Insiders alleged that among many sins including his arrogance, acrimony with other appointees and civil servants, a list of immediate issues are:
1. He asked Julius Berger to affix a bold Coat of Arms in his residence during a massive reconstruction work on his residence. DSS got wind of it and it was seen as treasonable and reported by CSO to the President. They (his benefactor) pleaded on his behalf that he was ignorant and they let it slide.
2. The one that allegedly broke the camel’s back was that he allegedly collected a 50k USD bribe from Hope to insert his name on the China trip. The President had blacklisted Hope after the EDO primaries disaster. When he was questioned by COS, he was rude and said he’s only answerable to MR P. He was reported and Mr P asked for him to be sacked. His benefactor only intervened for him to be given safe landing. After much tears and begging, they let him step down and draft that fabricated statement.
Instead, FIJ understands, he was fired by the presidency and only allowed to publicly resign after his repeated pleas for a soft landing.
Ngelale, who was also the special presidential envoy on climate action, stunned Nigerians on Saturday morning when he announced his abrupt exit from office, citing “medical matters presently affecting my immediate, nuclear family”.
A FACE-SAVING COVER-UP
“On Friday, I submitted a memo to the Chief of Staff to the President informing my office that I am proceeding on an indefinite leave of absence to frontally deal with medical matters presently affecting my immediate, nuclear family,” Ngelale wrote.
“While I fully appreciate that the ship of state waits for no man, this agonising decision — entailing a pause of my functions as the Special Adviser to the President on Media & Publicity and Official Spokesperson of the President; Special Presidential Envoy on Climate Action, and Chairman, Presidential Steering Committee on Project Evergreen — was taken after significant consultations with my family over the past several days as a vexatious medical situation has worsened at home.”
He said he looked “forward to returning to full-time national service when time, healing, and fate permit”, and respectfully asked “for some privacy for my family and I [sic] during this time”.
But multiple highly-placed sources in and around the presidency told FIJ on Saturday afternoon that Ngelale’s exit was not triggered by a family health emergency, but rather his loss in a power tussle with Bayo Onanuga, the Special Adviser on Information and Strategy.
LONG-RUNNING FEUD WITH ONANUGA
FIJ understands that following the election of Bola Tinubu as Nigeria’s president in 2023, Ngelale did not exactly hit it off with Onanuga, largely because having been in government before Onanuga — President Muhammadu Buhari appointed Ngelale his senior special adviser on public affairs in 2019 and he served in this position until the end of Buhari’s tenure — he considered himself Onanuga’s boss.
Ngelale, 38, began his career with the Africa Independent Television (AIT) in the 2000s, while Onanuga, 67, a former Managing Director of the News Agency of NJigeria (NAN), began his career in the 1980s. There was one problem, though: while Ngelale was special adviser on media and publicity, Onanuga was the special adviser on information and strategy.
FIJ understands that civil servants found the roles confusing. This was nothing like in the Buhari administration when Femi Adesina was the special adviser on media and publicity and Garba Shehu the senior special assistant on media publicity. In the latter case, everyone knew Adesina, as SA, was senior, while Shehu, as SSA, was subordinate.
Ngelale and Onanuga both had special adviser roles; and the profolios seemed similar. However, by design, the civil service structure of the villa reported to the SA media, and that was Ngelale.
“Ngelale considered himself untouchable because he had the backing of the president’s son Seyi and Femi Gbajabiamila, the president’s chief of staff,” one source who asked not to be named for fear of retribution told FIJ.
“He was fired; I became aware of this on Tuesday, but I won’t rule out the possibility that it happened earlier. When he got the letter, he started to plead to be allowed to resign as a soft landing. He was eventually given a soft landing, which is understandable. News of his sacking in public would have thoroughly embarrassed not just Ngelale but the presidency too.”
Although this source expressed regrets that things eventually got to a head, they conceded that there was no other way out, given Ngelale’s unwillingness to discuss his long-drawn-out feud with Onanuga when the opportunities were presented to him.
