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Buratai’s footprints and the task ahead of COAS Attahiru
Buratai’s footprints and the task ahead of COAS Attahiru
The ex-Chief of Army Staff (COAS) and leader of the counter-insurgency operations in Nigeria, retired Lt. Gen. Tukur Yusuf Buratai, remonstrated these rare qualities abundantly when he scored the shots on the podium of terrorism combats in the country.
But a very honest verdict on the ex-COAS, as the honcho of anti-insurgency operations in the country from May 2015 to January 2021 can only be gleaned from the enduring whirlwind of his exploits, long after he quitted active service.
Even unpatriotic misanthropes can sight the legacies of Buratai which have refused to be fogged by the thickness of billowing smokes; whether of partisan and ethnoreligious flavors, as peculiarly Nigerian.
Buratai’s successor, the incumbent COAS and ombudsman of the counter-insurgency operations, Lt. Gen. Ibrahim Attahiru might not be caught unawares by the new assignment. But it’sits certain, his predecessor, Buratai left a big-sized shoe, quite uneasy to wear effectively.
An introspection of what constituted the defining principles and convictions, Gen. Buratai weaponized to wilt the storm of insurgencies and insurrections in the country for six long years would certainly prop up the image of a strong leadership character in his persona.
Even dispassionate outsiders attested loudly to Buratai’s palpable, unshaken and unfractured patriotism and loyalty to Nigeria. He could be jovial with his subordinates to a fault; but upheld the sacred military doctrines of professionalism, loyalty, and discipline.
He dispensed himself to soldiers generally as a father, blood brother, welfarist, amiable boss, compassionate leader, trustworthy compatriot, and courageous warrior in the trenches. Boko Haram factional leaders, both Abubakar Shekau and the ISIS-backed Musab Al Barnewi, in alliance with Sheik Ibrahim El-Zakzaky of the IMN or Shiites in Nigeria, another terrorist’s sect, wished Buratai dead for his uncompromising stand.
Leaders of these sects operating in Nigeria vigorously pursued the agenda of eliminating Buratai through terrorists’ ambushes of his convoy in the Northeast and the assassination plot hatched against him in Zaria by IMN. Though he faced death multiple times in the trenches but remained resolute and undeterred.
Buratai’s NDA course mate and friend, who retired much earlier, Major Daniel Banjo (rtd), recalled when he requested for a thanksgiving service in his home state for the ex-COAS; “I remember, about three times, he (Buratai) called me in the middle of the night. He was at the war front. He would call and say things are happening here and Nigerians are not appreciative of what we are doing…He wouldn’t sleep for weeks. He was ambushed three times and he jumped into the bush with his men, with Kalashnikov (AK-47 rifles) and they would be able to kill some and arrest some.”
Hate or love him, but it never escaped the sight that Buratai was relentless and untiring. His troops often chortled among themselves whether this boss ever slept or thought of a beloved family which also needed his attention.
He sprung surprises of a talisman with his presence everywhere in the war front, day and night, from North to South. He constantly visited troops and supervised Army units and formations to ensure planned Internal Security (IS) operations or projects progress smoothly and unencumbered. He tolerated no excuses for failure from troops on any assignment.
And to bolster performance and unalloyed loyalty, Buratai also, religiously fulfilled his own part of the bargain by ensuring troops legitimate entitlements and allowances were promptly delivered to them, even in the frontlines. It was one of the many things Buratai got right and it really worked for the Nigerian Army, especially for the troops in the frontlines on terrorism combating expeditions.
He treated the families of troops like his cherished assets and personal family. Buratai paid frequent visits to Army barracks, interacted with wives of soldiers, listened to their problems, and remedied them immediately. Nigerian Army Officers Wives Association (NAOWA) explored new frontiers in the economic empowerment of wives of soldiers through various multi-purpose cooperative investments initiatives.
The ex-army chief further boosted the morale of his troops with packages such as the COAS special allowances and incentives, like special recognitions’ and instant or accelerated promotion of troops who demonstrated proven gallantry, courage, and exceptional excellence in the frontlines.
The expansion and re-equipping of the Nigerian Army were another was a focal policy of retired Buratai’s leadership. He relaunched the Nigerian Army on the path of manufacturing its own small and light weapons in the combat of terrorism, innovatively using home-grown technology and human resources.
