society
Decentralizing Policing in Nigeria: The Urgent Case for State-Controlled Law Enforcement
Decentralizing Policing in Nigeria: The Urgent Case for State-Controlled Law Enforcement
By George Omagbemi Sylvester | For Sahara Weekly NG
For decades, Nigeria has endured the consequences of an overstretched, inefficient and highly politicized central policing system. The result? Catastrophic. Rising insecurity, emboldened terrorists, banditry and unchecked violence have ravaged nearly every corner of the country. From the blood-soaked fields of Zamfara to the kidnapping corridors of the South-East and the cult-infested creeks of the Niger Delta, the evidence is irrefutable: centralized policing has failed Nigerians.
Despite its glaring dysfunction, the idea of devolving police powers to state governments remains one of Nigeria’s most controversial debates. Detractors argue that state police may be abused by governors as political thugs, but that’s a distraction from the real question: Do states in Nigeria currently have the financial and structural capacity to run police forces that are accountable, professional and effective; not as political weapons but as agents of justice and peace?
Central Policing: A Colonial Relic Turned Burden
The Nigeria Police Force (NPF), with about 370,000 officers serving over 220 million people, has one of the worst police-to-citizen ratios in the world. According to United Nations standards, a functional ratio is 1 officer to every 450 citizens. Nigeria languishes at roughly 1:600, and that’s before factoring in the lopsided deployment of personnel.
Shockingly, more than 40% of officers are assigned to VIP protection (guarding politicians, their families and business elites) while ordinary Nigerians are left defenceless against armed robbers, kidnappers and insurgents.
This structure is not accidental; it is a colonial legacy. As Professor Jibrin Ibrahim of the Centre for Democracy and Development aptly puts it:
“The Nigerian police are not trained to serve the people. They are trained to protect the state from the people.”
That mindset still dominates. The NPF remains a blunt, top-down instrument of coercion, not community safety. From the excesses of SARS to police complicity during elections, the central police system has consistently shown that it is out of touch and out of control.
The Case for State Policing: Security Must Be Local

Nigeria is a federation on paper but a unitary dictatorship in practice, especially regarding policing. With over 250 ethnic groups, multiple languages and complex regional dynamics, a one-size-fits-all federal police force cannot address the security needs of all states.
Countries like the United States, India, Canada and Germany, all federal in structure, operate decentralized policing models. In the U.S., over 90% of law enforcement is handled by state, county or municipal agencies and not Washington, D.C.
Nigeria has already seen states respond to security failures by creating regional outfits: Amotekun (South-West), Ebube Agu (South-East), Hisbah (North) and others. These are clear expressions of popular no-confidence votes in the federal police. But these outfits remain legally weak and operationally constrained without constitutional backing.
What Nigeria needs now is not just more vigilante groups but a legal and constitutional framework that allows states to form and manage professional, community-embedded police services.
Can States Afford State Police? The Numbers Don’t Lie

One of the most common arguments against state policing is financial incapacity. This argument is misleading and frankly, LAZY.
According to BudgIT and the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS):
Lagos State generates over ₦400 billion annually in Internally Generated Revenue (IGR) which is more than some African countries.
Rivers, Ogun, Delta and Kaduna States each generate over ₦50 billion annually.
25 states generate more than ₦10 billion annually.
So why do we say they “cannot afford” state policing? The issue isn’t capacity, it’s priority and accountability.
If states can build multi-billion-naira airports, mega flyovers and luxurious government houses, surely they can fund training, equipment and welfare for 5,000 to 10,000 well-trained state officers.
In 2024, the federal government allocated over ₦1.3 trillion to police and security services. Yet, most rural communities remain vulnerable. A fraction of that, used efficiently by states, can yield better results. Moreover, states could seek matching grants or partnerships with private and international donors to strengthen their security apparatus.
The Fear of Abuse: A Convenient Excuse
A major objection to state policing is the potential for abuse by state governors. But let’s be clear: the federal police are not immune to abuse. SARS was a federal outfit, yet it became synonymous with torture, extrajudicial killings and robbery.
During the 2023 general elections, federal police were accused of colluding with political parties to suppress opposition and disenfranchise voters. In Lagos, Rivers and Kano, shocking videos of police inaction and collaboration with thugs circulated widely.
