*KOMOLAFE’S ENDURING LEGACIES IN GLOBAL OIL REFORMS

By Charles Matthew

The name Engineer Gbenga Komolafe keeps resonating with technical precision, depth of influence, and administrative innovation in the growing narrative of Africa’s quest for sustainable development and global relevance within the petroleum ecosystem. As the Chief Executive of the Nigerian Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission (NUPRC), his emergence as a central figure in today’s global energy reforms stems from dedicated years of institutional knowledge, regulatory rectitude, and unassailable patriotism.

It is no surprise that the Nigeria of today has repositioned itself prominently on the global energy map under the Renewed Hope Agenda of President Tinubu.
The recognition the Pan-African Parliament bestowed upon him in a recent session was not an act of vain appraisal, but the formal acknowledgment of a man who has become an intellectual lighthouse guiding the continent through a complex energy transition era.

When AFRIPERF identified him as a competent individual sufficiently equipped both in moral stature and technical acumen to pilot Africa’s unified policy direction for sustainable energy frameworks, it was a welcoming announcement greeted by ovation in consensus across academic and diplomatic circles.

When he strode through the grand halls of the House of Lords in London, within the Palace of Westminster in the United Kingdom, to receive the Global Sustainable Leadership Award at the 2025 Global Sustainable Education and Leadership (G-SEL) Conference and a professional doctorate in Leadership (Energy Law) from the International Business School of Scandinavia, the ovation of his recognition was for Nigeria as a whole.

The world was recognizing a reform-driven and technically grounded confident Nigerian voice.
This is happening at a time when some voices in the international space attempt to distort Nigeria’s true narrative by amplifying negative perceptions while ignoring the quiet but powerful work of reformers who are reconstructing governance institutions.

While the media is flooded with President Trump’s broad and dismissive remarks about Nigeria, Komolafe’s strides and those of several distinguished Nigerians demonstrate a different reality that speaks volumes of economic recalibration, international cooperation, and building investor confidence.

This emerging truth is evident: Nigeria is not defined by how loud the voice of criticism is, but by the constructive labour of its united visionaries. In this regard, Komolafe’s leadership in NUPRC stands as the clearest manifestation of true leadership.

The appreciation of Komolafe’s legacy can be drawn from his magnanimous contributions in the broader context of Nigeria’s tumultuous history with the petroleum sector. To better understand this, it is important to note that Nigeria’s oil sector has been marred by decades of community conflicts, vandalism, rent-seeking behavior, and regulatory ambiguity.

Both local and multinational operators were handicapped by bureaucratic contradictions. Despite the bulk contributions of communities in oil-producing regions to the nation’s primary revenue, they lived in anger and deprivation, and Nigeria suffered numerous policy reversals that created an unpredictable atmosphere stunting investments for decades.

To address all these, the Petroleum Industry Act (PIA) of 2021 came to the rescue, marking a legislative watershed moment. The need for a competent hand to translate such a profound law into a functioning system brought the appointment of Engineer Gbenga Komolafe, one that came at a critical inflection point.

His task was monumental and clearly defined: rebuild confidence, restore order, deepen transparency, and reinvigorate Nigeria’s upstream sector in line with global best practices. On this note, he went to work immediately with a structured strategy anchored on three priorities—transparency, competitiveness, and sustainability—with an emphasis on maximising the value of Nigeria’s hydrocarbon resources while advancing the energy transition.

The results: an empirical reality. Under Komolafe’s leadership, Nigeria’s active rig counts increased from 8 in 2021 to over 40 rigs, and presently stand at a total of 69 rigs as of October 2025. This shows that the petroleum sector is active, undergoing a healing phase, and now reviving investor confidence.

In addition, the revenue figures are verified. The NUPRC did not just meet government targets in revenue performance; it surpassed them consistently, with the Commission achieving surpluses of 18.3 per cent in 2022, 14.6 per cent in 2023, and an unprecedented milestone of 84.2 per cent in 2024.

The PIA introduced the Host Community Development Trust (HCDT) as a framework for restoring peace to the oil-producing communities of Nigeria that have historically experienced consistent cycles of exploitation, environmental neglect, and conflict. It further served as a mechanism for structured development funding and local empowerment.

