words when Ayedatiwawins the ticket of the party, he will win the governorship election by landslide God’s grace.
Aiyedatiwa runs a joint ticket with the late Governor RotimiAkeredolu, so the deceased governor was said to have governed Ondo State below the expectations. What then justified him to continue?
Everyone who wants to run for governorship in Ondo state hasbeen saying they are banking on what Akeredolu has done. One of the aspirants is even laying claim to be the anointed successor to Akeredolu even though he could not point to a single eye witness to corroborate his claim . He could not even remember the date he was told by the late Akeredolu according to him.Why are they trying to use his reputation of he has done nothing?
It is a notorious fact is that Akeredolu achievements in office cannot be wished away. You cannot wish away the formation of the Amotekun security force which he championed to stem the tide of the devilish move by killers herdsmen in Ondo State and the Southwest in general even at the risk of his second term ticket. He rose in defense of his people.
The Flyover at Ore is the first of its kind in the entire state. The dangerous Oke alabojuto at oka that has led to the death of many people was conquered by Akeredolu. The construction of many roads were started and completed across the state. It was rather unfortunate that the health challenge truncated his move for many more groundbreaking achievements that could have been recorded amongst which is the seaport for Ondo State and completion of many other road projects.
These achievements by the Akeredolu/Ayedatiwa government cannot be wished away. There is no way you can also write that history without recognising the supportive role that Ayedatiwaplayed as the Deputy Governor to Late Arakunrin Akeredolu. It cannot be an albatross but rather a blessing that Ayedatiwaserved meritoriously with Akeredolu to deliver the dividend of democracy to the Ondo State people within the resources available to them. He is justified to continue, to do better and also correct any perceived wrong that anyone may think of the past. He will be running the new regime with a huge benefit of hindsight that any other person cannot have.
One of the perceptions that may work against the incumbent is that of a traitor, won’t this work against him?
The first question to ask those who are plying this narrative is whether they heard the Late Arakurin Akeredolu when he as Governor he made a public declaration and pronouncement the day they were sworn in? In the full glare of the public and the media he thanked him for his loyalty and declared him as his successor. How does this translate to betrayal?
There is no public evidence that Akeredolu ever changed his mind on his perception of the person of Governor Lucky Ayedatiwa all through his lifetime. This brouhaha started the day he pronounced him his successor. The people who thought that they should have been the one to take Ayedatiwa’s place started working overtime from that moment trying to draw a wedge between them. They were the one who were peddling this false narrative to paint him in bad light.
Unfortunately the ill-health of Akeredolu provided the room for this cabal to hijack the system and even the man to the extent that they rendered him incommunicado in his last moment. They were the only ones that could see him and publish whatever they like. There was no time and evidence all through the time that Ayedatiwa ever came out to fight his boss.
When they met with the President, they could not provide any evidence to the claim that Ayedatiwa was working against the boss when they were asked for it. This was why they were unable to impeach him. The question of being a ‘traitor’ has no basis it only existed in the figment of the imagination of the cabals who thought Ondo State was in their pocket to plunder as they wish. They underestimated God.
Do you believe that zoning will work in favour of Aiyedatiwaboth in the primary and real polls?
The reality is that this was already an agreement by stakeholders that this should be zoned to the south. It was clear that after the 8 years of Mimiko from Ondo central, and Akeredolu from the North, it is only natural and just that the Governorship seat should go to Ondo South. This was the slogan during Akeredolu’s campaign for second term and that was why for the first time in the history of the state the progressive won in the enclave of the PDP in Ondo South overwhelmingly. It is also the reason why most of the aspirants are from Ondo South this time around.
Ayedatiwa is well-placed being from Ilaje in Ondo South, the area that lays the golden egg for the state. In terms of Zoning heis favoured and as the incumbent Governor, he has an edge over others.
The APC has a protocol and laid down procedure for choosing their candidates. They will not give their ticket to outsiders. I am talking as an insider with benefit of insight that there are certain prerequisite the APC has in choosing their candidates.
By April 17th, you will see the reality of all that I have said.
Again on loyalty, this Governor Ayedatiwa gave Akeredolu the first bullet proof vehicle when he was nominated as the Candidate of the Party in 2012.