Under his reign, the Nigerian Army established two new Army Divisions 6 and 8, in Borno and Rivers states; a dozen Forward Operations Bases (FOBs) and Special Task Force units across the country in strict compliance with the new Order of Battle (ORBAT). The initiative brought security closer to Nigerians, boosted troops’ rapid responses to distress calls from entrapped Nigerians, and the operational effectiveness of soldiers in operations.
Nigerian soldiers were endeared to Gen. Buratai and performed their official assignments with glee because he prioritized the building of infrastructures for soldiers and officers of the Nigerian Army. He had the stringent focus or absolute belief in the welfare of troops in multiple ways and he knew, soldiers deserve at least minimum comforts to function splendidly. So, he erected new offices and residential accommodations for soldiers.
Therefore, Buratai aggressively relaunched the Nigerian Army on the path of its lost glory in a revolutionary style. The former army chief embarked on ambitious projects such as the massive construction of new army barracks, renovations of dilapidated barracks and army formations, their upgrade and re-equipment with state-of-the-art facilities resuscitation of moribund Army training institutions, and the building of new ones, namely, the Army War College, the Army Aviation School, and the Nigerian Army University, Biu.
Buratai garnished it with the generous renovations/upgrades of existing, but outdated army hospitals and the building of new Army Referral hospitals to carter for the Medicare of soldiers, their families, and members of Army host communities. These were legacy projects, signposts of focused leadership, the pillars, and inerasable footprints of his leadership that publicized a reformed Nigerian Army in conduct and performance.
The former army chief understood clearly that the success of Nigeria’s anti-insurgency combats basically depended on the assistance of foreign nations in weaponry and technical support. He was conscious of the prohibitions on human rights abuses by soldiers as enshrined in the Leahy Act amendment law. Besides, as a humane and compassionate leader, Buratai was conscious of the human dignity of all Nigerians. He never shirked from punishing erring soldiers.
Consequently, records of his observance of human rights were unequaled in the history of the Nigerian Army. He established the novel Human Rights Desk in the Nigerian Army, manned by a desk officer, and structured in an accessible manner to all Nigerians by its replication in all major Army formations throughout the country. The Army human rights desk handled, redressed, and dispensed hundreds of cases between soldiers and civilians.
The Nigerian Army was under the plague of meager budgets for its operations, even in the age of consuming insurgency. Therefore, Buratai imbibed the spirit of transparency, accountability, and judicious application of Army resources for maximum effect. Lack of transparency in the administration of Army resources’ engendered distrust, dissension, and rebellion among officers and soldiers.
Foremostly, Buratai resolved the problem by switching over to e-governance in consonance with the policy of the federal government. He established the Army Procurement Department; migrated the Nigerian Army into the IPPIS payment system, and halted the culture of table payment of allowances/entitlements to troops in the war front, which often led to avoidable complaints of diversion.
The former leader of counter-insurgency operations in Nigeria was a famed Military strategist, tactician, and foresighted leader. Therefore, his clairvoyance pricked him of the looming threat of Cyberspace terrorism in combating insurgency in Nigeria. In order to clip the wings of cyberspace terrorists, who were largely Boko Haram sympathizers and agents, Buratai built and launched the Nigerian Army Cyberspace Warfare Command. Its mandate mainly is to secure Army’s classified information from leakage to enemies and certify the preservation of sensitive documents.
Added to it, Buratai upgraded and re-equipped the Department of Army Public Relations (DAPR)) to handle fake news and propaganda syndrome on the counter-insurgency operations in the country. The DAPR operated 24hours a day and proactively deflected terrorists’ propaganda which previously caused unnecessary public anxiety and panic.
To this end, good leadership examples are worthy of emulation. The onus falls on Gen. Attahiru, who is also an old horse in the game to sustain and improve on these legacies of Buratai by moving a notch higher to turn the table against Boko Haram. It is the necessary antidote the incumbent Army leadership has to adapt if it wants to really succeed to finally cripple insurgents.
It’s no longer news that Nigerians are unwittingly beginning to celebrate the Buratai days. But Nigerians want to celebrate the Army at all times and the only alternative is to kick harder, harder than Buratai ever did. Attahiru should be mindful of news of Boko Haram’s dreadful presence in Niger state and predictively, Abuja is now donated to the mercy of terrorists.