The abuse argument is not an argument against decentralization; it is an argument for institutional reform.
A properly crafted State Police Act must include:
Independent oversight commissions
Auditable budgets and public transparency
Cross-border collaboration to prevent jurisdictional loopholes
Community-based recruitment
Strict human rights and use-of-force protocols
National benchmarks for training and ethics
The Federal Government’s role should evolve into providing technical support, forensic labs and inter-state crime coordination not micromanaging state security from Abuja.
Political Bottlenecks: The Elephant in the Room

Why, despite mounting evidence, has Nigeria failed to implement state policing?
Politics.
Centralized policing is a political weapon. Whoever controls the federal police controls elections, opposition suppression and even media narratives. That is why the ruling class is reluctant to devolve power.
In 2021, the National Assembly blocked key constitutional amendments that would have allowed states to establish their own police forces. Why? Because the party in power benefits from centralized force.
As Wole Soyinka warned:
“There’s no way we can continue along this unitarist line. It’s a logical contradiction. You can’t continue with this crude, centralist mindset and expect safety.”
State governors (especially in the South) must form a united front to lobby for this constitutional change. This will require sacrificing political capital, building coalitions across party lines and directly engaging the Nigerian public.
A National Crossroads: Reform or Ruin
Insecurity in Nigeria is no longer an abstract debate, it is an existential crisis. Farmers are abandoning fields. Children cannot go to school. Businesses are closing. Millions live under the daily threat of violence, extortion and death.
We must not allow political cowardice or elite selfishness to deny Nigerians the right to safety.
A decentralized police system is not a luxury; it is a necessity for national survival. Every state should have the constitutional authority, financial framework and legal support to secure its people.
It is time to break free from colonial chains and build a policing system that reflects our federal reality, respects our diversity and protects every Nigerian; rich, middle-class or poor, north, east or south, Muslim, Christian or Pagans.
The time for half-measures has passed.
The time to decentralize is now.
society
AjadiOyoOmituntun 3.0: Grassroots Walkout, Consultations Boost Ajadi’s Oyo Governorship Momentum
AjadiOyoOmituntun 3.0: Grassroots Walkout, Consultations Boost Ajadi’s Oyo Governorship Momentum
Members of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in Egbeda Local Government Area of Oyo State staged a consultation walkout on Tuesday in support of the governorship aspiration of Ambassador Olufemi Ajadi Oguntoyinbo, reaffirming their confidence in his candidacy ahead of the party’s primaries.
The peaceful political procession, held across major communities within the council area, attracted party leaders, grassroots mobilisers, youths, market vendors, and supporters who described Ajadi as a loyal party member with strong grassroots appeal.
The consultation walkout, which commenced at Osengere in Ward 8—Ajadi’s political base—moved through Gbagi Market, Iwo Road, Monatan, Olodo and Erunmu, drawing enthusiastic reactions from residents and traders who came out to welcome the PDP gubernatorial aspirant and his supporters.
Speaking during the walkout, Ambassador Ajadi expressed appreciation to party members and residents for their show of solidarity, describing the exercise as a demonstration of unity within the PDP in Egbeda.
This show of love from my people in Egbeda Local Government means a lot to me. I am a committed member of the PDP and I remain dedicated to the growth and progress of our great party,” Ajadi said.
He added that his governorship ambition is driven by his desire to consolidate on the achievements of Governor Seyi Makinde and further deepen good governance in Oyo State.
“Our goal is to build on the good governance already established by His Excellency, Governor Seyi Makinde. We want to expand opportunities for our youths, strengthen the local economy and ensure that development gets to every community,” he stated.
At Gbagi International Market, one of the major commercial hubs visited during the walkout, Ajadi addressed traders and artisans, assuring them of inclusive governance if given the mandate.
“I am coming with a clear vision to serve the people of Oyo State. Our administration, by God’s grace, will prioritise traders, artisans and small business owners because they are the backbone of our economy,” he told the cheering crowd.
