Decentralizing Policing in Nigeria: The Urgent Case for State-Controlled Law Enforcement

By George Omagbemi Sylvester | For Sahara Weekly NG

For decades, Nigeria has endured the consequences of an overstretched, inefficient and highly politicized central policing system. The result? Catastrophic. Rising insecurity, emboldened terrorists, banditry and unchecked violence have ravaged nearly every corner of the country. From the blood-soaked fields of Zamfara to the kidnapping corridors of the South-East and the cult-infested creeks of the Niger Delta, the evidence is irrefutable: centralized policing has failed Nigerians.

Despite its glaring dysfunction, the idea of devolving police powers to state governments remains one of Nigeria’s most controversial debates. Detractors argue that state police may be abused by governors as political thugs, but that’s a distraction from the real question: Do states in Nigeria currently have the financial and structural capacity to run police forces that are accountable, professional and effective; not as political weapons but as agents of justice and peace?

Central Policing: A Colonial Relic Turned Burden

The Nigeria Police Force (NPF), with about 370,000 officers serving over 220 million people, has one of the worst police-to-citizen ratios in the world. According to United Nations standards, a functional ratio is 1 officer to every 450 citizens. Nigeria languishes at roughly 1:600, and that’s before factoring in the lopsided deployment of personnel.

Shockingly, more than 40% of officers are assigned to VIP protection (guarding politicians, their families and business elites) while ordinary Nigerians are left defenceless against armed robbers, kidnappers and insurgents.

This structure is not accidental; it is a colonial legacy. As Professor Jibrin Ibrahim of the Centre for Democracy and Development aptly puts it:

“The Nigerian police are not trained to serve the people. They are trained to protect the state from the people.”

That mindset still dominates. The NPF remains a blunt, top-down instrument of coercion, not community safety. From the excesses of SARS to police complicity during elections, the central police system has consistently shown that it is out of touch and out of control.

The Case for State Policing: Security Must Be Local

Nigeria is a federation on paper but a unitary dictatorship in practice, especially regarding policing. With over 250 ethnic groups, multiple languages and complex regional dynamics, a one-size-fits-all federal police force cannot address the security needs of all states.

Countries like the United States, India, Canada and Germany, all federal in structure, operate decentralized policing models. In the U.S., over 90% of law enforcement is handled by state, county or municipal agencies and not Washington, D.C.

Nigeria has already seen states respond to security failures by creating regional outfits: Amotekun (South-West), Ebube Agu (South-East), Hisbah (North) and others. These are clear expressions of popular no-confidence votes in the federal police. But these outfits remain legally weak and operationally constrained without constitutional backing.

What Nigeria needs now is not just more vigilante groups but a legal and constitutional framework that allows states to form and manage professional, community-embedded police services.

Can States Afford State Police? The Numbers Don’t Lie

One of the most common arguments against state policing is financial incapacity. This argument is misleading and frankly, LAZY.

According to BudgIT and the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS):

Lagos State generates over ₦400 billion annually in Internally Generated Revenue (IGR) which is more than some African countries.

Rivers, Ogun, Delta and Kaduna States each generate over ₦50 billion annually.

25 states generate more than ₦10 billion annually.

So why do we say they “cannot afford” state policing? The issue isn’t capacity, it’s priority and accountability.

If states can build multi-billion-naira airports, mega flyovers and luxurious government houses, surely they can fund training, equipment and welfare for 5,000 to 10,000 well-trained state officers.

In 2024, the federal government allocated over ₦1.3 trillion to police and security services. Yet, most rural communities remain vulnerable. A fraction of that, used efficiently by states, can yield better results. Moreover, states could seek matching grants or partnerships with private and international donors to strengthen their security apparatus.

The Fear of Abuse: A Convenient Excuse
A major objection to state policing is the potential for abuse by state governors. But let’s be clear: the federal police are not immune to abuse. SARS was a federal outfit, yet it became synonymous with torture, extrajudicial killings and robbery.

During the 2023 general elections, federal police were accused of colluding with political parties to suppress opposition and disenfranchise voters. In Lagos, Rivers and Kano, shocking videos of police inaction and collaboration with thugs circulated widely.

The abuse argument is not an argument against decentralization; it is an argument for institutional reform.

A properly crafted State Police Act must include:

Independent oversight commissions

Auditable budgets and public transparency

Cross-border collaboration to prevent jurisdictional loopholes

Community-based recruitment

Strict human rights and use-of-force protocols

National benchmarks for training and ethics

The Federal Government’s role should evolve into providing technical support, forensic labs and inter-state crime coordination not micromanaging state security from Abuja.

Political Bottlenecks: The Elephant in the Room

Why, despite mounting evidence, has Nigeria failed to implement state policing?

Politics.

Centralized policing is a political weapon. Whoever controls the federal police controls elections, opposition suppression and even media narratives. That is why the ruling class is reluctant to devolve power.

In 2021, the National Assembly blocked key constitutional amendments that would have allowed states to establish their own police forces. Why? Because the party in power benefits from centralized force.

As Wole Soyinka warned:

“There’s no way we can continue along this unitarist line. It’s a logical contradiction. You can’t continue with this crude, centralist mindset and expect safety.”

State governors (especially in the South) must form a united front to lobby for this constitutional change. This will require sacrificing political capital, building coalitions across party lines and directly engaging the Nigerian public.

A National Crossroads: Reform or Ruin
Insecurity in Nigeria is no longer an abstract debate, it is an existential crisis. Farmers are abandoning fields. Children cannot go to school. Businesses are closing. Millions live under the daily threat of violence, extortion and death.

We must not allow political cowardice or elite selfishness to deny Nigerians the right to safety.

A decentralized police system is not a luxury; it is a necessity for national survival. Every state should have the constitutional authority, financial framework and legal support to secure its people.

It is time to break free from colonial chains and build a policing system that reflects our federal reality, respects our diversity and protects every Nigerian; rich, middle-class or poor, north, east or south, Muslim, Christian or Pagans.

The time for half-measures has passed.
The time to decentralize is now.