But fundamentally, all the incumbent Service Chiefs have already clocked 100 days since their appointment on January 26, 2021. Quite unimpressively, media reports are awash with news that 741 Nigerians have been killed by Boko Haram/ISWAP terrorists, armed bandits, herdsmen, and arsonists across the country. Neither is it exciting that the southern part of the country is also contending with lethal kidnapping syndicates and killer herdsmen conundrum. Nigerians are no longer singing joyful songs which heralded the new service chiefs and there is a need to redouble the efforts.
Agbese writes from the United Kingdom.
Why Babangida’s Hilltop Home Became Nigeria’s Political “Mecca”.
By George Omagbemi Sylvester | Published by SaharaWeeklyNG.com
Former President Goodluck Jonathan’s birthday visit to Gen. Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida (IBB) in Minna (where he hailed the octogenarian as a patriotic leader committed to national unity) was more than a courtesy call. It was a reminder of a peculiar constant in Nigerian politics: the steady pilgrimage of power-seekers, bridge-builders and crisis-managers to the Hilltop mansion. Jonathan’s own words captured it bluntly: IBB’s residence “is like a Mecca of sorts” because of the former military president’s enduring relevance and perceived nation-first posture.
Babangida turned 84 on 17 August 2025. That alone invites reflection on a career that has shaped Nigeria’s political architecture for four decades; admired by some for audacious statecraft, condemned by others for controversies that still shadow the republic. Born on 17 August 1941 in Minna, he ruled as military president from 1985 to 1993, presiding over transformative and turbulent chapters: the relocation of the national capital to Abuja in 1991; the creation of political institutions for a long, complex transition; economic liberalisation that cut both ways; and the fateful annulment of the 12 June 1993 election. Each of these choices helps explain why the Hilltop remains a magnet for Nigerians who need counsel, cover or calibration.
A house built on influence; why the visits never stop.
Let’s start with the obvious: access. Nigeria’s political class prizes proximity to the men and women who can open doors, soften opposition, broker peace and read the hidden currents. In that calculus, IBB’s network is unmatched. He cultivated a reputation for “political engineering,” the reason the press christened him “Maradona” (for deft dribbling through complexity) and “Evil Genius” (for the strategic cunning his critics decried). Whether one embraces or rejects those labels, they reflect a reality: Babangida is still the place where many politicians go to test ideas, seek endorsements or secure introductions. Even the mainstream press has described him as a consultant of sorts to desperate or ambitious politicians, an uncomfortable description that nevertheless underlines his gravitational pull.
Though it isn’t only political tact that draws visitors; it’s statecraft with lasting fingerprints. Moving the seat of government from Lagos to Abuja in December 1991 was not a cosmetic relocation, it re-centred the federation and signaled a symbolic neutrality in a country fractured by regional suspicion. Abuja’s founding logic (GEOGRAPHIC CENTRALITY and ETHNIC NEUTRALITY) continues to stabilise the national imagination. This is part of the reason many leaders, across party lines, still defer to IBB: he didn’t just rule; he rearranged the map of power.
Then there’s the regional dimension. Under his watch, Nigeria led the creation and deployment of ECOMOG in 1990 to staunch Liberia’s bloody civil war, a bold move that announced Abuja as a regional security anchor. The intervention was imperfect, contested and costly, but it helped define West Africa’s collective security posture and Nigeria’s leadership brand. When neighboring states now face crises, the memory of that precedent still echoes in diplomatic corridors and Babangida’s counsel retains currency among those who remember how decisions were made.
Jonathan’s praise and the unity argument.
Jonathan’s tribute (stressing Babangida’s non-sectional outlook and commitment to unity) goes to the heart of the Hilltop mystique. For a multi-ethnic federation straining under distrust, figures who can speak across divides are prized. Jonathan’s point wasn’t nostalgia; it was a live assessment of a man many still call when Nigeria’s seams fray. That’s why the parade to Minna continues: the anxious, the ambitious and the statesmanlike alike seek an elder who can convene rivals and cool temperatures.
The unresolved shadow: June 12 and the ethics of influence.
