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Fayemi wins as APC, PDP woo voters with cash

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Olufemi Atoyebi, Tunde Ajaja and Tobi Aworinde

The All Progressives Congress candidate in the Ekiti State governorship election, Dr. Kayode Fayemi, has won the poll held on Saturday.

From the results of the 16 local government areas in the state, Fayemi defeated his closest rival, Prof. Kolapo Olusola of the Peoples Democratic Party, in 12 LGAs.

Fayemi polled 197,459 while Olusola scored 178,114 votes.

The election witnessed a large turnout of voters and early arrival of the ad hoc staff and supervisors of INEC at polling units.

Voting materials also arrived early in many polling units across the state while voters conducted themselves well during accreditation process.

But tension set in as allegations of vote-buying were levelled against party agents by voters in some polling units. In some cases, the situation led to friction among loyalists of various political parties.

At Ward 12 in the Igbehin area of Ado-Ekiti, an elderly voter, who spoke on condition of anonymity, accused the All Progressives Congress of offering N5,000 to those who had the Permanent Voter Card to secure their votes. He said he rejected the offer.

“I was offered N5,000 to vote for the party but I rejected it. I am 73 years old retired teacher. I cannot allow the future of my children to be bought by moneybags.  I don’t know how we descended to this level when people brazenly offer money to people to secure their votes. It was not like this in the past. Will our votes count with this problem?” he asked.

In Ayegbaju and Oye-Ekiti, it was alleged that party agents paid those who had no PVC N2,000 to vote in connivance with the INEC officials.

A source, who simply identified herself as Bimbo, said after those who had PVC had voted, some of the remaining ballot papers were thumb-printed by youths who had no PVC with the promise of financial gratification.

She said, “If you look well and observe the polling units, the INEC officials connive to allow this thing to happen. They pretended to check the fingerprint but it is fraud they are perpetrating.”

The Peoples Democratic Party was also accused of offering voters N3,000 each to secure their votes. Apart from the reported N3,000 allegedly paid to some civil servants and pensioners by the PDP-led state government, the party agents were accused of going from house to house, approaching voters who possessed PVC.

INEC’s preparation, which the state Resident Electoral Commissioner, Prof. Abdulganiy Raji, had described as foolproof, failed some of the tests on the election day. Although election materials got to many of the polling units early, there were reports of the card readers failing to function properly.

At Ward 11, Unit 009 in Ishan-Ekiti, where the APC candidate, Kayode Fayemi, voted, his wife, Erelu Bisi, could not vote immediately as the card reader failed to recognise her PVC. The husband expressed apprehension over the situation, saying her vote must count for him.

Loyalists of the PDP in Ado-Ekiti also accused INEC of deliberately allowing the APC supporters to vote while card readers rejected PDP voters in some of the polling units.

At the polling unit in front of the Ekiti State University, Ado-Ekiti, a man, who identified himself as a youth leader of the PDP in his ward, and who also identified himself as Alawe, said the card reader failed to recognise more than half of the people who wanted to vote for the PDP candidate, Kolapo Olusola.

Elsewhere in Ayede, in the North Senatorial District of the state, some voters also accused INEC of failure to perfect the technology and innovations deployed for the election before introducing them to the Ekiti election.

The election also recorded brigandage and fighting in some parts of the state. A man was injured in a fight among party supporters at Unit 11, Ward 04, at Ijigbo junction in Ado-Ekiti around 7.45am as queues were being formed after the arrival of INEC officials. It was not clear what caused the fight but it was quickly checked by policemen at the unit.

One of our correspondents, who visited polling units in the Fajuyi area of Ado-Ekiti, observed a large turnout of voters with glaring cases of vote-buying which voters called ‘see and buy.’ It was observed that the vote buyers demanded evidence of PVC and assurance that the seller would vote for their party before offering the money.

At Ward 10, Unit 02, security operatives accosted a female voter who had followed the due process of accreditation and voting, only to attempt photographing her ballot paper. The incident prompted uproar from other voters which led female officers to seize the voter’s mobile telephone while also compelling her to delete the photograph.

A source confirmed to SUNDAY PUNCH that a woman sitting by the new Fajuyi Bridge with three bags paid voters on behalf of one of the major political parties.

At one scene, a middle-aged man approached a youth and accused him of voting at the nearby Ward 10, Unit 13 and leaving the polling station to disrupt the conduct at Ward 10, Unit 02.

