Business
EXPOSED!!!The Stupendous wealth Bukola Saraki acquired as Gov. of Kwara + The Many Assets His wife and Children Possess
Akure— The President of the Nigerian Senate, Bukola Saraki, currently facing corruption charges, was worth N10 billion (by current exchange rate) at the time he assumed office as governor of Kwara State in 2003.
While his entire assets, including cash, landed properties and shares in Nigeria and abroad stood at about N8 billion, those of his wife totalled N1.8 billion and his four children N202 million.
These are contained in the asset declaration form and the affidavit Mr. Saraki deposed to before an Ilorin High Court and submitted to the Code of Conduct Bureau on September 16, 2003.
The document entitled “Form CCB 1: Asset Declaration Form for Public Officers,” was exclusively obtained by PREMIUM TIMES.
Mr. Saraki was on September 18 this year docked at the Code of Conduct Tribunal on a 13-count charge bordering on alleged corruption and false declaration of assets.
He was specifically accused of deliberately manipulating the asset declaration form he submitted prior to his assumption of his current position as senate president.
Although he pleaded not guilty to the charges, claiming his ordeal was politically motivated, the CCT adjourned the case to October 21, 22 and 23 for further hearing.
His wife had earlier been invited by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission over alleged complicity in shady contract deals during her husband’s tenure as governor between 2003 and 2011.
The assets declaration form showed that Mr. Saraki, who was a little over 40 years at the time he assumed office, had only N2.5 million cash at hand and a total of N51 million in various Nigerian banks at the time he filed the document.
He was also worth a total of £2.9 million and $400,000 lodged in some foreign banks at the time. That was besides owning landed and movable assets running into billions of naira and pound sterling in Nigeria and London.
He also held a substantial number of shares in a number of local and foreign companies valued at millions of naira and pounds.
Mr. Saraki said while he had N11,050,000 in the defunct Societe Generale Bank, where his family had interest, he had N350,000, N3 million and N390,000 in EcoBank, Guaranty Trust Bank and the defunct Citizen Bank, respectively, all in Lagos.
Besides, one of Mr. Saraki’s companies – Better Foods Ltd – had N600,000 and N23 million in Citizen Bank, Broad Street, Lagos and Societe Generale Bank, Oke Arin Street, Lagos, respectively.
Two other companies, namely Carlisle Properties & Investment Limited and BAS Trading and Manufacturing Ltd had N10.2 million and N2.9 million in accounts domiciled in EcoBank and Guaranty Trust Bank.
The senate president, in Appendix 2 of the document, declared a total of £905 million in one of his offshore accounts domiciled in Coutts & Co. 440 Strand, London.
Tyberry Corporation, another of his companies, had £2 million in Forte Bank, Camoile Street, London.
He also opened an account for his company, Eficaz Ltd, at Northern Trust International Banking Corporation Merrill Lynch Pierce Fenner, where he had $400,000 at the time he declared the assets.
In Appendix 3 of the form, Mr. Saraki also detailed eight landed property scattered in various parts of Lagos and Abuja which he said he acquired between December 1991 and March 2000, all valued at N2.3 billion.
According to him, a plot of land in Lekki, Lagos that he acquired in February 1992 was valued at N7 million while another one in Ajah he got in November 1992 was valued at N5 million.
Yet in November 1996, he acquired a plot in the Maitama District at N160 million.
Other properties he declared are those owned by his companies – a N750 million property at 42 Gerrard Road, Ikoyi owned by Skyview Properties Ltd; a N500 million property at 19 Ruxton road, Ikoyi, Lagos by Skyview Properties Ltd; and a N100 million property at 62 Awolowo Road, Ikoyi.
He declared the rental value of the property as N110 million, N65 million and N6 million per annum, respectively.
One of his companies, Carlisle Properties Ltd owned a property worth N160 million at No 15A & 15B McDonald Road, Ikoyi while BAS Trading owned a property on Musa Yar’Adua Street, Victoria Island, also in Lagos, valued at N700 million.
The rental income of the latter was N96 million per annum. He did not disclose that of the former.
Outside Nigeria, Mr. Saraki had landed property worth $12.9 million, all of which he listed in Appendix 5.
The properties, according to the document, were all located in London, UK.
According to him, the value of the properties at 123 Ashley Gardens, Thirlebey Road, London, (acquired in April 1990), 54 Ashley Road Gardens, Ambrasden Avenue ( acquired in January 1995) and 70 Bourne Street, London SW 1 (acquired in January 2002), were valued at $750,000, $2.55 million and $4.8 million, respectively.