No honest appraisal can skip the hardest chapter: the annulment of the 12 June 1993 election (judged widely as free and fair) was a rupture that delegitimised the transition and scarred Nigeria’s democratic journey. Political scientist Larry Diamond has repeatedly identified June 12 as a prime example of how authoritarian reversals corrode democratic legitimacy and public trust. His larger warning (“few developments are more destructive to the legitimacy of new democracies than blatant and pervasive political corruption”) captures the moral crater that followed the annulment and the years of drift that ensued. Those wounds are part of the Babangida legacy too and they complicate the reverence that a steady stream of visitors displays.
Max Siollun, a leading historian of Nigeria’s military era, has observed (provocatively) that the military’s “greatest contribution” to democracy may have been to rule “long and badly enough” that Nigerians lost appetite for soldiers in power. It’s a stinging line, yet it helps explain the paradox of IBB’s status: the same system he personified taught Nigeria costly lessons that hardened its democratic reflexes. Today’s generation visits the Hilltop not to revive militarism but to harvest hard-won insights about managing a fragile federation.
What sustains the pilgrimage.
1) Institutional memory: Nigeria’s politics often suffers amnesia. Babangida offers a living archive of security crises navigated, regional diplomacy attempted, volatile markets tempered and power-sharing experiments designed. Whether one applauds or condemns specific choices, the muscle memory of governing a complex federation is rare and urgently sought.
2) Convening power: In a season of polarisation, the ability to sit warring factions in the same room is not small capital. Babangida’s imprimatur remains a safe invitation card few refuse it, fewer ignore it. That convening power explains why movements, parties and would-be presidents keep filing up the long driveway. Recent delegations have explicitly cast their courtesy calls in the language of unity, loyalty and patriotism ahead of pivotal elections.
3) Signals to the base: Visiting Minna telegraphs seriousness to party structures and funders. It says: “I have sought counsel where history meets experience.” In Nigeria’s coded political theatre, that signal still matters. Outlets have reported for years that many aspirants treat the Hilltop as an obligatory stop an unflattering reality, perhaps, but a revealing one.
4) The man and the myth: The mansion itself, with its opulence and aura, has become a set piece in Nigeria’s story of power, admired by some, resented by others, but always discussed. The myth feeds the pilgrimage; the pilgrimage feeds the myth.
The balance sheet at 84.
To treat Babangida solely as a sage is to forget the costs of his era; to treat him only as a villain is to ignore the architecture that still holds parts of Nigeria together. Abuja’s relocation stands as a stabilising bet that paid off. ECOMOG, for all its flaws, seeded a habit of regional responsibility. Conversely, June 12 remains a national cautionary tale about elite manipulation, civilian marginalisation and the brittleness of transitions managed from above. These are not contradictory truths; they are the double helix of Babangida’s place in Nigerian memory.
Jonathan’s homage tried to distill the better angel of IBB’s record: MENTORSHIP, BRIDGE-BUILDING and a POSTURE that (at least in his telling) RESISTS SECTIONAL ISM. “That is why today, his house is like a Mecca of sorts,” he said, praying that the GENERAL continues to “mentor the younger ones.” Whether one agrees with the full sentiment, it accurately describes the lived politics of Nigeria today: Minna remains a checkpoint on the road to relevance.
The scholar’s verdict and a citizen’s challenge.
If Diamond warns about legitimacy and Siollun warns about the perils of soldier-politics, what should Nigerians demand from the Hilltop effect? Three things.
First, use influence to open space, not close it. Counsel should tilt toward rules, institutions and credible elections not kingmaking for its own sake. The lesson of 1993 is that subverting a valid vote haunts a nation for decades.
Second, mentor for unity, but insist on accountability. Unity cannot be a euphemism for silence. A truly patriotic elder statesman sets a high bar for conduct and condemns the shortcuts that tempt new actors in old ways. Diamond’s admonition on corruption is not an abstraction; it’s a roadmap for rebuilding trust.
Third, convert nostalgia into institutional memory. If Babangida’s house is a classroom, then Nigeria should capture, publish and debate its lessons in the open: on peace operations (what worked, what failed), on capital relocation (how to plan at scale), and on transitions (how not to repeat 1993). Only then does the pilgrimage serve the republic rather than personalities.