Another man was heard complaining that he voted and showed evidence to a political party as he demanded payment.

At Ward 10, Unit 13 in Ado-Ekiti, voters were agitated as a domestic electoral observer confided in one of our correspondents that the ‘see and buy’ arrangement had been at play, albeit discreetly.

The atmosphere at the ward was chaotic as a large number of frustrated voters unsuccessfully tried to get registered as a result of a malfunctioned card reader. Elderly men and women stood in the sun for more than three hours before provision was made for the replacement of the faulty card reader.

According to an electoral observer, who spoke on condition of anonymity, other areas that experienced pockets of violence included Ojumose, Damilore and Oke-Ila in Ado-Ekiti.

The source said policemen invited to the scene of the violence in Ojumose shot indiscriminately into the air to disperse the thugs. The source added that cases of ‘see and buy’ were also prevalent in the aforementioned areas

Culled from Punch

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NATIONAL UNVEILING OF THE IGBO PRESIDENCY PROJECT (IPP)

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NATIONAL UNVEILING OF THE IGBO PRESIDENCY PROJECT (IPP)

 

The Peaceful Path Toward Equity, Unity and Democratic Representation for the Igbo People of Nigeria

1. Introduction & Rationale

The Igbo Presidency Project (IPP) is a peaceful, pro-Nigeria, and pan-Igbo political advocacy initiative established by the Igbo Heroes and Icons Foundation. It is dedicated to the pursuit, in perpetuity, of electing—constitutionally and democratically—a President of Igbo extraction in the Federal Republic of Nigeria.

The IPP is premised on the principle that every major ethnic group in Nigeria must participate fairly in the leadership and governance of the nation, especially one that has contributed immensely to Nigeria’s unity, independence, economy, and democratic culture.

Since the early formation of political parties in Nigeria in the 1940s, the Igbo have been deeply active in the struggle for self-government and eventual independence. Notably, Igbo-led political movements viewed Nigeria as one indivisible entity and deliberately embraced inclusiveness, accommodating Nigerians of all tribes, religions, and ethnic backgrounds in leadership structures. This spirit was exemplified under the leadership of Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, whose NCNC reflected equitable representation across the North, West, and East.

The struggle for equitable rights and representation for the Igbo people is therefore non-negotiable, irreversible, and essential for national peace, cohesion, justice, and sustainable development.

This project calls upon Igbo communities in Southeast Nigeria, throughout the Nigerian federation, and across the global diaspora to unite in a common civic purpose: the restoration of dignity, representation, and rights through constitutional means.

2. Historical Context: Who Are the Igbo?

The Igbo are one of Nigeria’s three largest ethnic groups, concentrated in the southeastern region of the country, including Abia, Anambra, Ebonyi, Enugu, Imo, and parts of Delta and Rivers States. Estimates place the Igbo population at roughly 45 million people today, with vibrant diaspora communities across Europe, North America, the Caribbean, and West Africa.

Unlike many West African societies, traditional Igbo political organization was decentralized, rooted in autonomous villages and republican consensus systems rather than centralized kingdoms. This indigenous tradition fostered entrepreneurship, achievement through individual merit, and a culture of civic engagement.

Historically, the Igbo demonstrated uncommon sacrifices for Nigerian unity. For example:

In 1957, when Britain offered self-government to the regions if two agreed, Dr. Azikiwe rejected the offer because he believed the North should not be left behind, comparing Nigeria to “a fleet of ships” that must not abandon one vessel mid-voyage.

In 1959, Azikiwe again rejected an offer from Chief Awolowo that would have made him Prime Minister, choosing instead a coalition that preserved national balance and prevented crisis.

These are among the countless sacrifices made by the Igbo in the interest of peace and stability in Nigeria.

The Igbo also experienced one of the most tragic episodes in African post-colonial history—the Nigerian Civil War (1967–1970)—which resulted in the death of over one million civilians, mostly Igbo.

3. Post-War Reality: Marginalisation and Structural Exclusion

Despite their sacrifices, the post-war experience of the Igbo has been marked by deep structural injustice.

After the civil war, Igbo citizens who had legitimate bank savings were given only twenty pounds sterling, regardless of the amounts they held. This was followed by the declaration of many Igbo-owned homes as “abandoned properties,” particularly in Rivers State, where such properties were undervalued, seized, and sold under discriminatory conditions.