“The Ngelale-Onanuga feud was no secret in the villa, so several top appointees and cabinet members attempted to intervene at separate times; and while Onanuga was open to peace talks, Ngelale wasn’t,” the source continued.
“For example, Mohammed Idris Malagi, the minister of information and national orientation, called for talks four times. Onanuga was willing to attend but Ngelale snubbed them all, always claiming he was busy.”
‘BLOCKING ONANUGA’ FROM HAVING AN OFFICE
Civil servants who asked not to be named, as well as a source familiar with presidency happenings, told FIJ that Onanuga, despite being formally appointed in October 2023 “was a squatter in the presidency and did not have an office of his own until just a few months ago”.
“When Onanuga was appointed, he had no office. He was squatting in Tunde Rahman’s office,” said one of the sources. “It was just recently that he eventually got an office that belonged to either Wale Edun or Zacheus Adedeji when they were still advisers.
Rahman, the senior special assistant to the president on media and publicity, was appointed in July 2023 — three months earlier than Onanuga’s appointment.
These were people who had been with Tinubu for decades, unlike Ngelale, so how did Ngelale become so powerful that he got appointed earlier, blocked Onanuga from having an office to himself and all the aforementioned appointees could not fix Onanuga an office?
As written earlier, Ngelale had the backing of Seyi Tinubu and Gbajabiamila, but a third source took it even further, saying: “It was about how he got the job.”
How Ajuri ingratiated himself with Tinubu
“During the 2023 presidential electioneering, Jumoke Oduwole, the special adviser on Presidential Enabling Business Environment Council (PEBEC), introduced Ngelale to Gbajabiamila,” said the source.
“When Ngelale got there, he met Seyi. He told Seyi he would facilitate a CNN interview during which Tinubu’s presidential ambition would be discussed. Seyi thought it was impossible, but Ngelale did it. He secured the interview on CNN. He then told Seyi the time and date it would air. Seyi promised Ngelale that Tinubu would phone him if he pulled it off. Immediately after the interview was aired, Tinubu called Ngelale.
“When Tinubu won the election, Ngelale was abroad. People told him to return home but he said no; he insisted he would get his own appointment once he arrived in the country. And that was exactly what happened: Ngelale’s appointment by Tinubu was announced days after his return to Nigeria.
“Conversely, Gbajabiamila delayed the announcement of Onanuga’s appointment for at least two months. It required Chief Bisi Akande, who originally made the case for Onanuga’s appointment, to return to Tinubu for follow-up conversations. That was when Tinubu ordered that Onanuga’s appointment should be made, and that was how Onanuga came to the villa.”
FIJ understands that villa staff and civil servants whose work related to the president’s communication strategy noticed the tension between Ngelale and Onanuga and thought if they worked with one, then the other thought they were against him.
“This meant the work of publicising the president’s progressive policies was derailed,” said the source.
“By the way, Ngelale instructed civil servants that no statement from Onanuga could go out if he had not personally cleared it. If you speak with sources across divides, they would tell you Onanuga was the more peace-seeking of the duo. But this particular order from Ngelale to civil servants annoyed Onanuga.”
FIJ understands Ngelale’s standing with Tinubu started to plummet once it was easy to pitch to the president how Ngelale’s unharmonious relationship not just with Onanuga but with the media was hindering good publicity for the president.
“He did not have a good relationship with journalists. Ask the reporters; ask the state house correspondents. And also ask editors,” added the source.
“Many people consider him disrespectful and arrogant, even the editors. You can hardly find any important editor in Nigeria who likes or regards Ngelale.”
FIJ sent a text and WhatsApp messages to Ngelale, seeking his comments, but they were not replied. FIJ also made cellular and WhatsApp calls to Ngelale’s number, but none was answered.
When FIJ repeated the process with Onanuga, the outcome was the same.
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