At 84, Ibrahim Babangida remains a paradox that Nigeria cannot ignore: a man whose legacy straddles NATION-BUILDING and NATION-BRUISING, whose doors remain open to those seeking power and those seeking peace. Jonathan’s visit (and his striking “Mecca” metaphor) reveals a simple, stubborn fact: in a country still searching for steady hands, the Hilltop’s shadow is long. The task before Nigeria is to ensure that the shadow points toward a brighter constitutional daybreak, where influence is finally subordinated to institutions and where mentorship hardens into norms that no single mansion can monopolise. That is the only pilgrimage worth making.
Ajadi Celebrates Juju Legend Femolancaster’s 50th Birthday in the UK
Nigerian Juju music legend, Otunba Femi Fadipe, popularly known as FemoLancaster, is being celebrated today in London as he clocks 50 years of age.
Ambassador Olufemi Ajadi Oguntoyinbo, a frontline politician and businessman, led tributes to the Ilesa-born maestro, describing him as a timeless cultural icon whose artistry has enriched both Nigeria and the world.
“FemoLancaster is not just a musician, he is a legend,” Ambassador Ajadi said in his birthday message. “For decades, his classical Juju sound has remained a reminder of the beauty of Yoruba heritage. Today, as he turns 50, I celebrate a cultural ambassador whose music bridges generations and continents.”
While FemoLancaster is highly dominant in Oyo State and across the South-West, his craft has also taken him beyond Nigeria’s borders.
FemoLancaster’s illustrious career has seen him thrill audiences across Nigeria and beyond, with performances in the United Kingdom, Canada, United States of America, and other parts of the world. His dedication to Juju music has projected Yoruba traditional sounds to international stages, keeping alive the legacy of icons like King Sunny Ade and Chief Ebenezer Obey while infusing fresh energy for younger audiences
He further stressed the significance of honoring artistes who have remained faithful to indigenous music while taking it global. “In an era where modern sounds often overshadow tradition, FemoLancaster stands as a beacon of continuity and resilience. He has carried Yoruba Juju music into the global space with dignity, passion, and excellence,” he added.
The golden jubilee celebration in London has drawn fans, friends, and colleagues, who all describe FemoLancaster as a gifted artist whose contributions over decades have earned him a revered place in the pantheon of Nigerian music legends.
“As FemoLancaster marks this milestone,” Ajadi concluded, “I wish him many more years of good health, wisdom, and global recognition. May his music continue to echo across generations and continents.”
celebrity radar - gossips
Gospel Songstress Esther Igbekele Marks Birthday with Gratitude and Celebration
Gospel Songstress Esther Igbekele Marks Birthday with Gratitude and Celebration
By Aderounmu Kazeem Lagos
Lagos, Nigeria — The gospel music scene is aglow today as the “Duchess of Gospel Music,” Esther Igbekele, marks another milestone in her life, celebrating her birthday on Saturday, August 16, 2025.
Known for her powerful voice, inspirational lyrics, and unwavering dedication to spreading the gospel through music, Esther Igbekele has become one of Nigeria’s most respected and beloved gospel artistes. Over the years, she has graced countless stages, released hit albums, and inspired audiences across the world with her uplifting songs.
Today’s celebration is expected to be a joyful blend of music, prayers, and heartfelt tributes from family, friends, fans, and fellow artistes. Sources close to the singer revealed that plans are in place for a special praise gathering in Lagos, where she will be joined by notable figures in the gospel industry, church leaders, and admirers from home and abroad.
Speaking ahead of the day, Igbekele expressed deep gratitude to God for His mercy and the opportunity to use her gift to touch lives. “Every birthday is a reminder of God’s faithfulness in my journey. I am thankful for life, for my fans, and for the privilege to keep ministering through music,” she said.
From her early beginnings in the Yoruba gospel music scene to her rise as a celebrated recording artiste with a unique fusion of contemporary and traditional sounds, Esther Igbekele’s career has been marked by consistency, excellence, and a strong message of hope.
As she adds another year today, her fans have flooded social media with messages of love, appreciation, and prayers — a testament to the profound impact she continues to make in the gospel music ministry.
For many, this birthday is not just a celebration of Esther Igbekele’s life, but also of the divine inspiration she brings to the Nigerian gospel music landscape.
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