Other patterns of exclusion include:

Persistent relocation and dispossession of Igbo traders in Lagos and other states

Unequal state creation, leaving the Southeast with fewer states than other zones

Systematic denial of key national security and judicial positions to qualified Igbo citizens

Tenure extensions deliberately preventing Igbo succession in strategic offices

These realities continue to fuel perceptions of second-class citizenship, despite the Igbo having no other homeland outside Nigeria.

4. Systematic Injustice and the Unrewarded Sacrifices of the Igbo People

The call for an Igbo Presidency cannot be separated from the long record of sacrifices the Igbo have made for the unity, stability, and progress of Nigeria—sacrifices that have too often been met with exclusion rather than recognition.

From the earliest days of Nigeria’s amalgamation, through the independence struggle and the turbulent years that followed, the Igbo have consistently acted in favour of one united Nigeria, even at great cost to themselves. The massacres of 1953, the pogroms of 1966–1967, and the catastrophic genocide of the civil war remain among the darkest chapters in Nigeria’s history. Yet, despite these wounds, the Igbo people have repeatedly chosen forgiveness, reintegration, and renewed commitment to the Nigerian project.

One of the most defining sacrifices occurred in 1957 when Britain offered self-government to Nigeria’s regions on the condition that two of the three major regions accept. While the Western Region agreed and the North declined, Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe—then leader of the Eastern Region—also refused, insisting that Nigeria must move forward together and that the North should not be left behind. Had he accepted, Nigeria would likely have fractured permanently into separate countries. The survival of Nigeria’s federation today is therefore inseparable from Igbo statesmanship and restraint.

Even in the political arrangements preceding independence, Igbo leaders repeatedly accepted less advantageous positions in order to preserve national balance. In 1959, Dr. Azikiwe declined the opportunity to become Prime Minister through a southern coalition, choosing instead a weaker ceremonial role to avoid pushing the North into opposition at independence—a decision he described as becoming “a prisoner in a gilded cage.”

Yet, rather than being honoured for such nation-building sacrifices, the Igbo have endured decades of collective demonization and structural punishment. The January 1966 coup was unfairly stamped an “Igbo coup,” despite evidence that Igbo officers played key roles in crushing the coup and that Igbo senior officers were also among its victims. No other ethnic group in Nigeria has been so persistently stigmatized in this manner.

Following the civil war, policies such as the infamous “twenty pounds” restitution—regardless of the savings Igbo citizens held—represented not reconciliation but economic devastation. The seizure of Igbo properties through the “abandoned property” system further dispossessed thousands of families, many of whom never recovered their homes, investments, or dignity.

In contemporary Nigeria, these patterns of exclusion continue through unequal representation in federal appointments, denial of career progression within national institutions, politically motivated removals of Igbo technocrats, and systematic sidelining of the Southeast in strategic national committees and decision-making structures.

Recent developments—including disproportionate ministerial allocations, dismissals of Igbo professionals from key economic agencies, and increasing threats of economic disenfranchisement in major commercial centres such as Lagos—reinforce the reality that marginalisation is not historical alone, but ongoing.

The consistent lesson is clear: patriotism has too often been rewarded with exclusion, and sacrifice has been met with structural imbalance. In a true democracy, such a pattern is unsustainable.

Therefore, the demand for an Igbo President is not a plea for favour, but a legitimate call for justice, equity, and national stability. Nigeria cannot continue to thrive while one of its most nation-building peoples remains permanently shut out of the highest office. The time has come to correct this imbalance peacefully, constitutionally, and democratically—by giving the Igbo people their rightful place in the leadership of their only homeland: Nigeria

5. National Justification for an Igbo Presidency

Beyond questions of ethnic sentiment, the demand for an Igbo President must be understood as a legitimate national necessity rooted in Nigeria’s history, contributions, sacrifices, and the principles of equity that sustain stable federations. The Igbo Presidency Project (IPP) is not an agitation against Nigeria, but rather a call for Nigeria to finally reflect its own democratic ideals through inclusive leadership representation.

The Igbo people are among the original occupants of their homeland long before colonial amalgamation created modern Nigeria. Since that colonial union, the Igbo have demonstrated an enduring instinct for national development, contributing immensely across all spheres of human endeavour—agriculture, commerce, industry, education, health, sports, and civic life. Their presence has never been limited to the Southeast; rather, the Igbo are uniquely pan-Nigerian in settlement, enterprise, and integration.

