Business
Corruption, Injustice, Unfairness have Eaten deep at NNPC -Staff
Corruption, Injustice, Unfairness have Eaten deep at NNPC -Staff
By Ifeoma Ikem
Some of the staff of the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) says corruption, injustice and unfairness have taken deep at NNPC and are clearly exhibited on a daily basis.
Some of the anonymous staff who spoken to our reporter that an entity that is supposed to be responsible for harnessing Nigeria’s oil and gas reserves for sustainable national development has now banded as Northern Nigeria Petroleum Company.
They claimed that out of the eight members of the Senior Management Team, Six are Northerners, while there are only two members from the Southern Nigeria, One from South South and the other from the South West while there are no member from the South East, despite that the Board Chairman Mrs. Okadigbo and One Henry Obi who hailed from the South East are on the Board of the NNPC.
It revealed that Strategic Business Units (SBUS) are heavily manned by the Northerners for example TRADING, NAPIMS, NPDC, NRL and most of the assets (OMRS) in NPDC are managed by the Northerners.
They said that the corruption, injustice and unfairness are reeking up to high heavens as Nue Oil Energy Ltd a company registered on March 9th, 2022 with a share of One Million bought 100 percent shares in OVH Energy Marketing Ltd and ASPM Ltd from OVH Energy BV, a joint Venture between Vitol and Helios in September 2022.
They also added that although very painful, the acquisition cost was not stated in the filing at the Nigeria Stock Exchange (NSE).
The Staff of NNPC Ltd are largely pained that in the same September 2022 NNPC Ltd acquired the assets from Nue Oil a company with two Directors-Dagazau Mumuni, Chief Operating Officer, OVH and Shanono Sharif Zailani, River Brand Energy Ltd as stated in the Corporate Affairs Commission (CAC) document of the company (NUE OIL ENERGY) with reckless impunity.
The GECO had directed the management of OVH to take over the management of NNPC Retail Ltd while Dagazau Mumuni, COO, OVH and Director in the NUE OIL ENERGY was appointed as Special Adviser Downstream to the GECO, NNPC LTD when there is EVP, Downstream NNPC Ltd.
The GECO in the last one year has carried out illegal recruitment of staff into the NNPC LTD, while the NNPC Retail Ltd Staff have been excluded in the implementation of the PIA as it relates to transfer of staff to NNPC LTD as the GECO ensures that his cronies are appointed to be at the head of affairs at the Nigerian Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission (NUPRC) and the Midstream Downstream Petroleum Regulations Authority (NMDPRA).
The Staff of NNPC Ltd are not pleasant with the appointment of Mr. Huub Stokman, a white man as the Management Director (MD) NNPC Retail Ltd, whereas they are Nigerians with more cognate industry experience, competency and capacity in the Downstream Sector of the Nigerian Oil and Gas Industry.
Available information from the CAC on the NNPC Retail Status shows that Stokman is not a Director in NNPC Retail Ltd since he does not have a valid work permit from the Nigerian Immigration Services (NIS).
The Staff were disappointed that Stokman and his Management Team OVH in 2021 recorded a huge loss of over four billion naira only, with a 5% market share and expenses of over twenty-five (25) billion naira only for 2021-2022.
They noted however, that while the NNPC Ltd Staff in 2021 NNPC Retail netted a profit of over five billion naira only, a market share of 100 percent made a retained profit of over ten billion naira only and a support expense of less than five billion naira only for 2021-2022.
Meanwhile, the actions of Stokman has caused disaffection, disunity and demotivation of NNPC Retail Staff as a result of the imposition of his OVH Staff as management team on NNPC Retail Staff, despite the uncommon and immense contributions to the unimaginable growth and success of the company even with some NNPC Retail Ltd.
They also claimed that some of the staff with over 15 years Cognate Downstream Experience, Competency and Capacity before joining the NNPC Retail Ltd, very sadly have not been promoted since they were employed in NNPC Retail Ltd over ten years ago.
The staff are asking questions `WHO actually acquired WHAT? Did NNPC Ltd acquire NUE OIL ENERGY (OVH) or vice versa.
They, therefore. made a clarion call on the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, His Excellency Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu (GCFR) and his presidency to urgently salvage the National Oil Company from the hands of the heavily corrupt management overseeing the affairs of the NNPC Ltd and her subsidiaries.
They also request the powers that be, that they should be immediate investigations of NNPC Ltd and her subsidiaries in areas of fronter exploration activities, DSD/PPSA/under recovery etc.
Other areas are Non-functionality of NNPC refineries (turn around maintenance-tam funding), daily PMS consumption, perianal fuel scarcity from February 2022 to May 2023, white product allocation and distribution by NNPC-PPMC, trading and NRL from 2019-date.
Also, in allocation of Ojo Domestic LPC scheme (EXONMEBIL), alleged theft of 80% of crude oil production in Nigeria, Ownership, management and functionality of the OMLS under NNPC ltd, 20% NNPC ltd investment in the Dangote Refinery, NUE oil energy acquisition etc
Tinubu’s Economic Agenda in Crisis: North-South Divide Strikes Again
By George Omagbemi Sylvester
President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, elected in 2023 on the wings of political calculation and elite manipulation, has now found himself caught in the snare of Nigeria’s enduring historical curse: the north-south divide. His ambitious economic reform agenda, intended to liberalize the economy, remove structural inefficiencies, and reduce government expenditure—has hit a legislative wall. But this isn’t just about policy. This is about power, patronage, and the ancient scars of a fractured federation.
The rejection of critical aspects of Tinubu’s economic proposals by lawmakers is a stinging rebuke, not only to his administration but to the very idea that Nigeria can be reformed from the top down without confronting its structural imbalances. In many ways, Tinubu’s presidency is now facing the same nightmare that has haunted every Nigerian leader since independence: how do you govern a country that was never truly united?