He also declared some properties as belonging to his companies.
The property at 56 Cheque Road, London (valued at $900,000) and another located at Ormond House, Crimond Street, London SW 1 (valued at $400,000) were owned by European & America Trading Company.
Three others located at 53, 54 and 141 Ashley Gardens, London, were owned by Tyberry Corporation. The values were $2.5 million, $2.5 million and $600,000.
In Appendix 4, Mr. Saraki listed 15 various movable assets, mainly motor vehicles which he acquired between 1997 and 2002 all at a total value of N263.4 million.
The vehicles and their prices are a Mercedes S320 valued at N16 million; Mercedes S500 (N20 million); Mercedes G500 (N18 million); Mercedes V220 (N6million); Mercedes 300 E (N2 million); Ferrari 456 GT (N25 million); Navigator (N15 million); Mercedes ML 240 (N8.5 million); Peugeot 406 (N2.9 million); Mercedes CLK 320 (N9 million).
Others are Mercedes E320 (N11 million); Mercedes 500 (Bullet Proof), N45 million; Mercedes S500 (Bullet Proof), N30 million; Lexus Jeep (Bullet Proof), N30 million; and Lincoln Navigator (Bullet Proof), N25 million.
He said he acquired the cars proceeds of “Business” and “Savings.”
Mr. Saraki also declared a number of shares he held in different companies in Nigeria and abroad.
For instance, in Nigeria, the senate president said at the time he became governor he had a total of 1,204,653 shares in four companies valued at N2.2 million.
The companies were African Petroleum, UNIPETROL, Airline Catering and Central Petroleum.
Other organisations where he held huge shares were GTB where he had 100,000 worth N425,000.
These shares in the bank were however bought in his son’s name, Seni.
Outside Nigeria, Mr. Saraki declared he had shares in five companies, namely Gensoft, All African Media Coy, Merrill BBH Fund, Mundernet Fund and Izorch Inc.
The 100,000 shares he held at Gensoft were valued at €2.6 million while the total number of shares in the remaining four companies was worth $6.1 million.
His company, HAUSSMAN, however held 160 units of shares with a total value of $1.5 million in some foreign companies. It had 25,000 shares valued at $100,000 in Mundernet Fund, 10,000 valued at $400,000 in Eaton Vanice Fund, 50,000 shares valued at $700,000 in PIMCO Fund and 75,000 shares worth $300,000 in Merrill BBH.
Wife
He stated in the assets declaration form that his wife held an account in EcoBank Broad Street, Lagos, where she had N1.5 million at the time he became governor.
She also maintained an account in Coutts & Co Strand, London where she owned £450,000 and $125,000.
She also had $3 million in Northern Trust International Banking Corporation Merrill Lynch Pierce Fenner.
Mrs. Saraki also maintained substantial shares in European and American Trading Company, Tyberry Corporation and EFICAZ Ltd.
Other property the senate president listed against his wife’s name were a plot of land at Lekki valued at N5 million which he said was a gift he received in January 1989.
She also had a property at 15 Bryanston Square, London W1 and 69 Bourne Street, London.
While the first, whose rental income he put at £48,000 with a value of £900,000, was acquired in January 1989, the second, whose value was £2m and had rental value of £150,000 was acquired for business in April 2000.
Mr. Saraki also declared that his wife held 500,000 shares, valued at £500,000, at P.C.C (U.K) Ltd.
He was silent on the number of shares the former first lady had in HAUSSMANN and TINY TEE (Nig) Ltd.
Children
In APPENDIX 1 of the form, the senate president also detailed the property owned by his four children, whose names he gave as Tosin, Seni, Teniola and Teniayo.
According to the document, Tosin had N700,000 in the family bank, Societe Generale Bank while Seni had N400,000 in the same family bank.
Outside Nigeria, Tosin and Seni jointly maintained an account in Northern Trust International Banking Corporation Merrill Lynch Pierce Fenner, where they had £400,000 while Teniola and Teniayo had £250,000 in the same bank at the time.
In Coutts & Co. 440 Strand, London, Tosin and Seni had £1000 and £500, respectively.
Saraki’s Case At Code of Conduct Bureau
In what some interpreted as political persecution, Mr. Saraki was arraigned last month before the CCT for false declaration of assets seven years after he concluded his two terms as governor.