A defining characteristic of the Igbo is their uncommon openness to other ethnic nationalities. They are widely known for hospitality, inter-ethnic coexistence, and cross-cultural family ties. In many cases, Igbo families living outside their homeland adopt names and identities from host communities, reflecting deep social integration. Even Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, Nigeria’s foremost nationalist, gave Yoruba names to his first children born in Lagos—symbolic of the Igbo spirit of belonging everywhere in Nigeria.

Igbo communities also record the highest patterns of inter-tribal marriages across Nigeria, producing generations of Nigerians whose identities embody unity itself. This makes the Igbo question not merely regional but fundamentally national: no group has more invested emotionally, socially, and economically in Nigeria’s collective survival than the Igbo.

Economically, the Igbo remain among the most productive drivers of Nigeria’s internal trade and industrial energy. There is virtually no Nigerian town where Igbo entrepreneurs, artisans, builders, mechanics, traders, and professionals are absent. Their reputation for adaptability, innovation, and resilience has made them indispensable to Nigeria’s commercial ecosystem. This entrepreneurial culture is deeply rooted in the Igbo republican tradition—decentralized governance, merit-based advancement, and competitive excellence.

Historically, Igbo leadership has repeatedly demonstrated visionary commitment to national progress. A striking example is the industrial foresight of Dr. Michael Okpara, Premier of Eastern Nigeria, who proposed a steel complex that would have transformed Nigeria’s industrial base decades earlier. The federal refusal of this initiative, followed by its later fragmented execution outside the East, reflects a broader pattern of missed opportunities and structural sidelining of Eastern contributions.

Even after the civil war, highly qualified Igbo technocrats such as Dr. Eze Melari played central roles in national projects like Ajaokuta Steel, only to be removed through political manoeuvres that undermined competence and delayed national development. Nigeria’s failure to industrialize effectively cannot be separated from the systematic exclusion of capable contributors due to political imbalance.

The post-war era further entrenched Igbo marginalisation through policies such as the infamous “twenty pounds” restitution regardless of savings, and the widespread seizure of Igbo properties under the “abandoned property” framework. These actions reinforced perceptions of second-class citizenship for a people with no other homeland but Nigeria.

Politically, the exclusion of the Southeast from the presidency remains one of the clearest structural injustices in Nigeria’s leadership history. Since independence, nearly all regions have produced multiple Heads of State or Presidents, through democratic and military transitions alike, while the Southeast has remained the most persistently denied zone in the highest office of the land.

Equity demands fairness. In any federation, peace and stability are sustained when all major components feel represented at the centre. Continued denial breeds alienation, while inclusion fosters loyalty, trust, and unity.

The Igbo Presidency Project therefore represents more than an ethnic aspiration—it is a democratic correction, a moral restoration, and a strategic necessity for national renewal. Nigeria’s problems are not insurmountable, but they require competent, merit-driven, nationally invested leadership. The Igbo have consistently demonstrated these qualities across generations.

It is time, morally and politically, to allow the long-marginalised Southeast to contribute at the highest level—not as a concession, but as a rightful step toward a more balanced, prosperous, and united Nigeria.

6. The Igbo in Contemporary Nigeria & the Global Diaspora

Today, Igbo communities remain deeply engaged in national life and international diaspora networks. Igbo excellence is globally visible in entrepreneurship, innovation, literature, and governance.

Notable examples include:

Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, globally respected for her economic leadership

Philip Emeagwali, credited with pioneering breakthroughs in computing

Indigenous industrial innovators such as Ezekiel Izuogu and Innoson Motors, often under-supported despite their contributions

The continued neglect of Igbo potential is not merely an ethnic issue—it is a national development failure.

7. Vision, Mission and Values of IPP

Vision

A united, equitable, democratic Nigeria where all peoples, including the Igbo, share power, dignity, and opportunity at the highest level.

Mission

To mobilize Igbo communities—locally, nationally, and internationally—to build consensus, political strategy, and civic engagement that culminates in the constitutional election of an Igbo President.

Core Values

Peaceful Advocacy

Civic Empowerment

Equity and Fairness

Inclusivity

Democratic Participation

8. Strategic Objectives

Advocacy & Sensitisation: Promote awareness among Igbo communities and Nigerians at large about the importance of equitable representation in national leadership for peace and unity.

Voter Education: Ensure widespread knowledge of electoral processes, civic rights, and political organization.

Diaspora Mobilization: Build a global network of supporters to complement grassroots and national efforts.