Above all, I believe that there is a finger of God in Ayedatiwa’sascension to the office of Governor and this will also show in his subsequently getting the ticket of the party and winning the gubernatorial election in November this year.
Politics
Kogi’s Quiet Shift: Reviewing Governor Ododo’s First 24 Months in Office
Kogi’s Quiet Shift: Reviewing Governor Ododo’s First 24 Months in Office
By Rowland Olonishuwa
On Tuesday, Kogi State paused to mark two years since Alhaji Ahmed Usman Ododo took the oath as Executive Governor. Across government circles, community halls, and everyday conversations, the anniversary was more than a date on the calendar; it was a milestone that invites both reflection and renewed optimism. A moment to look back at how far the state has travelled in just twenty-four months, and where it is heading next.
Since assuming office in January 2024, Ododo has steered the state through a period of measured consolidation, delivering strategic interventions across security, infrastructure, human capital, and economic revitalisation that are beginning to translate into real improvements for residents.
Governor Ododo stepped into office at a time when expectations were high, and confidence in public institutions needed rebuilding.
His response to these was not loud declarations, but steady consolidation, strengthening structures, restoring order in governance, and setting a clear direction. Over time, that calm approach has become his signature: leadership that listens first, plans carefully, and moves with purpose.
Security has remained the most urgent concern for Nigerians, and Kogi residents are no exceptions; the Ododo-led administration has treated it as such. From deploying surveillance drones to support intelligence operations to recruiting and integrating local hunters and vigilante personnel into formal security frameworks, the government has built a layered safety net.
For farmers returning to their fields, travellers moving along highways, and families in rural communities, the impact is simple and deeply personal: fewer fears, quicker response, and growing confidence that the government is present and concerned about the ordinary people.
Infrastructural development has followed the same practical logic. Roads have been rehabilitated, easing movement for traders and commuters. Budget priorities have shifted toward capital projects and human development, while revived facilities like the Confluence Rice Mill now provide farmers with real economic opportunity. For many households, this means better income prospects, stronger local trade, and renewed belief that development is no longer a distant promise.
Health and education are not left out; the Ododo-led administration has expanded free healthcare services and supported students through examination funding and institutional improvements.
Parents who once struggled with medical bills and school fees have felt relief. Young people preparing for their futures now see government investment not as abstract policy but as something that touches their daily lives.
Governance reforms, from civil service strengthening to new legislative frameworks, have quietly improved how government functions. Salaries are more predictable, public offices are more responsive, and local government structures are more coordinated. These may not always make headlines, but they shape how citizens experience leadership every day.
As the second year anniversary celebrations fade into routine today and Governor Ododo enters his third year in office, the true meaning of the anniversary will continue to linger on.
Two years may not have solved every challenge in the Confluence State -no government ever does, by the way- but they have set a tone of stability, responsiveness, and direction. The next phase will demand deeper impact, broader reach, and sustained security gains.
But for many in Kogi State, the story of the past twenty-four months is already clear: steady hands on the wheel, and a journey that is firmly underway.
Olonishuwa is the Editor-in-Chief of Newshubmag.com. He writes from Ilorin
Politics
Lagos Assembly Debunks Abuja House Rumour, Warns Against Election Season Propaganda
Lagos Assembly Debunks Abuja House Rumour, Warns Against Election Season Propaganda
The Lagos State House of Assembly has described as misleading and mischievous the widespread misinformation that it budgeted for the purchase of houses in Abuja for its members in the 2026 Appropriation Law.
This rebuttal is contained in a statement jointly signed by Hon. Stephen Ogundipe, Chairman, House Committee on Information, Strategy, and Security, and Hon. Sa’ad Olumoh, Chairman, House Committee on Economic Planning and Budget.
Describing the report as a deliberate and disturbing falsehood being peddled by patently ignorant people, the statement reads, “There is no provision whatsoever in the 2026 Budget for the purchase of houses in Abuja or anywhere else for members of the Lagos State House of Assembly. The report is a complete fabrication and a product of political mischief intended to misinform the public.