Today, it is on record that the Host Community Development Trust has risen to over ₦350 billion, part of which has been used in implementing lofty projects like funding schools, healthcare facilities, road rehabilitation, water supply systems, security patrols, and youth empowerment schemes, which have contributed to the restoration of peace in hitherto volatile communities.

The most profound legacy here is “restored dignity.” Where previously, oil-bearing communities negotiated development as charity, now they operate within a codified framework of statutory entitlement.

Right now, the world is shifting away from hydrocarbons and gradually transitioning to renewable energy sources. Even though this global movement is uneven at the moment, it calls for nations to balance environmental obligations with economic realities. Komolafe’s leadership has also proven indispensable in this aspect.

At international forums, he has emphasized a rational transition, but not abrupt abandonment. He argues for energy justice, which insists that African nations, still developing, must not be coerced into sacrificing development in the name of a transition engineered and financed by countries whose own industrialization was built on fossil fuels.

This clarity has elevated Nigeria’s voice from the periphery of global climate conversations to the negotiating table of strategic policy formulation. The philosophy of President Tinubu’s administration is often summarized in one governance phrase: “A Practical Reform for Sustainable National Revival.”

Komolafe has translated this meaningful philosophy from mere vision into real outcomes in the petroleum sector. Undoubtedly, the NUPRC under Komolafe has delivered a powerful governance success with remarkable clarity.

This is why his recent international recognition is not merely a personal milestone but a validation of the Renewed Hope Agenda as a functional governance blueprint.
It is clear that Komolafe has not only managed the upstream sector; he has reforged its professional work ethics and economic yield.

As the world continues to celebrate him for his redefined integrity, reinforced national dignity, and championed continental voice, the applause that echoed from London to Addis Ababa, from Abuja to Johannesburg, and across multilateral energy circles are results that were well deserved, sustained, and justified.

His legacy is not frozen in plaques, certificates, and award speeches. It is active, dynamic, and continually expanding. At a time when some would define Nigeria by pessimism, Komolafe stands as living testimony that Nigeria is rising structurally, methodically, and irreversibly. Engineer Gbenga Komolafe is building legacies and shaping history.

Matthew writes from Abuja

Nigeria’s Silent Conquest: The Fulani Invasion That Outsmarted the State.

By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by SaharaWeeklyNG.com

“Why America may not need to INVADE; because Nigeria has already been CONQUERED from within.”

For years, Nigerians have debated the hypothetical scenario of a United States invasion and how it would unfold, what it would mean for our sovereignty and how we would resist it. While we argue about imaginary wars, we ignore the cold truth before our eyes, Nigeria has already been invaded and conquered in SLOW MOTION.
This conquest did not arrive in fighter jets or tanks; it crept through our forests and farmlands, disguised as “HERDERS,” protected by POLITICAL POWER and empowered by GOVERNMENT SILENCE. The invaders are not American soldiers, they are foreign Fulani terrorists, many from NIGER, MALI, CHAD and SENEGAL, who have established enclaves within Nigerian territory and now operate like an occupying force.

The Slow-Motion Conquest of Nigeria. For more than a decade, these armed Fulani militias have seized farmlands, destroyed villages, imposed local rule, collected illegal taxes and even hoisted their own flags. In Zamfara state, gold and other precious minerals are mined and smuggled daily under the nose of the state. In Benue, Plateau and Nasarawa state, entire communities have been wiped out in coordinated attacks. From Southern Kaduna to parts of Kwara and Kogi state, the march continues; METHODICAL, SILENT and STRATEGIC.

A 2024 report by the Global Terrorism Index listed Nigeria among the world’s most terrorized nations, largely due to Fulani militant attacks, which now outnumber Boko Haram’s operations. The International Crisis Group has confirmed that many of these fighters are foreign elements, recruited and armed across the Sahel.

Shockingly, no administration has confronted them with the seriousness required. Why? Because many of their sponsors allegedly sit within the corridors of power. Even former Kaduna governor Nasir El-Rufai admitted in 2012 that “foreign Fulani fighters were brought in” before the 2015 elections, an admission that should have SPARKED OUTRAGE and ACCOUNTABILITY. Instead, SILENCE FOLLOWED.