In one of the 13-count charge, the senate president was accused of making anticipatory declaration of asset, thus breaching the Code of Conduct Bureau and Tribunal Act, Cap C15, Laws of the Federation of Nigeria, 2004.
The charge reads, “That you, Dr. Olubukola Abubakar Saraki, while being the Executive Governor of Kwara State on or about 16th September, 2003 within the jurisdiction of this Hon. Tribunal, did make a false declaration in assets declaration form for public officers on assumption of office as Governor of Kwara State by making an anticipatory asset declaration in that you claimed to have owned and acquired No. 15A and N0. 15B McDonald Ikoyi, Lagos through your company Carlisle Properties Limited in the year 2006 when the said property was in actual fact sold by the Implementation Committee on Federal Government landed property in the year 2006 to your companies Tiny Tee Limited and Vitti Oil Limited for the aggregate sum of N396, 150, 000 and you hereby committed an offence under Section 15 of the Code of Conduct Bureau and Tribunal Act, Cap C15, Laws of the Federation of Nigeria, 2004 and incorporated under Paragraph 11(1) and (2) of Part 1, 5th Schedule to the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 (as amended) and punishable under Section 23(2) of the Code of Conduct Bureau and Tribunal Act and incorporated under Paragraph 18 of part 1, 5th Schedule to the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 (as amended).”
Career History
Mr. Saraki, a medical doctor, assumed office as governor on May 29, 2003.
He served as medical officer for about one year at Rush Green Hospital, London between 1988 and 1989.
He later served as Director of SGB, owned by his late father, Olusola, between 1990 and 2000. In 2000, former President Olusegun Obasanjo named him his special assistant on budget.
He also served on the Economic Policy Coordination Committee, where he had the task of formulating and implementation key economic policies for the country.
In 2003, he ran for the office of governor of Kwara State on the platform of the Peoples Democratic Party and won.
Societie Generale Bank, the bank in which he was director, became insolvent around the same time, with several depositors losing their savings.
He was re-elected in 2007. During his second tenure, he served as chairman of the Nigerian Governors’ Forum.
Mr. Saraki later showed interest in running for president in 2011 but was excluded alongside two others from the presidential race by the Adamu Ciroma-led Northern Political Leaders Forum, which picked a former vice president, Atiku Abubakar, as its consensus candidate.
That year, he was however elected into the Senate to represent Kwara Central senatorial District on the platform of the PDP.
He was re-elected in 2015 on the platform of the APC. He had led some other PDP senators to defect to the party in early 2014.
He emerged senate president on June 9 against the wishes of his party and some of its leading chieftains.
SOURCE : PREMIUM TIMES
Business
Riceocracy: When Tinubu and the APC Government Substitutes Governance with Handouts
Riceocracy: When Tinubu and the APC Government Substitutes Governance with Handouts
By George Omagbemi Sylvester
“Tinubu’s administration faces mounting criticism as rice palliatives replace real solutions to Nigeria’s deepening crisis.”
ABUJA, Nigeria — March 17, 2026
A growing wave of public frustration is sweeping across Nigeria as citizens decry what has now been dubbed “Riceocracy” a governance pattern where the government of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) respond to systemic failures with the distribution of rice rather than meaningful reforms.
Across the country, from major cities like Lagos and Abuja to underserved rural communities, Nigerians are voicing anger over persistent issues: no stable electricity, deteriorating road networks, unaffordable fuel and cooking gas, and a struggling education system. Yet, in response to these structural problems, the government’s most visible intervention has been the distribution of food palliatives; particularly rice.
The central figures in this unfolding crisis are President Tinubu and the APC-led federal and state governments, who have overseen the rollout of these relief measures. On the other side are millions of Nigerians battling rising inflation, joblessness, and declining living standards.
The trend gained momentum following the removal of fuel subsidies in May 2023, a policy decision by the Tinubu administration that triggered a surge in transportation and commodity prices. By 2024 and into 2025, the government intensified the distribution of rice and other palliatives as a stopgap measure to quell public discontent. Now, in 2026, the approach has become a defining feature of the administration’s response to economic hardship.
The “Riceocracy” phenomenon is nationwide. Reports from states such as Kano, Rivers, and Borno show large crowds gathering for rice distribution exercises, even as basic infrastructure continues to decay. Urban centers are not exempt; in cities like Lagos, residents still grapple with erratic power supply and high living costs despite periodic palliative programs.