Partnership & Alliances: Engage like-minded groups interested in inclusive governance across Nigeria and globally.

Leadership Development: Groom and mentor future leaders from the Igbo community geared toward national service and presidency eligibility.

Data & Research: Conduct rigorous historical, political, and sociological studies to inform policy proposals and strategic direction.

9. Proposed Sub-Projects & Campaign Programmes

To ensure the IPP is systematic and sustainable, the following sub-projects and campaign initiatives are proposed:

A. Igbo Political Empowerment Academy (IPEA)

A specialized institution for political training, civic education, leadership readiness, and strategic campaigning.

B. Global Igbo Civic Forum (GICF)

A diaspora network that fosters global dialogue, lobbying, and resource mobilisation supporting the IPP agenda.

C. Youth Engagement & Future Leaders Programme

Focused on mentoring Igbo youths in political processes, debate, advocacy, and public service.

D. Media and Narrative Counter-Campaign (MNCC)

To counter misinformation, promote positive Igbo narratives, and build bridges with national and international media.

E. Research & Policy Development Wing

A think-tank producing position papers, policy proposals, and historical analyses to support constitutional arguments and widespread understanding.

F. Cultural Revival & Identity Project

This engages arts, festivals, language preservation, and cultural education to strengthen pride and identity among Igbo youth and diaspora.

10. Organisation & Structure of IPP

The IPP will be governed by a hierarchical and inclusive framework to ensure accountability, representation and grassroots engagement:

The Governing Council – Highest decision-making body of IPP consisting of esteemed Igbo Heroes and Icons.

Board of Trustees – Founders of the Igbo Heroes and Icons Foundation.

National Executive Committee – National leadership team.

International/Diaspora Executive Committee – Global coordination body.

Zonal & State Executive Committees – State-level governance structures.

Local Government & Ward Executive Committees – Grassroots organisation.

Polling Unit Grassroots Committees – Base ten-member bodies per polling unit to mobilise citizens.

11. Call to Action

This is a clarion call for peace, unity, and democratic equity. We invite Igbo youths, elders, professionals, women leaders, and all stakeholders of goodwill—inside and outside Nigeria—to join in advancing this historic cause.

By joining hands, minds, logistics, financial and intellectual resources, we can realize a Nigeria of equal opportunities (COEO)—a nation that celebrates diversity and includes all peoples meaningfully in its leadership structures.

Our Tomorrow Starts Today!

SIGNED

HON. PRINCE CHINEDU NSOFOR (KPAKPANDO NDIGBO)
NATIONAL COORDINATOR IGBO PRESIDENCY PROJECT AND FOUNDING PRESIDENT IGBO HEROES AND ICONS FOUNDATION
19/02/2026

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Journalists for Good Governance Shines Searchlight on Local Government Administration

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Journalists for Good Governance Shines Searchlight on Local Government Administration

…Calls for Accountability in Nigeria’s Grassroots Governance

 

LAGOS, Nigeria — A civil society coalition known as Journalists for Good Governance(JGG) has intensified public debate on transparency and accountability within Nigeria’s local government system, urging media professionals, civil society actors, and citizens to hold grassroots leaders accountable.

Speaking an event in Lagos recently, the acting chairman of the society, Comrade Bunmi Obarotimi said that despite reforms such as the Supreme Court’s 2024 ruling granting financial autonomy to all 774 Local Government Areas (LGAs), systemic challenges continues to hinder effective service delivery and responsible stewardship of public funds.

“Local governments are the closest tier of government to the people — yet too often they remain the least transparent. Without civic oversight and vibrant media, promises of autonomy ring hollow.” the acting chairman said.

The Journalist for Good Governance emphasised crucial roles that journalists can play in uncovering discrepancies in council spending, flagging poor service delivery, and educating citizens on their rights. Their call comes amid wider efforts by media and civic organisations to bridge accountability gaps. The civil society initiatives had previously launched monitoring campaigns to track local government expenditures and have been quietly advocating for transparency in how public money is deployed.

The leaders of the Journalists for Good Governance (JGG) highlighted the importance of physical assessment and citizens engagement on projects to boost people’s confidence, urging local councils to adopt open data platforms and proactive information dissemination in compliance with the Freedom of Information Act. Experts say the majority of LGAs currently lack operational websites or digital portals, further limiting public scrutiny.