The walkout was attended by notable PDP leaders including the Chairman of Egbeda Local Government and Oyo State Chairman of the Association of Local Governments of Nigeria (ALGON), Hon. Sikiru Oyedele Sanda; the Political Head/Administrator of Ajorosun LCDA, Hon. Ibrahim Oladebo, popularly known as Simple; the Chief of Staff to the Egbeda Local Government Chairman, Hon. Kabiru Siyanbola; and the PDP Chairman in Egbeda Local Government, Chief Alawe Olawale Ebenezer, among others.
Speaking on the significance of the exercise, Hon. Sanda described Ajadi as a dedicated party man whose aspiration deserves consideration.
“Ambassador Ajadi has demonstrated commitment to the PDP over the years. What we are witnessing today is a reflection of the acceptance he enjoys at the grassroots. Leaders will always consider candidates who have the support of the people,” he said.
Additionally, Chief Alawe noted that the consultation walkout was intended to reaffirm Ajadi’s loyalty to the PDP and to demonstrate his electability.
“Ajadi is not a stranger at our party. He is from Ward 8 here in Egbeda and he has remained consistent. We believe he is marketable and capable of flying the PDP flag if given the opportunity,” he said.
The event also featured entertainment performances by popular juju and gospel musician Otunba Femi Fadipe, popularly known as Femo Lancaster, alongside Bullion Records fast-rising hip-hop artiste Harcher (Abdul Rahman Yusuf), whose musical performances added colour to the political outing and attracted more young supporters.
Party faithful who spoke with journalists during the event said the turnout of supporters and the convoy of vehicles and motorcycles that accompanied the walkout showed the growing acceptance of Ajadi’s aspiration within the local government.
Observers noted that the consultation tour forms part of Ajadi’s ongoing grassroots engagement strategy aimed at strengthening his support base across Oyo State ahead of the PDP governorship race.
The walkout ended with a renewed call by supporters for party leaders to consider Ajadi’s popularity and loyalty to the PDP when the process of selecting the party’s governorship candidate begins.
Education
NIGERIA’S EDUCATION STRIDES, GLOBAL ACKNOWLEDGMENT: When Evidence Travels from Jigawa
NIGERIA’S EDUCATION STRIDES, GLOBAL ACKNOWLEDGMENT: When Evidence Travels from Jigawa
…as President Tinubu set to commission Africa’s largest schools complex in Lagos
By O’tega Ogra
There is a quiet shift happening in Nigeria’s education system. You will not find it in speeches neither will you find it in long policy documents. But if you look closely, you will see it in something far more difficult to dismiss. Evidence.
Last week in San Francisco, at the Comparative and International Education Society (CIES) conference, data from classrooms in Jigawa State was presented before a global audience. Not projections. Not estimates. A record of what is happening inside a public system in Nigeria. 
That distinction matters. For years, much of what the world has understood about education in countries like ours has been assembled from a distance. National averages. Modelled estimates and reports written long after the fact. What was presented this time came from within. Attendance tracked daily. Teachers reassigned based on need. Classrooms observed as they function. All under a digitalised ecosystem.
In Jigawa, under the JigawaUNITE foundational learning digital programme, the numbers tell a simple story. Within roughly 150 days of implementation which commenced at the end of 2024, 95 previously understaffed schools were fully staffed. Pupil teacher ratio moved from 114:1 to 70:1. Daily attendance rose from 39 per cent to 77 per cent. This remarkable improvement was not achieved by expanding the workforce. It came from reorganising what already existed under a digital umbrella.
There is something instructive in that. Nigeria has never lacked policy. What we have often lacked is the discipline of execution. The ability to take what already exists and make it work as intended. That is where the real shift is beginning to show.
But it would be too convenient to reduce this to one programme.
At the federal level, the direction has also been adjusting. The Minister of Education, Dr. Maruf Tunji Alausa, has placed measurable outcomes, foundational learning, and teacher quality back at the centre of policy. UBEC, the Federal Government’s Universal Basic Education body, continues to drive national interventions around school improvement and teacher development, even as it insists that reform must remain system-led and not fragmented.
The First Lady’s education interventions, through the Renewed Hope Initiative, have reinforced education as a national priority, particularly around access, learning materials, and inclusion. These are different levers, but they are part of the same ecosystem.
And then there is the fiscal reality.