Analysts point to political convenience and immediate optics. Distributing rice is quick, visible, and politically advantageous, especially in a climate of widespread hardship. However, critics argue that it reflects a deeper governance failure; an inability or unwillingness to implement long-term solutions.
Nobel laureate Wole Soyinka has long warned against superficial governance, describing such approaches as “a betrayal of democratic responsibility.” In the same vein, global economist Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala has stressed that “palliatives may provide temporary relief, but they cannot replace sound economic management and structural reform.”
Political economist Pat Utomi offers a sharper critique: “A state that reduces its responsibility to food sharing risks institutionalizing poverty rather than eliminating it.” His statement captures the growing concern that Nigeria’s leadership is addressing symptoms rather than causes.
The implications are severe. Nigeria’s power sector remains unreliable, forcing businesses to depend on costly alternatives. Road infrastructure continues to hinder economic activity, while the education sector suffers from underfunding and frequent disruptions. Despite these challenges, rice distribution has become the most consistent government response.
Critics further argue that this strategy fosters dependency and weakens civic engagement. Instead of demanding accountability, citizens may feel compelled to accept handouts as substitutes for rights and services. Allegations of mismanagement and politicization of palliative distribution also persist, raising questions about transparency and fairness.
The term “Riceocracy” may sound satirical, but it reflects a sobering reality. It highlights a governance model where survival replaces development, and where public policy is reduced to emergency relief rather than strategic planning.
As Nigeria marks this moment on March 17, 2026, the message from scholars, civil society, and frustrated citizens is unmistakable: rice cannot fix a broken system. Only deliberate investments in infrastructure, education, energy, and economic productivity can restore confidence and chart a sustainable path forward.
Until then, the image of Nigerians queuing for bags of rice will remain a stark symbol of a nation still searching for leadership that goes beyond palliatives to deliver real progress.
Bank
ZENITH BANK OPENS MANCHESTER BRANCH TO SUPPORT CROSS-BORDER TRADE AND INVESTMENT
ZENITH BANK OPENS MANCHESTER BRANCH TO SUPPORT CROSS-BORDER TRADE AND INVESTMENT
Zenith Bank Plc has announced the opening of a new branch in Manchester, United Kingdom, marking another significant milestone in the bank’s international growth and its commitment to strengthening financial connections between Africa and global markets.
The official opening ceremony, scheduled to hold on Tuesday, March 17, 2026, is expected to attract government officials from Nigeria and the United Kingdom, regulators, investors, customers, and business leaders from both countries, underscoring the growing economic ties and investment opportunities between the two markets.
The new Manchester branch will complement Zenith Bank’s existing operations in the United Kingdom and serve as a strategic hub for supporting businesses engaged in international trade and investment. Through the branch, the bank will provide corporate banking, trade finance, treasury and related financial services to clients operating across the United Kingdom, Europe and Africa.Speaking ahead of the launch, the Group Managing Director/Chief Executive Officer of Zenith Bank Plc, Dame Dr. Adaora Umeoji, OON, said: “The opening of our Manchester branch represents another important step in Zenith Bank’s growth as a leading African financial institution connecting businesses and markets across continents. Manchester is one of the United Kingdom’s most dynamic commercial centres, and our presence here will further strengthen financial connections between businesses in the UK and opportunities across Africa’s rapidly expanding markets.
”Founded in 1990 by its Founder and Chairman, Jim Ovia, CFR, Zenith Bank has grown into one of Africa’s most respected banking institutions, boasting a robust capital base and a remarkable history of year-on-year profitability. Built on a strong foundation of people, technology and service, the Bank has consistently delivered innovative financial solutions while maintaining a disciplined approach to growth and risk management. The impressive performance of the Bank has consistently earned it excellent ratings, recognition and endorsement from local and international agencies and institutions.Headquartered in Lagos, Nigeria, Zenith Bank operates over 500 branches and business offices across the 36 States of the Federation and the Federal Capital Territory (FCT). The Bank currently operates subsidiaries in several African countries including Ghana, Sierra Leone, Gambia, and Cote d’Ivoire, while maintaining a presence in major international financial centres including the United Kingdom, France, UAE and China.
In recent years, Zenith Bank has continued to expand its international network as part of its strategy to support global trade and investment flows involving Africa.Manchester, widely regarded as one of the United Kingdom’s most vibrant economic centres, hosts a diverse base of businesses across sectors such as manufacturing, engineering, logistics, technology and consumer goods. The city’s strong commercial ecosystem and international outlook align closely with Zenith Bank’s expertise in corporate banking, structured finance and trade finance.The Manchester branch will work closely with the Bank’s London operations and its broader international network to support clients seeking to expand across markets and unlock new opportunities in both the United Kingdom and Africa.