The Journalists for Good Governance initiative aligns with sustained advocacy by civil society groups and governance experts calling for a collective approach to strengthening democratic accountability, and has decided to engage in critical and holistic assessments of how Local Governments is being run and the impact and quality of projects they embark-on and to address deficits in transparency and public trust.
Meanwhile, some state governments have signalled support for improved community engagement. In Lagos State, authorities reiterated a commitment to enhancing community media platforms as vehicles for civic participation and accountability at the grassroots level.

The renewed spotlight on local government administration has reignited public debate over fiscal responsibility and priorities. Controversies such as the widely criticised Adamawa council chairmen’s wives trip to Istanbul — which drew public outrage for perceived misuse of public funds — underscore why watchdog groups say stronger oversight mechanisms are urgently needed at the grassroots.
Citizens and activists have welcomed the journalists’ initiative, calling for sustained media engagement that goes beyond headlines to influence policy and accountability reform.
The civic rights advocates note that real change will require robust legal frameworks, a free press, and empowered communities equipped to demand transparency at every level of governance.
As Journalists for Good Governance mobilises its members, the coming months are likely to see heightened media attention on grassroots administration — from council budgets and service delivery to the enforcement of public information laws and digital transparency initiatives.

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Gov. Dauda Lawal commissions projects in Anka LGA, Commits to Sustainable Development

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Gov. Dauda Lawal commissions projects in Anka LGA, Commits to Sustainable Development

 

The Executive Governor of Zamfara State, Dr. Dauda Lawal, has reiterated his administration’s steadfast commitment to guiding Zamfara State towards sustainable development by inaugurating and initiating a series of pivotal projects in the Anka Local Government Area.

Among the key undertakings announced are the comprehensive reconstruction and modernization of the Emir of Anka’s palace, signaling a revitalization of traditional leadership; the initiation of work on the crucial Anka–Abbare Road, which is expected to significantly improve connectivity; and the construction of a new Local Government Secretariat.

Additionally, the projects encompass the establishment of dedicated offices for the Hisbah Commission and the Community Protection Guards, alongside the reconstruction of the Safe School in Anka, emphasizing the administration’s focus on enhancing educational infrastructure.

During the commissioning event, Governor Lawal highlighted that these projects are a fulfillment of commitments made during his campaign, aimed at transforming the local landscape by improving infrastructure, stimulating economic growth, bolstering public service efficiency, and enhancing the capacities of security agencies. He called for a collective effort from the community to ensure proper maintenance of these facilities, underscoring the shared responsibility in preserving public assets.

Governor Lawal shared that similar projects have also been inaugurated in Tsafe, with plans for upcoming projects in Kaura Namoda, Moriki, Bungudu, Bukkuyum, and Zurmi, all expected to be completed and inaugurated by the year’s end. This ambitious timeline reflects the administration’s urgency in addressing the development needs of various regions within the state.

In his remarks, the governor urged residents and local traditional institutions to collaborate closely in maintaining the newly commissioned structures and supporting the overarching objectives of his administration. “I stand here in Anka today to honor our commitments to the people of Anka Local Government and all of Zamfara State. The official opening of the new palace for the ‘Sarkin Zamfaran Anka’ and the Zamfara State Council of Chiefs is a significant milestone that wraps up today’s agenda,” he stated.

Governor Lawal emphasized the strategic importance of the Anka–Abbare Road, describing it as a critical artery that will not only enhance access to remote areas but also stimulate economic activities and generate multiplier effects throughout the local economy. He articulated the necessity of providing a conducive work environment for civil servants, affirming that the new local government secretariat and dedicated offices will significantly contribute to strengthening law and order within the state.

“Education is the cornerstone of any thriving society. Our focused initiatives are oriented towards fostering a safe, secure, and supportive environment for our students. I am also proud to announce the completion and commissioning of the reconstructed SAFE School Anka today,” he remarked, reaffirming the administration’s dedication to education.

The governor further noted that the commissioning of the Emir’s Palace serves to restore the historical prominence of traditional institutions, which he regards as pivotal custodians of the region’s culture and heritage. He underlined the administration’s awareness of the invaluable role that these institutions play in fostering the state’s growth and emphasized the necessity of aligning development projects with cultural values.

In conclusion, the governor mentioned that after the successful commissioning in Anka and Tsafe, future projects in Kaura Namoda and Moriki will follow suit, while those in Bungudu, Bukkuyum, and Zurmi remain on track for completion and official commissioning before the year concludes.

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