Government Complicity and Northern Elite Silence. Every rational Nigerian should ask: Why have successive governments, both led by Muslim presidents, refused to act decisively against Fulani terrorism?
The answer is painfully clear: what began as a pastoral conflict has evolved into a grand political and religious agenda. As far back as 1804, Usman dan Fodio’s Jihad sought to Islamize the entire region, with the symbolic goal of “DIPPING THE Qur’an INTO THE ATLANTIC OCEAN.” That mission was halted only by British colonization. Today, the same ideology is being advanced through terror, land grabs and political control and this time, with government complicity.
The late historian Prof. Ali Mazrui once warned that “when a state chooses ethnic loyalty over national interest, it ceases to be a government and becomes a tribe with an army.” Nigeria today fits that description perfectly.
Our leaders have treated FULANI TERRORISM as “FARMER-HERDER CLASHES,” downplaying massacres as mere communal disputes. What do you call it when killers impose taxes, occupy villages, and establish their own laws? That is not a clash; it is occupation.

The Price of Fulani Political Domination. History has already delivered its verdict. Wherever Fulani political domination thrives, poverty, illiteracy and stagnation follow like a curse. According to the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS, 2023), the 10 poorest states in Nigeria are predominantly in the north, where the Fulani elite have governed for decades. Despite controlling political power, the region remains the least educated and most impoverished.
Compare that to the southern regions that experienced greater exposure to Western education and governance under British rule. Despite the injustices of colonialism, the South developed faster in LITERACY, COMMERCE and INDUSTRY. The South-East and South-West became engines of innovation, producing thinkers like Chinua Achebe, Chike Obi, Philip Emeagwali, Wole Soyinka and political icons like Obafemi Awolowo.
Now imagine if the Fulani Jihad of the 1800s had succeeded. Achebe might never have written Things Fall Apart. Chimamanda Adichie could have been married off as a child. Lagos, the commercial heartbeat of Africa, might have been a dusty emirate ruled by a district head. The vibrant cities of Aba and Onitsha might have been replaced by almajiri colonies.
As Prof. Wole Soyinka once said, “When you silence education, you amplify poverty.” The Fulani-dominated north has done exactly that and weaponized ignorance as a political tool to preserve domination.

Between Two Invaders: A Brutal Comparison. It may sound controversial, but Nigeria’s reality demands honesty. Between British colonialism and Fulani domination, the former produced far better results. While the British built schools, roads and systems of administration (ALBEIT FOR THEIR BENEFIT) the Fulani system has entrenched FEUDALISM, ILLITERACY and UNDERDEVELOPMENT.
Even Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, Nigeria’s first president, acknowledged in 1943 that “colonialism brought a paradox; it enslaved our bodies but freed our minds.” The same cannot be said of the internal Fulani invasion, which enslaves both body and mind.
Thus, before dismissing the idea of a U.S. intervention, Nigerians must reflect. America, for all its imperial flaws, could not possibly inflict a deeper wound than the silent genocide already consuming us from within. If Trump’s alleged warning to capture Tinubu within 24 hours sounds threatening, ask yourself: what threat is greater—the possibility of U.S. intervention or the certainty of internal annihilation?

The Real Question: Which Future Do You Choose?
Would you rather have the chance to be educated, empowered and capable of resisting oppression?
Or would you prefer to live as an illiterate almajiri, begging for scraps in your own land?
Nigeria must decide whether it wants sovereignty without safety or foreign help that restores peace. History shows that, painful as interventions can be, they have sometimes prevented far worse outcomes. If foreign involvement can halt the genocide of innocent farmers and reclaim stolen lands, is it truly worse than the Fulani conquest we live under?
As George Orwell once wrote, “The most effective way to destroy a people is to deny and obliterate their own understanding of their history.” Nigeria is already halfway there.

Final Reflection: This argument is not against ISLAM or the FULANI ETHNICITY; it is against TYRANNY and HYPOCRISY. The Fulani are as human as every other group, but the POLITICAL MACHINERY that uses their name to dominate Nigeria must be dismantled.
Our nation is bleeding. Villages are burning. Citizens are dying. While we debate imaginary invasions, our REAL INVADERS dine with those in power.
Foreign intervention may be undesirable, but sometimes a BITTER MEDICINE is NEEDED to CURE a FATAL DISEASE. The truth is simple: Nigeria does not need an American invasion; it needs liberation from its own internal conquerors.