With the opening of the Manchester branch, Zenith Bank continues to advance its vision of building a truly global African banking institution that connects businesses, facilitates trade and investment, and creates stronger economic bridges between Africa and the world.
Business
New Petrol Import Permits May Reverse Nigeria’s Push for Domestic Refining and Increase Pressure on Foreign Reserve” — Energy Policy Group Tells President Tinubu
*“New Petrol Import Permits May Reverse Nigeria’s Push for Domestic Refining and Increase Pressure on Foreign Reserve” — Energy Policy Group Tells President Tinubu*
An energy policy group has advised President Bola Ahmed Tinubu to reconsider the wider economic consequences of newly issued permits allowing marketers to import petrol into the country, warning that the move could undermine Nigeria’s efforts to strengthen domestic refining and stabilise the economy.
In a statement released on Sunday in Abuja, the Energy Transparency and Market Justice Initiative (ETMJI) said the approvals granted by the Nigerian Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority (NMDPRA) could produce unintended consequences if not carefully managed.
The group’s president, Dr. Salako Kareem, said Nigeria was at a delicate moment in its energy transition and that policy choices made now would determine whether the country finally escapes its decades-long dependence on imported refined petroleum products.
Kareem said while the regulator’s responsibility to guarantee adequate fuel supply is understood, expanding import permissions at this stage could weaken the policy direction required to encourage local production and long-term sector stability.
“Our respectful appeal to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu is that decisions concerning petrol importation must be carefully weighed against their long-term economic consequences,” Kareem said.
“Nigeria has spent decades trying to overcome the paradox of being a major crude oil producer while relying heavily on imported refined products. Any policy action that appears to reopen the floodgates of importation may slow down the progress that has been made toward strengthening domestic refining capacity.”
He warned that increasing petrol imports could place additional pressure on the country’s foreign exchange reserves, especially at a time when the government is pursuing difficult economic reforms aimed at stabilising the naira and improving fiscal discipline.
“For many years, the country has lost enormous volumes of foreign exchange importing petroleum products that could ideally be refined locally,” Kareem said.
“If import volumes begin to rise again, the demand for foreign currency will inevitably grow. This could place renewed strain on the naira and undermine the broader economic stabilisation programme that the government is currently pursuing.”
The group also warned that excessive reliance on imported petrol could create opportunities for product dumping and the entry of substandard fuel into the Nigerian market, a challenge that has troubled regulators and consumers in the past.
According to Kareem, Nigeria’s downstream sector has historically struggled with quality control issues whenever importation becomes widespread, because imported fuel often travels through multiple intermediaries before reaching domestic depots.
“One of the lessons from the past is that when imports dominate the supply chain, the market sometimes becomes vulnerable to the dumping of inferior petroleum products,” he said.
“This not only creates regulatory complications but also exposes Nigerian consumers to fuels that may damage vehicles, affect industrial machinery and ultimately impose hidden economic costs on the country.”
He added that encouraging domestic refining and strengthening local supply chains would provide better product traceability and improve overall market transparency.
Kareem stressed that the group’s intervention was not intended as criticism of the NMDPRA, noting that regulators must often make complex decisions to prevent supply disruptions in a volatile energy market.
However, he urged the federal government to ensure that short-term supply management does not weaken long-term national objectives in the petroleum sector.
“We recognise that the regulator has the responsibility to ensure that Nigerians do not experience fuel shortages, and that duty is extremely important,” he said.
“But at the same time, policy coherence is essential. The country must avoid sending signals that could discourage investment in local refining or create uncertainty about Nigeria’s commitment to energy self-sufficiency.”
Kareem said Nigeria now has a rare opportunity to restructure its downstream petroleum industry in a way that strengthens domestic production, protects foreign exchange reserves and builds long-term industrial capacity.
He urged the president to ensure that the country’s regulatory framework reflects that strategic vision.
“Our appeal is simply for policy alignment. If Nigeria truly wants to build a resilient energy economy, then every major decision in the downstream sector must reinforce the goal of reducing import dependence, strengthening domestic production and protecting the country’s economic stability,” Kareem noted.
The group added that careful policy coordination between regulators and the presidency would help ensure that Nigeria avoids repeating the costly fuel import cycles that have historically drained public resources and weakened the national economy.
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