The Crumbling Reform Agenda
At the center of the storm is Tinubu’s proposal to centralize and streamline federal subsidies and remove what he termed “wasteful duplication of agencies.” This was meant to continue the subsidy removal narrative started in June 2023, and reduce fiscal leakage. However, the backlash, particularly from legislators representing the northern states, was swift and coordinated.
The northern bloc, comprising lawmakers from Kano, Katsina, Kebbi, Sokoto, and Borno, objected on the grounds that Tinubu’s proposals disproportionately affect their regions, where federal allocation remains a critical lifeline in the absence of strong internally generated revenue. But critics argue this is a strategic form of sabotage, aimed at retaining an unsustainable status quo that prioritizes political patronage over national progress.
As Prof. Wale Adebanwi of Oxford University has argued, “Nigeria’s northern elite have historically benefited from the spoils of a rentier state, with oil wealth redistributed without the burden of productive contribution. Any move to reverse this equation is seen as existential.”
Tinubu, a southerner from Lagos, with strong Christian support from the Southwest and Southeast, is now facing the very brick wall that has impeded reforms since the First Republic. His own political survival now depends on how much compromise he’s willing to make—or whether he can break the mold entirely.
A Century-Old Fracture
The rejection of Tinubu’s reforms by northern lawmakers is not new. It is deeply rooted in a century-old tension embedded in the structure of the Nigerian state. The 1914 amalgamation, engineered by British colonialists, fused two vastly different regions, the industrializing, Western-educated Christian south and the feudal, Islamic north, into one artificial political entity.
From independence in 1960, this contradiction has remained unresolved. “Nigeria was created not to function as a cohesive nation, but as an economic convenience for its colonial masters,” noted historian Max Siollun. “What we’re seeing is the consequence of a nation built on convenience rather than consensus.”
The economic priorities of the north and south remain deeply divergent. While the south boasts ports, oil revenue, industries, and a growing tech sector, the north has remained largely agrarian, dependent on federal allocations and political appointments. Any attempt to tamper with this redistribution—whether via subsidy removal or cuts in federal spending, provokes immediate resistance.
Reform vs. Redistribution
Tinubu’s administration promised reforms: subsidy removal, tax reform, and investment in critical infrastructure. But all reforms require sacrifices, and those sacrifices must be nationally distributed to succeed. What Tinubu is discovering, painfully, is that reforms without inclusive buy-in are dead on arrival.
Economist Dr. Obiageli Ezekwesili captured the challenge succinctly: “Nigeria’s political economy is structured around the sharing of oil rents, not the creation of wealth. Any attempt to disrupt this structure will provoke fierce opposition from those who depend on the current dysfunction for survival.”
Indeed, the loudest resistance to Tinubu’s reforms has come not from the opposition PDP or Labour Party, but from within his own APC, particularly from northern senators and representatives who feel alienated by the president’s southern-centric economic vision.
The Ghost of Buhari
Many Nigerians are now drawing comparisons between Tinubu’s presidency and that of his predecessor, Muhammadu Buhari, a northern Muslim who governed with overwhelming support from the north. Buhari’s policies favored heavy spending, a bloated civil service, and minimal economic restructuring, a model that created illusions of stability while deepening the economic rot.
“Buhari governed like a tribal chief, rewarding loyalty over competence, and expanding a culture of dependency,” said Prof. Kingsley Moghalu, former Deputy Governor of the Central Bank. “Tinubu’s efforts to break away from that legacy will require courage, strategy, and above all, an appeal to national interest.”
But appealing to national interest in Nigeria is easier said than done. The political class thrives on division. The north fears marginalization, the south resents over-centralization, and the middle belt remains trapped in identity crises. Tinubu, in failing to build a coalition around his reforms, is now paying the price of elite disunity.
The Danger of Ethno-Political Paralysis
The rejection of Tinubu’s agenda is not just a political problem, it is an economic time bomb. Nigeria is drowning in debt, with over 90% of its revenue now going to debt servicing. Inflation is running rampant, the naira has crashed, and unemployment remains alarmingly high. The country cannot afford to maintain the current level of government spending without reform.
But if every economic policy must first pass the tribal test, then reform is doomed. “A nation that filters every economic decision through the lens of ethnicity is a nation marching toward collapse,” warned Nobel Laureate Wole Soyinka. “If Nigeria cannot rise above its primordial divisions, it cannot survive the 21st century.”
What Next for Tinubu?
Tinubu’s next steps are critical. Will he revise his reforms to appease northern lawmakers and keep the political peace? Or will he double down, use executive power, and mobilize the Nigerian people behind a populist push for structural change?
There is a middle path, dialogue, renegotiation of the federal structure, and regional empowerment. Many have called for fiscal federalism, where regions generate and control their own revenues, sending only a fraction to the center. This model, already practiced in countries like Canada and the United States, could reduce the perennial tension around federal allocation.
Political economist Ayo Teriba suggests, “Nigeria must move away from revenue-sharing to revenue-generation. That shift requires not just policy but a new national consensus, and that is where Tinubu must lead.”
In conclusion: Lead or Collapse
President Tinubu is at a crossroads. He can continue playing the dangerous game of balancing regional interests with national imperatives, or he can rise above the tribal chessboard and lead with boldness. The north-south divide is not just a historical relic, it is a living cancer that must be addressed through structural reform, not rhetorical appeasement.
The economic reform agenda is not a southern agenda. It is a Nigerian necessity. If lawmakers continue to sabotage reform because it threatens their regional comfort zones, then the entire nation will suffer. As the saying goes, “A house divided against itself cannot stand.”
In the end, Tinubu must decide: will he be a president of compromise, or a reformer of consequence?
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