*Primate Ayodele’s Prophecies May Sting, But His Heart Beats for All Tribes*

By Nnamdi Akhere

Primate Elijah Ayodele, the leader of INRI Evangelical Spiritual Church, is well-renowned for his prophetic prowess. Whenever prophecy is mentioned in Nigeria, Primate Ayodele’s name inevitably comes up, even among those who do not believe in him.

However, beyond the prophecies he is famous for, many have yet to observe his unspoken love for every tribe and tongue, including Yorubas, Igbos, Hausas, and others. On the religious front, Primate Ayodele is the only Christian cleric known to have preached at a Muslim Ramadan lecture. He is also the only one who publicly announced he would build a mosque — a project he has begun, expected to be completed in 2026.

Although some of his controversial prophecies about certain individuals or groups may seem personal, it is important to understand that prophecies are divine statements and warnings. They come unfiltered from the throne of Heaven. To those without understanding, it may appear that the prophet is attacking them, but that is far from the truth.

For example, before President Bola Ahmed Tinubu emerged as Nigeria’s president, Primate Ayodele warned that the Yoruba presidency was under threat. He stated that unless Yoruba candidates stopped quarreling and worked together, the tribe could lose the presidency.

He said:
“Yoruba should shun quarrel; otherwise, the presidency will elude them. The Lord has told me that Yoruba presidency is under threat. It will elude them unless they immediately work together. Yoruba presidency is shaking, and that’s what I see.”
“The Yorubas have credible candidates, but the northerners are watching. Yorubas don’t struggle for things, but there is a spirit of discord among the credible candidates, causing serious quarrel. It is seriously shaking.”

Some interpreted this prophecy as Primate Ayodele working against the Yorubas and, in some quarters, even called him a “bastard,” expecting him to support Yoruba presidency simply because he is Yoruba. However, prophecy is not about the tribe of the vessel. Once God commands a message to be delivered, it must be spoken as revealed. This does not mean he opposes the Yoruba people or their progress; he is simply answerable to his Maker.

Recently, Primate Ayodele advised President Tinubu not to rely on the northerners for his 2027 re-election bid, warning that they would not support him. Some perceived this as hate speech against northerners, but the message was meant solely for President Tinubu.

Similarly, Primate Ayodele has spoken to the Igbos regarding their bid to rule Nigeria. He noted that the tribe faces curses of its own making that must be reversed. He emphasized that the Igbos’ challenges come from within and that stronger leadership is required if they wish to rule the nation.

In 2023, he stated:
“Sincerely, without mincing words, the next president should come from the Igbo; it’s unfortunate that they are not serious with their intentions because a political force is struggling with it. Otherwise, Igbo will never see the presidency till kingdom comes.”
“Igbo must wake up now; otherwise, they will betray themselves from producing the next president of Nigeria. The South and North should step down for Igbo, let them be used as consensus candidates. This can happen if the Igbo know what they want. Are they ready? Either they will perform or not; without misconception, it is Igbo’s turn, but if they fail, their present leaders will be cursed by their great-grandchildren.”

When it came to the Senate President election, Primate Ayodele urged Igbo lawmakers to unite in order to produce one of their own as Senate President, warning that failure to do so would sideline their region.

He said:
“Igbo lawmakers need to be more united than ever before to push one of their own to become the next Senate President. If they fail, the region will be sidelined in this incoming government. God doesn’t approve this Muslim-Muslim government; it will still create a lot of problems and will be one of the worst governments so far.”

Beyond prophecies, Primate Ayodele’s church welcomes members from almost every tribe without issue. His philanthropic gestures touch every tribe and tongue. Tribal affiliation is never a requirement to receive help; as long as one is human and in need, the prophet is ready to help as God provides.

Recently, he celebrated one of his pastors, Walter Akachukwu, by giving him N1 million during a live service and even helped replace the roof of his house in a single day. Pastor Akachukwu, who is Igbo, said he had never seen N1 million in his life before this gift and testified that the prophet has done several incredible things for him.

For the month of November, Primate Ayodele dedicated each Sunday to a particular tribe: last Sunday was for the Igbos, this Sunday is for the Ilajes, with other Sundays set aside for Hausas and other tribes. This reflects the church’s inclusive philosophy: INRI Evangelical Spiritual Church admits everyone regardless of religion or tribe.

Primate Ayodele is, without doubt, a prophet who loves everyone regardless of their background. Following the example of Jesus Christ, he exemplifies religious and tribal tolerance in Nigeria.