“The Lagos State House of Assembly does not operate in Abuja. Our constitutional responsibilities, constituencies, and legislative duties are entirely within Lagos State. It is, therefore, illogical, irrational, and irresponsible for anyone to suggest that legislators would appropriate public funds for personal housing outside their jurisdiction.”
The statement emphasised that the budget is already in the public domain and accessible for scrutiny by discerning Lagosians and Nigerians alike. It reiterated that the Lagos State Government operates a transparent budget that speaks to the needs of the people and the demands of a megalopolis.
“We view this rumour as part of a wider attempt at election-season propaganda, designed to erode public trust, sow discord, and malign democratic institutions.”
The chairmen further clarified that the 2026 capital expenditure of the House of Assembly is less than 0.04% of the total CAPEX of the state, which clearly demonstrates the culture of prudence, accountability, and fiscal responsibility that guides the legislature. However, they noted, “Historically, the House does not even access up to its approved budget in many fiscal years.”
They stressed that the Assembly remains fully committed to excellence, transparency, good governance, and the collective welfare of the people of Lagos State, in line with the objectives of the 2026 Budget of Shared Prosperity.
“We therefore challenge those behind this harebrained allegation to produce credible evidence or retract their statements forthwith. Failure to do so may attract appropriate legal actions.
“We urge Lagosians and the general public to disregard this baseless rumour and always verify information from official and credible sources.”
Politics
Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent
Democracy in the Crosshairs: How Nigeria’s Ruling APC Weaponises Power and Silences Dissent.
By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by saharaweeklyng.com
“Tinubu’s Government, the EFCC and the Strategic Undermining of Opposition Governors”.
In a striking indictment of Nigeria’s current political reality, Governor Seyi Makinde of Oyo State declared that “you cannot speak truth to power in this dispensation”, directly accusing the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu of intolerance for dissent and an erosion of democratic norms.
Makinde’s remarks (made during a public event in Ibadan on January 25, 2026) were more than a local governor’s lament. They crystallised a mounting national frustration: that Nigeria’s political landscape has tilted dangerously toward executive overreach, institutional capture and political engineering.
This narrative is not isolated. Across Nigeria, governors from opposition parties have defected to the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) in numbers unprecedented in the nation’s democratic history. Critics argue that these defections are not merely voluntary political choices, but part of a strategic pressure campaign leveraging federal power and institutions to fracture opposition influence.
At its centre lies Nigeria’s principal anti-graft agency – the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC).
The EFCC: Anti-Graft Agency or Political Instrument? Founded to combat corruption, the EFCC’s constitutional mandate is to investigate and prosecute financial and economic crimes across public and private sectors. Its legal independence is enshrined in statute and it has historically pursued high-profile cases, including recovery of nearly $500 million in illicit assets in a single year, demonstrating its capacity for tackling corruption.
However, critics now claim that under the Tinubu administration, the EFCC’s prosecutorial power is being perceived (if not deployed) as a political instrument.
Opposition leaders, including former Vice President Atiku Abubakar and coalition parties such as the African Democratic Congress (ADC), have publicly accused the federal government of using anti-corruption agencies to intimidate opposition figures and governors, effectively pressuring them into aligning with the APC.
In a statement released in December 2025, opposition figures alleged that institutions such as the EFCC, the Nigerian Police and the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission were being selectively wielded to weaken political competitors rather than combat financial crime impartially.
This is not merely rhetorical noise. The opposition’s grievances centre on several observable patterns:
Reopened or New Investigations Against Opposition Figures: The ADC pointed to recent abnormal reactivation of long-dormant cases or new inquiries into financial activities involving senior opposition politicians. These, they argue, often arise shortly before critical elections or political realignments.
Alleged Differential Treatment: According to opponents of the current administration, individuals who have defected to the APC appear less likely to face sustained legal scrutiny or prosecution in EFCC proceedings, even in cases of credible allegations of mismanagement.
Timing of Actions: The timing of certain high-profile investigations, emerging ahead of the 2027 general elections, reinforces perceptions that anti-graft measures are tailored to political cycles rather than legal merit.
The EFCC and Presidency have publicly denied these allegations, insisting that the commission operates independently and pursues corruption irrespective of political affiliation and that Nigeria’s democratic freedoms (including party choice and mobility) remain intact.