Recent reforms under President Bola Ahmed Tinubu have increased allocations to subnational governments, creating more room for states to act. In a federation like Nigeria, that matters. Because education is not delivered from Abuja. It is delivered in states. In schools. In classrooms.
What Jigawa has done is to use that room and the Executive Governor of the state, the State Universal Basic Education Board, and their partners on the JigawaUNITE project, New Globe, must be given kudos.
However, Jigawa is not alone in this journey.
In Kwara, efforts to align teaching with actual learning levels are beginning to correct a structural mismatch in classrooms. In Lagos and Edo, structured pedagogy and closer monitoring are improving consistency in teaching. Across the entire ecosystem, state governments, federal institutions like UBEC, and delivery partners like NewGlobe are pushing at the same question from different angles.
How do children actually learn better?
In a prior reflection, Ifeyinwa Ugochukwu, VP at NewGlobe, captured the urgency clearly. With the right tools, training, and use of data, foundational learning outcomes can improve at scale. The real risk, she noted, is delay, allowing learning gaps to become permanent.
That warning should not be ignored because the context remains difficult. Nigeria still carries one of the largest out of school populations in the world. Learning gaps remain. Progress in one state does not resolve a national challenge, but it does something else.
It proves that movement is possible.
What was presented in Washington did not claim success. It demonstrated function. It showed that a Nigerian sub-national can generate evidence that holds up in a global room. That reform does not always require something new. Sometimes it requires using what already exists more honestly and more efficiently.
The real question now is whether this remains an exception.
Or whether it becomes a pattern.
Because reform at scale is never built on isolated wins. It is built on systems that can reproduce them.
And perhaps that is why the timing matters.
This week, another subnational, Lagos State, is expected to commission the Tolu Schools Complex in Ajegunle, a sprawling 36-school integrated facility spread across 11.7 hectares, designed to serve over 20,000 students, and described as the largest school community in Africa. 
There is a connection here that should not be missed.
On one hand, a classroom system in Jigawa is learning how to organise itself better. On the other, a state like Lagos is building the physical scale required to carry thousands of learners at once.
One is structure. The other is capacity.
Real progress sits where both meet because education reform is not only about what we build, it is about how well what we build actually works.
For once, the data was not explaining Nigeria from the outside.
It was coming from within.
And it carried weight.
society
BREAKING: Onireti Appointed Director-General of City Boy Movement in Oyo State
*BREAKING: Onireti Appointed Director-General of City Boy Movement in Oyo State*
The political atmosphere in Oyo State recorded a major development on Monday with the appointment of Hon. Olufemi Onireti as the new Director-General of the City Boy Movement, the grassroots mobilisation structure championing support for President Bola Ahmed Tinubu across the country.
The appointment was announced by the movement’s Director-General, Mr Francis Shoga, in Abuja on Tuesday during the handover of the appointment letter to Onireti.
This is coming days after his resignation from the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), where he had been an active figure and former House of Representatives candidate.
His new role is expected to reposition the group’s activities and strengthen its outreach ahead of future political engagements in Oyo State.
According to the movement’s leadership, Onireti was chosen based on his “wide political network, proven organisational capacity and strong presence among the youth and grassroots stakeholders.”
Speaking with newsmen, Onireti expressed gratitude for the confidence reposed in him and pledged to deploy his experience to advance the objectives of the City Boy Movement across the state.
Onireti said his decision to join the ruling party was a personal conviction shaped by ongoing political realignments and his commitment to supporting a broader progressive coalition at both state and national levels.
Hon. Onireti added that his appointment followed extensive consultations and harmonisation with his followers.
He assured supporters that his leadership would prioritise inclusiveness, strategic mobilisation and effective communication.
“I am committed to galvanising our structures and ensuring that Oyo State remains a stronghold for the ideals we stand for,” he said.
Political observers note that his appointment may shift the dynamics of political mobilisation in Oyo State, given his influence and recent political moves.
The City Boy Movement is expected to unveil its new operational roadmap in the coming days.
The movement, a prominent youth-driven support platform advancing President Tinubu’s Renewed Hope agenda, positions Onireti to lead its grassroots mobilisation efforts in Oyo as part of its national structure ahead of the 2027 elections.
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