Yet the perception of bias, once systemic, is hard to erase, especially when political actors deploy powerful state machinery with strategic timing and selective intensity.
Defections and Power Realignment: A Democracy at Risk? Since 2023 and particularly through 2025, a remarkable number of state governors and senior political leaders have crossed over from opposition parties (notably the Peoples Democratic Party – PDP) to the APC. Though defections are normal in Nigeria’s fluid political system, the scale and speed in recent years are historically noteworthy, raising critical questions about underlying incentives.
The SaharaWeeklyNG reported Makinde’s comments within the broader context of a political climate where dissenting voices face greater obstacles than at any time in recent democratic memory.
Governors who remain in opposition find themselves squeezed between growing federal assertiveness and dwindling political capital. Some analysts argue that the combination of federal resource control, political appointments and influence over public agencies exerts tangible pressure on subnational leaders to align with the ruling party for political survival. This dynamic, they contend, undermines competitive party politics and weakens Nigeria’s multiparty democracy.
Speaking Truth to Power: What Makinde’s Critique Exposes. Governor Makinde’s core grievance (that it is increasingly difficult, perhaps perilous, to speak truth to power) resonates widely among civil society actors, political analysts and democratic advocates:
“YOU CANNOT SPEAK TRUTH TO POWER IN THIS DISPENSATION,” Makinde declared, specifically citing the government’s handling of contentious tax reform bills as an example where dissent was neither welcomed nor transparently debated.
Makinde’s critique reflects deeper structural concerns:
Exclusion of Key Stakeholders: Opposition leaders and state executives report being marginalised from meaningful consultation on national policies affecting federal-state relations, revenue sharing and fiscal reforms.
Institutional Intimidation: The perception that state politicians become targets of federal legal scrutiny after taking firm oppositional stances (real or perceived) discourages robust democratic debate.
Erosion of Opposition Space: A symbiotic effect of party defections and institutional pressure is a shrinking viable space for genuine political opposition, weakening checks and balances essential to democratic governance.
A respected political scientist, Dr. Aisha Bello of the University of Lagos, recently argued that “when opposition becomes fraught with state leverage instead of ideological competition, the very foundation of democratic contestation collapses,” adding that “a government that shies away from criticism risks inversion into autocracy.”
Another expert, Prof. Chinedu Eze, former dean of political studies at Ahmadu Bello University, warned that “selective use of anti-corruption agencies as political tools corrodes public trust and ultimately delegates justice into the hands of incumbents rather than independent courts.” These observations echo growing public skepticism.
The Way Forward: Strengthening Democracy and Institutions. Nigeria’s path forward depends on restoring confidence in democratic norms and institutional independence.
Transparent EFCC Processes: Civil society groups and legal scholars are advocating for enhanced transparency in anti-graft investigations, including clear prosecutorial thresholds and independent audits of case initiation and closures.
Judicial Oversight: Strengthening the judiciary’s capacity and independence is critical to ensuring that allegations of political weaponisation do not go unchecked. Courts must remain the ultimate arbiters of evidence and guilt.
Political Reforms: Advocates demand reforms to party financing, federal-state fiscal relations, and consultation mechanisms to reduce incentives for defections driven by federal resource leverage.
Public Engagement: A more informed and engaged civil society, anchored by independent media and civic education, must hold both government and opposition accountable for adherence to democratic principles.
Beyond The Present Moment.
Governor Makinde’s assertion that it is no longer tenable to “speak truth to power” under the current administration reflects unsettling trends in Nigeria’s evolving democratic landscape. While the EFCC and the Presidency maintain that anti-corruption efforts are independent and constitutionally grounded, opposition leaders (backed by political data and patterns of defections) argue that state power is being used to consolidate one-party dominance and undermine political pluralism.
At this critical juncture, Nigeria must choose between entrenching competitive democracy or sliding toward a political monopoly where dissent is subdued, institutions compromised, and power concentrated.
For Nigeria’s democratic ideals to survive (and thrive) its leaders and citizens must ensure that speaking truth to power remains not a perilous act of defiance but an honoured pillar of national life.
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